Jean Froissart

Classificazione sistematica della bibliografia concernente le "Chroniques" di Jean Froissart (1337 circa -1405 circa) per il periodo 1992-2013. Ogni item è accompagnato da un'analisi.

A  systematic classification of the bibliography regarding the “Chroniques” by Jean Froissart (1337 circa – 1405 circa) for the 1992-2013 period. Every item is accompanied by an analysis.

Through the review of chronicles, and the study of late medieval landscape, we present the results of a small research, which is based on the reconstruction of a historical and geographical framework within which to frame this episode of the Hundred Years War. Our goal is to  some light to about the previous eight months, when John of Lancaster and his army were settled in Galicia, how raised the occupation, what was their itinerary, and which events unwrapped before the settlement of the Duke in Ourense and join their armies with of João of Avis ones, to undertake together the company to conquer Castille.

A través de la revisión de las crónicas, y el estudio del paisaje bajomedieval, exponemos los resultados de una pequeña investigación tomando como base la reconstrucción de un marco histórico y geográfico en el que encuadrar este episodio de la Guerra de los Cien Años. Nuestro objetivo es arrojar algo de luz a los, alrededor de ocho meses que, Juan de Lancaster y su ejército estuvieron asentados en Galicia, de qué manera plantearon la ocupación, cuál fue su itinerario y cómo se desenvolvieron los acontecimientos antes del asentamiento del Duque en Ourense y de la unión de sus ejércitos con los de Juan de Avis, para acometer juntos la empresa de conquistar Castilla.

Claims of holy war characterized the Middle Ages in both Muslim Anatolia and Christian Europe, where soldiers on both sides were portrayed as holy warriors. Named gazis, akıncıs, alps, chevaliers and knights, they came from the elite military classes.  Literary depictions of these men as holy warriors were fundamentally idealized topoi created by writers who were patronized by or were close to those in power. These topoi were largely determined by political, social and economic circumstances, as well as the ambitions of the sovereigns, but they also reflected the ideals, beliefs and customs of the past. The idea of holy war was generated by the collaboration of power holders, religious scholars and writers who had received a predominantly religious education. Similar circumstances which arose separately in Anatolia and the West caused transformative movements in the idea of holy war in both regions. Thus, as writers produced works which involved the idealized topos of the holy warrior, Islamic and Christian versions of holy war peculiar to the Middle Ages were formed. Written in simple language which ordinary people could understand, these topoi represented role models for the people, catering to the needs of the ruling classes and forming society’s self-image during this formative period.

Key words: Holy War, Holy Warriors, Idealized Topos, Ghaza Thesis, The First Crusade.

Geoffrey Chaucer frequently depicts the emotions of his characters via the outward physical signs of the body, and he often does so using a discourse that draws on Galenic theories. A striking example of Chaucer’s medicalized descriptions of emotion is his adaptation of the suicidal impulse associated with lovesickness. Chaucer reconstructs this motif in “The Knight’s Tale” and "The Book of the Duchess" by altering his sources (Boccaccio, and Froissart and Machaut) to anatomize the emotional body of the suffering knight. Through the medicalized language of bodily health describing emotional upheavals, other characters and the reader are prompted to feel with and begin to understand and appropriately respond to the suffering individual. This reading shows Chaucer using moments of embodied emotional examination to teach his audience how to read, interpret, and respond to literature.

Jean Froissart, ce poète français prolifique, protégé de plusieurs cours de la haute noblesse de son temps, est surtout connu grâce à ses Chroniques de France et d’Angleterre, le témoignage le plus important de la Guerre de Cent Ans.
Intéressé essentiellement par ce conflit et par ses protagonistes, les grands seigneurs occidentaux et leurs batailles, joutes, négociations et tournois, il est plus réticent à donner des informations concernant les pays ou peuples plus lointains que les deux grands rivaux. Néanmoins il étend son intérêt aussi à des lieux plus éloignés, notamment aux pays musulmans et aux pays limitrophes avec le monde musulman, comme les cours royales de France et d’Angleterre sont hantées par l’idée de la croisade. Il évoque aussi dans ce contexte à plusieurs reprises la Hongrie et les pays des Balkans, par exemple en décrivant la bataille de Nicopolis, si désastreuse pour la Chrétienté occidentale. Ces passages sont bien connus par les historiens d’Europe Centrale, mais il n’est peut-être pas dénué d’intérêt de présenter le contexte plus large de ces mentions éparses, pour comprendre l’attitude de Froissart envers ses régions de l’Europe éloignées de la France. Dans ce qui suit nous récapitulons brièvement l’état de la recherche concernant la vision géographique des Chroniques et la situation symbolique d’Europe Centrale sur la mappemonde de Froissart, pour présenter ensuite le rôle des pays marginaux par rapport au monde occidental incarné par le royaume d’Arthur dans Melyador, grand roman arthurien de l’auteur.

