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Five proposals have been put forward to resolve the Palestinian-Zionist Israel Issues and bring about an Eternal Peace. Why do Zionist Israel and the United States keep ignoring this proposals? What is this Myth about Netanyahu and Zionist Israel? If the Government of Donald Trump is able to shatter Myths about WTO, the UN, and Palestine why does it not shatter the Myth of Zionist Israel? Please read on
Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2019
This article examines the rise and fall of the Peace Process and questions the reason for which the United States of America was successful in bringing the two sides to the negotiating table during the 1990s. It investigates the reason for which the process ultimately failed, as well as the reason for which Washington was unsuccessful in restarting the peace process in the past decade. It is argued that the collapse of the Soviet Union, as the Arab states' most important ally, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO)'s decision to back Saddam Hussein during the First Persian Gulf War, and the rise of Islamic movements in the occupied territories were the main reasons for which the PLO decided to negotiate with Israel. The subsequent Peace Process was a major political, economic and public image success for Washington and Tel-Aviv, while it was damaging to the Palestinian cause. Not only did the PLO recognize Israel and the Zionist movement, but it also ceded most of the West Bank in the process. Finally, it is argued that after the collapse of the process during the early 2000s, Donald Trump has attempted to restart the negotiations, but has failed thus far due to the inexistence of strong leaders in both Palestinian and Israeli sides, the rise of Hamas as a resistance movement, and the disenchantment of the Palestinian people with the Peace Process.
Informed Comment, 2020
2019
trumps-newworld-order 4 See Ghassan Khatib, "Trump's Deal of the Century Will Doom Peace between Israelis and Palestinians," World Policy Review, Thursday Aug. 23, 2018. https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/25662/trump-s-deal-of-the-century-will-doom-peace-between-israelisand-palestinians 5 Ha'aretz, Thursday, November 22, 2018. https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/.premiumu-s-evangelicals-put-their-faith-in-netanyahu-as-trump-readies-mideast-peace-plan-1.6674 084?fbclid=IwAR30tArcPmzrlXNutLkUFGloP12CZvHMrK9SsXPeWQMCsbZSEeJPrD wZMpg 12
Middle East Policy, 2001
The article analyses President Trump's stand on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It discusses the decision to relocate the American Embassy to Jerusalem, arguing that this is a correct and bold decision. It further explains why Israel's Legalization Bill hinders the prospects of two-state solution. The piece denounces the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, arguing that Israel and the Palestinian Authority should start negotiations to diminish the occupation until its elimination, step by step. This is essential for establishing peace between the two sides. Bringing the occupation to an end is a vital milestone on the road to peace. The article further discusses three options for President Trump to pursue, arguing that the most realistic and less bloody option was and remains the two-state solution. The article ends with the hope that President Trump will succeed where his predecessors had failed and bring peace to the Middle East.
Informed Comment, 2017
International Relations and Diplomacy , 2014
The latest two rounds of direct talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in 2010 and 2013 failed after nine months of negotiations. Despite of the efforts of the negotiators and the support of the US administration, the goal of reaching a final status agreement between the two sides once again could not be achieved. Considering the complexity of the issues, the failure did not surprise most experts who follow the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The reasons are many, but no doubt, the main issue is the distrust between the two sides. The Palestinians, on the one hand, believe that Israel does not want to leave the West Bank and is pursuing the unilateral security policies implemented by Ariel Sharon and his successors after the Camp David talks in 2000. Israel, on the other hand, believes there is no partner on the Palestinian side, with its leadership divided and with Hamas showing no sign of recognizing Israel’s very existence. Due to the distrust between them, the two parties are heavily dependent on US mediation. Accordingly, both sides restarted negotiations under pressure from the Barack Obama administration half heartedly. In addition to existing problems, Turkey’s involvement in the conflict by challenging the Gaza embargo and by supporting Palestinians at the expense of Israel in the international arena jeopardized American efforts. So, the failure of the talks was no surprise for many and no doubt it will have considerable consequences for both sides, as the July War in Gaza proves. This article focuses on the limits of American mediation for building trust between the sides, the micro-reasons of the failure of the talks, the possible consequences of this failure, and Turkey’s Palestinian policy as a further complicating factor.
FOGGS Papers (Foundation for Global Governance & Sustainability, Brussels), 2024
America, and perforce the world, is entering a new political era, faced not just with Trump 2.0, but Trumpism as a broad movement now with democratic legitimacy entrenched by unprecedented electoral strength, and with a “magafied” Supreme Court, and probably some Project 2025 influence, likely to alter the fundamentals of American politics – and much of the West - for decades to come, perhaps a generation. Ironically, this is heralded as we marked the 35th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall on 9 November. But this is a November of many other anniversaries: the Balfour Declaration in 1917, and the suspension of the UN Trusteeship system in November 1994. So rather than assume full-scale isolationism by the incoming Trump régime, we should address this new self-centered conservatism with strategic thinking, and fast, starting with resolving the Israel-Palestine challenge. The way forward should be locked-in now, both for the sake of the lives of Israelis and Palestinians, peace in the region, effective multilateralism, and perhaps even the legitimacy and survival of the United Nations, and its Pact for the Future, and the generations to come. There is a way forward. Carpe diem!
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies, 2009
Israeli issues make ritual reference to President George W. Bush's Rose Garden statement of June 24, 2002; it has become the scriptural source of subsequent policy declarations. In this statement, Bush made a clean break with previous U.S. policy: My vision is two states, living side by side in peace and security. There is simply no way to achieve that peace until all parties fight terror. Yet, at this critical moment, if all parties will break with the past and set out on a new path, we can overcome the darkness with the light of hope. Peace requires a new and different Palestinian leadership, so that a Palestinian state can be born. I call on the Palestinian people to elect new leaders, leaders not compromised by terror. I call upon them to build a practicing democracy, based on tolerance and liberty. If the Palestinian people actively pursue these goals, America and the rest of the world will actively support their efforts. If the Palestinian people meet these goals, they will be able to reach agreement with Israel and Egypt and Jordan on security and other arrangements for independence. And when the Palestinian people have new leaders, new institutions and new security arrangements with their neighbors, the United States of America will support the creation of a Palestinian state whose borders and certain aspects of its sovereignty will be provisional until resolved as part of a final settlement in the Middle East. 1 President Bush also called on Israel to withdraw to the positions held on September 28, 2000, prior to the onset of the Aqsa intifada, "as we make progress toward security," and said that Israeli settlement activity in the occupied territories
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