Most of the manuscripts produced in late medieval Paris, including the many with historiographical texts, contain a more or less complex system of textual divisions articulated partly by rubrics. Some of these texts include a stable set of rubrics that reappears in most surviving copies, but the textual traditions of others show a wide variety in their paratextual systems. Starting from an analysis of the rubrics in two of the best known historical narratives in Middle French that have survived in large numbers – the Grandes Chroniques de France and the Chroniques of Jean Froissart – this essay considers the functions rubrics had for authors and readers of late medieval French manuscripts in general and of historical texts in particular. As well as trying to understand why rubrics became a standard part of textual production in France in the 14th and 15th centuries, it also looks at the particular practices of the manuscript production processes concerned with rubrication.

Cette étude dégage une poétique de l'histoire qui met en évidence la définition et l'évolution de l'historiographie française médiévale. Elle ouvre aussi une réflexion plus générale sur l'historicité médiévale et ses critères, en étudiant l'usage particulier de la fiction par les chroniqueurs.

This study brings out a poetics of history which highlights the definition and evolution of medieval French historiography. It also leads to a more general reflection on medieval historicity and its criteria, studying the particular way chroniclers used fiction.

I argue that Froissart’s ‘Amiens’ redaction and the Abridgement of Book I are both to be dated 1384–1391, but that the ‘Amiens’ redaction was written before the Abridgement. The ‘B’ and ‘C’ redactions are both to be dated 1391–1399, with the ‘B’ redaction being the earlier of the two, written closer to 1391 and the ‘C’ redaction after 1395. The notes on the dating of three of the earliest versions of Froissart’s Book I were written as the introduction to my new partial editions of the ‘Amiens’, ‘Abridged’ and ‘C’ redactions, published in Michael Livingston and Kelly DeVries (eds.), The Battle of Crécy: A Casebook (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2015).

By the time copies of Froissart's Chronicles were produced in Paris at the start of the fifteenth century, the book trade in the French capital had been a well-established industry for a good while. Clear legislative, organisational and financial structures shaped and regulated the production and sale of books in Paris at this time. Scholars like R. and M. Rouse, who have studied the Paris book trade during this period through a number of important case studies, have highlighted the central role played by the libraires in the whole system. 2 It is clear that many libraires made their way upwards in the trade, starting out as parchmenters, scribes, decorators or miniature painters before achieving the status of libraire or grand libraire. While their essential role as libraire was the sale of both new and second-hand books, and the organisation of the production of new manuscripts through a system of subcontracting, they probably often participated in the actual production of these books whenever they had the time and possessed the necessary skills to do so. 3

Book I of Jean Froissart’s Chroniques has been preserved in several authorial versions but the relative and absolute chronology of these versions has never been satisfactorily determined. The theories proposed by Siméon Luce and the baron Kervyn de Lettenhove contradict each other in several respects. This essay argues that the authorial ‘A’ version has only survived in a fragmentary state but that it must be the first authorial version of the text, to be dated to the year 1381. The ‘Amiens’ version, which can be dated [1384-1391] is the second surviving authorial version, followed by the authorial abridgment, to be dated between the same dates. These are followed by respectively the ‘B’ and ‘C’ versions, both not later than 1399, and respectively after 1391 and 1395. The ‘Rome’ version is the final authorial version of Book I, to be dated after 1404 and not later than 1415. The textual evolution of the Chroniques and the modes of rewriting are illustrated with examples related to some of the military campaigns in Normandy, in particular Edward III’s Normandy campaign of 1346, the duke of Lancaster’s campaign of 1356, and the siege of Cherbourg in 1378-1379.

This is a chapter on Brussels in David Wallace (Ed.) Europe. A Literary History, 1348-1418. Oxford: Oxford University Press, vol. 1, pp. 530-545.

From the introduction: "Our exploration of literary life in Brussels (1348–1418) begins in the ducal palace, and in its surrounding taverns and residences of noblemen. In the second half of the century, especially under the reign of Duke Wenceslas (1356–1383), this neighbourhood was a multilingual melting pot, with visitors from all over Europe. We then descend to the marketplace, by the river. Patricians, merchants, and artisans favoured Dutch-speaking literature; the so-called Van Hulthem miscellany captures the versatility of literary life in these circles. It contains plays, the abele spelen, considered the first non-comical secular plays in Europe. The emerging religious vernacular literature, including an almost complete prose translation of the Bible, developed its own dynamics among lay people, barely controllable by Church authorities. In 1411, Pierre d’Ailly, bishop of Cambrai, felt obliged to send a rogatory commission to Brussels to investigate heresies among the Dutch-speaking city-dwellers."

The Battle of Nicopolis (1396) was the first major encounter between the Ottoman State and the Western European states of the later Middle Ages. When comparing the historical narratives of this event in the Ottoman and French-Burgundian chronicles, a remarkable paradox can be observed. In the Burgundian chronicle tradition, there was an explosion of narratives concerning this battle. In this way, the memory of the defeat at Nicopolis developed into a genuine historiographical pattern and literary myth on the 'invincible and barbarian Turk' in Europe. In contrast, Nicopolis was not considered as a key event in the fifteenth-century Ottoman historiography. The Ottoman chronicles paid little attention to this event, they rather heavily focused on the Ottoman defeat against Timur. Hence, this contrast in the treatment of Nicopolis by the Ottoman and Burgundian sources can be situated within the respective trajectories of state building and accompanying ideologies. An unexpected defeat with longstanding effects had much more impact on the memories and on the political needs of the respective dynasties, which influenced how it was framed in their historical writing.

Petit noble, Bertrand du Guesclin n’avait pas vocation à décider de la guerre et de la paix. Du simple rôle d’exécutant d’une guerre ordonnée par d’autres, ses exploits finissent toutefois par hisser le héros au niveau des princes.
L’épisode de la « croisade » espagnole de Du Guesclin représente le point de bascule de sa carrière militaire, ou du moins de sa légende : aide d’un roi à la conquête de son royaume, c’est lui qui, progressivement, prend les décisions et assure la victoire ; et, au-delà de sa dimension d’autorité, c’est l’ensemble de l’éthique de la guerre juste (objet, cause, intention) que son « hagiographe » Cuvelier met en scène dans la geste de son héros.
Cette contribution essaie d’illustrer comment, dans un tel contexte, les actes de Du Guesclin s’insèrent dans une pratique de la guerre juste ; et comment la comparaison du discours de Cuvelier à d’autres sources contemporaines, notamment espagnoles (Ayala), révèle la construction d’une légende de Bertrand du Guesclin comme modèle et autorité de cette guerre juste.

O tema deste artigo congrega duas preocupações com quais tenho
trabalhado desde 2009: o exame da obra do cronista de Valenciennes, Jean
Froissart (1337-1405), e o estudo da circulação da informação no Ocidente Latino,
entre Portugal, Castela e França, na Baixa Idade Média. Nesse texto, busco
percorrer o Livro III das Crônicas de Froissart, para conferir quais acontecimentos
o cronista evoca sobre a Península Ibérica e como o faz, excluída a Batalha de
Aljubarrota. Sobre a relevância de abordar os acontecimentos ibéricos no Livro III,
o próprio Froissart pode responder, ao declarar no seu prólogo, que se sentiu
particularmente atraído às notícias que lhe chegaram da Península Ibérica. Como
isso se manifesta na economia do texto? 45 % do Livro III, no Manuscrito que
ampara esse artigo, referem-se a assuntos peninsulares ou que têm relação com a
Península Ibérica.

T. F. Tout has been overshadowed by his contemporary F. W. Maitland to no small degree because of continuing reverence for Maitland’s ‘literary genius’,1 against which Tout’s self-confessed ‘patient and plodding working out of apparently unimportant detail’ has had no hope.2 Almost from the moment of his death, any appraisal of Maitland’s work has rested on his famous style: it has been compared to music, described as ‘compelling’, ‘seductive’ and ‘magic’.3 Maitland even played a part in the shaping of modernist literary culture: he wrote the first major biography of his friend Leslie Stephen, father of Virginia Woolf, for which Thomas Hardy gave him an unpublished poem. Yet Maitland had almost nothing to say about literature in the middle ages. It is T. F. Tout who wrote most extensively and richly about literature

This study examines the use of manuscript text in two medieval literary portrayals of love relationships in which male protagonists are trapped in “prisons of love”: Jean Froissart’s fourth and penultimate dit (narrative poem), the Prison amoureuse (1372–1372), hereafter Prison, and Diego de San Pedro’s (ca. 1437–ca. 1498) Cárcel de amor (Cárcel). Both Prison and Cárcel are literally comprised of the exchange of material texts; these texts, used in intellectual and talismanic ways, foster a close relationship between the male protagonists, rather than a readily apparent love between lover and beloved. The male protagonists in both works are intimate friends and the success of both the love relationships and the relationships between the male protagonists relates directly to the protagonists’ ability to read. Women play only an inspirational and supportive role in Prison. In Cárcel, reading yields a poor result for men, while the male protagonists in Prison are skilled in and make successful use of hermeneutic activities, unhindered by a strong female reader and writer. Whereas the metaphorical love prison in Prison, which is synonymous with the book, is “fair and amorous” and the tenor of the texts exchanged positive, Cárcel’s allegorical prison is menacing and ultimately fatal for the lover. Through the reading and writing of their imprisoned male protagonists, and the relative absence or outright resistance of the beloveds, Prison and Cárcel evince a literary depiction of the range and permutation of attitudes, tastes and practices that fall under medieval manuscript culture, including both successful and failed hermeneutic uses and both successful and failed talismanic of manuscript material.

Le volume consiste en une biographie de Wenceslas de Bohême, duc de Luxembourg et de Brabant, du point de vue des relations « internationales » entre la France et le Saint Empire romain et du rôle joué par le duc dans les grands projets politiques européens de la seconde moitié du XIVe siècle.
Il se concentre en outre sur le mécénat littéraire du duc Wenceslas, notamment sur sa relation avec Jean Froissart, s’appuyant d’une part sur les Chroniques de ce dernier pour la narration des événements et établissant d’autre part un rapport direct entre la vie du duc et les œuvres littéraires qu’il commanda au poète, le roman Méliador et le « dit » de la Prison Amoureuse.
Le livre esquisse également un tableau de la cour de Luxembourg-Brabant, de son milieu culturel ainsi que de ses rapports possibles avec les cours princières des Pays-Bas et celles de l’empereur et du roi de France.

In this paper we will try to demonstrate that Jean Froissart
wanted to use the episode in his Chronicles detailing a skirmish which occurred in
York in 1327 between English archers and knights from Hainault as a summation
of his entire chivalric ideology. We will lay out several arguments for this, starting
with the narrative flow of the episode and the representation of the virtues
demonstrated during the description of events. We will then move on to the
relationship between Froissart’s account and the original material of Jean le Bel,
from which Froissart drew extensively. Next we will tackle the way Froissart
changed the details of the episode in the Rome MS of the Chronicles, as well as
the choice and representation of the protagonists and antagonists of the episode.
The final part of the argument will present an overview of scholarly opinions on
Froissart’s literary skill, techniques and innovation, which confirm that Froissart
was fully capable of coming up with the solution we propose.

Les Chroniques de Jean Froissart comptent parmi les plus importants textes en prose de la littérature en moyen français. Le Livre III des Chroniques, qui contient entre autre le compte-rendu du voyage entrepris par le chroniqueur afin de s'informer sur la situation en Languedoc et sur la péninsule ibérique, contient, lui seul, quelques 320.000 mots.

Book of the Duchess have long recognized its general and particular debts to French poetry. Most of the more than twenty French works that scholars have connected to The Book of the Duchess are sources or analogues for Chaucer's diction only, for the very conventional ways in which desire, loss of love and consolation are articulated in poetry that follows the Roman de la Rose. A much smaller number of poems have substantial influence on The Book of the Duchess's content. The opening lines and several other passages translate or closely imitate Jean Froissart's Paradis d'Amour, Guillaume de Machaut's jugement dou Roj de Behaingne, Dit de la Fonteinne Amoureuse and Remede de Fortune seem to have provided the overheard complaint, the narrator's role as amanuensis and consoler, and elements of the Black Knight's complaint against Fortune. Guillaume de Lorris' and Jean de Meun's Romance of the Rose is a more distant yet pervasive inspiration, both independently and through its influence on Machaut and Froissart, providing the The Book of the Duchess with a model for the dream structure, the process of courtship and the representation of emotional states. 1 To this list of substantially influential works should be added Froissart's Dit dou Bleu Chevalier. There are, I believe, two reasons why Chaucer scholars have not yet recognized this influence. 2 First, within Chaucer studies a misapprehension persists about the date of the Bleu Chevalier, secondly, the two texts do not have close verbal parallels despite their extensive structural and thematic parallels. Yet, given the early date that Froissart scholars now assign it, the Bleu Chevalier deserves reconsideration as a source for The Book of the Duchess, a source from which Chaucerians stand to gain not only particular insights into Chaucer's compositional process but a sharper sense of occasional poetry's cultural situation in the F,nglish court of the 1360s. The persistence in Chaucer studies of a discredited late date for Froissart's dit has obscured this line of influence. In his 1870-2 edition of Froissart's poetry, Auguste Scheler implied a date of composition after 1373 for the Bleu Chevalier, 3 but manuscript and internal evidence make it virtually certain that the dit was composed in the 1360s when Froissart was in the service of Philippa of Hainaut, wife of Edward III. Both Wolfgang Clemen, who first noted the very close relationship between the Bleu Chevalier and The Book of the Duchess, and James Wimsatt proposed that Chaucer's work influenced Froissart's. 4 Of the two manuscripts of Froissart's poetic works (Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, iMSS f. fr. 830 and 831) the Bleu Chevalier appears in only one, MS f. 6o MEDIUM Y£,VUM LXL.I fr. 830, which contains several works not present in MS f. fr. 831. 5 Although the order of the eighth and ninth items in MS f. fr. 830 (L'Espinette Amoureuse and Ea Prison A.moureuse) is reversed in MS f. fr. 831, in other respects the order of major works is identical and matches the chronology of composition where it is known from dates Froissart provides internally or from datable historical references in the works. Ernest Hoepffner and Rae S. Badouin have shown that the sections of short poems, too, are arranged chronologically. 6 Anthime Fourrier and Peter Dembowski in their several editions of Froissart's poetry have further endorsed the chronological design of the manuscripts, assigning the edge to MS f. fr. 830 (which contains the Bleu Chevalier). 7 Fourrier estimates a date of 1364 for the Bleu Chevalier, 8 and like Hoepffner and Dembowski considers it a certainty that several short works not named in the Joli Buisson but placed early in the manuscripts, including the Bleu Chevalier, date from Froissart's years in the service of Queen Philippa (1362-9).° During these years Chaucer was in closely related households, beginning with those of Elizabeth of Ulster and Philippa's third son, Lionel, and progressing by 1367 to that of Edward III. 10 In such households Chaucer could have had a range of experiences of Froissart's poetry, from borrowing and acquiring copies, to hearing works performed, to talking about them with their author. The habit of fourteenth-century poets of collecting their individual works into a single livre further sustains an argument for chronological ordering in the Froissart manuscripts. Jacqueline Cerquiglini illustrates from a range of poets' collections the preoccupation with principles of ordering that contribute to establishing a poet's claim to a wider public than the collection's separate items, typically addressed to one or few intimates, could claim. 11 Froissart's poetic collections are framed as a life's work, a history of his accomplishments. The incipit and explicit of MS f. fr. 830 provide the date of earliest composition (1362) and the date of the manuscript's completion (1394); both manuscripts stress Froissart's concern for ordering as the final stage of artistic endeavour: the works are 'fais, ditte, trettie e ordene par venerable et discrete personne sire Jehan Froissart ... Et vous ensengnera ceste table par ordenance les dis tretties et ditties sicom il sont mis.' 12 Froissart's chronological ordering recognizes the occasional origins of his works while at the same time reconstituting them in the new identity of 'ce livre' for connoisseurs who may have no connection with the works' origins. For Chaucerians the conclusions of French textual studies have been obscured by James Wimsatt's argument that the Bleu Chevalier draws on The Book of the Duchess. Wimsatt's valuable contributions to the study of French influences on Chaucer lend weight to his effort to prove Froissart's use of a Chaucerian source. Opposing the claim of Normand Carrier that the Bleu Chevalier was written in Philippa's court, Wimsatt argues that the Froissart manuscripts do not observe chronological order, but the two instances he cites in support are not conclusive. 13 Wimsatt further proposes that Froissart's Bleu Chevalier cannot be a source for The Book of the Duchess because

In this book, I explore the postmedieval, postmanuscript lives of medieval texts, seeking to understand the lasting impact on both the popular and the scholarly imaginations of the physical objects that transmitted the Middle Ages to the English-speaking world. Beneath and behind the foundational works of recovery that established the canon of medieval literature was a vast terrain of books, scholarly or popular, grubby or beautiful, widely disseminated or privately printed.  Any reading of a medieval text, whether past or present, amateur or academic, floats on the surface of a complex sea of expectations and desires made up of the books that mediate those readings.

Each chapter of Printing the Middle Ages focuses on a central textual object and tells its story in order to reveal the history of its reception and transmission. Moving from the first age of print into the early twenty-first century, I examine the special fonts created in the Elizabethan period to reproduce Old English, the hand-drawn facsimiles of the nineteenth century, and today's experiments with the digital reproduction of medieval objects. I explore the illustrations in eighteenth-century versions of Guy of Warwick and Bevis of Hampton; I discuss nineteenth-century children's versions of the Canterbury Tales and the aristocratic transmission history of John Gower's Confessio Amantis; and I touch on fine press printings of Dante, Froissart, and Langland.

Table of Contents:

Preface: The Mark of the Medieval

Introduction: Plowmen and Pastiche: Representing the Medieval Book

Form and Rude Letters: The Representation of Old English

The True History of Sir Guy (and What Happened to Sir Bevis?)

Aristocratic Antiquaries: Gower on Gower

Bedtime Chaucer: Juvenile Adaptations and the Medieval Canon

Froissart’s Not French (or Flemish): The Travels of a Medieval History

Coda: The Ghost in the Machine: Digital Avatars of Medieval Manuscripts

Caroline Prud'homme a choisi une voie originale pour examiner la place du thème du voyage dans la littérature de la fin du Moyen Âge : ne pas s'intéresser aux récits de voyage proprement dits, mais à d'autres écrivains qui proposent, selon l'expression qu'elle a retenue, un discours sur le voyage. Une part importante de l'introduction est consacrée à la définition de ce que l'a. entend par « discours sur le voyage », qu'elle résume ainsi (p. 14) : « texte dans lequel un écrivain raconte une expérience du voyage, dans un genre littéraire autre que le

Une réfl exion sur l'armure médiévale implique de travailler sur un type d'objet qui associe, premièrement, une certaine conception historique et culturelle de ce qu'est un corps humain ; deuxièmement, une technologie, en l'occurrence métallurgique, capable de répondre au savoir projeté sur la corporéité en question (que faut-il pour tuer ce corps ou pour lui permettre de rester en vie ?) ; et troisièmement, sont associés des affects, expressifs d'un imaginaire social et identitaire manifestés corporellement (pourquoi et comment suis-je mon corps face à d'autres corps ?). En outre, l'évolution de l'armure médiévale pose la question du rapport entre le biologique et le non biologique, entre le vivant et l'artefact. Car ce qui est particulier à l'objet manufacturé, non biologique qu'est l'armure est qu'il imite la forme humaine, comme l'automate ou le robot anthropomorphe, tout en ayant, par contre, la fonction de contenir un corps vivant, biologique-un corps vivant doué de sensations, d'émotions, de conscience et donc capable d'intersubjectivité 1. En 2002, le philosophe Brian Massumi commence son livre par ces mots : « When I think of my body and ask what it does to earn that name, two things stand out. It moves. It feels. In fact, it does both at the same time. It moves as it feels, and it feels itself moving. Can we think a body without this: an intrinsic connection between

This article compares ideological production in the Burgundian sources with the Ottoman sources and ascertains that there was a contrast in their respective treatments of the battle of Nicopolis (1396). This event was the first major encounter between the Ottoman Empire and the Western European states of the later Middle Ages. A paradox can be observed between French and Burgundian accounts on the one hand, and Ottoman chronicles on the other: In the Burgundian sources, there was an explosion of narratives concerning this battle. In this way, the memory of the defeat at Nicopolis developed into a genuine historiographical pattern and literary myth on the 'evil and barbarian Turk' in Europe. In contrast, Nicopolis was not considered as a key event in the Ottoman historiography. The Ottoman chronicles paid little attention to this event. This paradox can be situated within their respective trajectories of state building and accompanying ideologies.