Iraq and Syria

Kirkuk is a city and governorate in northern Iraq that holds significant importance to three different ethnic groups. Kurds, Turkmen, and Arabs each view themselves as the rightful heirs to the land and use history to legitimize their claims. Kurds assert they have inhabited the area for hundreds of years, while Turkmen feel their Ottoman past guarantees them rights to the land, and Arabs allege Kirkuk has been a fundamental part of the Iraqi state since its inception in 1921. Running parallel to ethnic disagreements, and complicating an already sensitive subject, is the fact that Kirkuk holds around 12 per cent of Iraq’s proven oil reserves—totaling 13.5 billion barrels. As a result, an Iraqi election law, hydrocarbons (oil) law, constitution, and national census have all been obstructed by debate over the future of Kirkuk. This book clearly and concisely tells the narratives of each ethnic group and explains the significance of ethnicity in Iraq in order to understand the conflict that persists today over Kirkuk.

This chapter focuses on the Iraqi Kurdish response to the rapid and devastating advance of ISIS. Of course, the Iraqi Kurdish response to the ISIS advance has been a multifaceted, complex, and evolving one that includes military strategy, pragmatic politics, and aspirations of independence. Leaving aside the fact that the ISIS advance has granted the Iraqi Kurds unprecedented access to Iraq’s rich oil reserves and the fact that the initial Kurdish reaction was to ramp up their rhetoric toward complete secession from Iraq, this chapter focuses on two further dimensions of the Iraqi Kurdish response. Firstly, it documents the Iraqi Kurdish seizure of the so-called “disputed territories,” especially
Kirkuk, and their stated intent to hold a referendum on the future of these
regions (effectively to force a resolution to Article 140 of the constitution). Secondly, the chapter documents the Iraqi Kurdish use of the ISIS advance as leverage to enhance Kurdish relations dramatically with the US and Europe via direct military support (including airstrikes and weapons supply) and to become the key launchpad
in the fight against ISIS planned for 2015. The chapter concludes by briefly assessing the efficacy and wisdom of the Kurdish strategy of leveraging the ISIS onslaught to advance their own interests.

Published by:

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Title:

Unpacking Kosovo's response to returnees from the war zones in Syria and Iraq

Authors:

Skënder Perteshi and Ramadan Ilazi

Date:

29 January 2020



It is estimated that around 403 citizens of Kosovo joined the war zones in Syria and Iraq, and in the aftermath of the collapse of the ‘Islamic State’ Kosovo government has been willing to repatriate its citizens from the region. This presents a significant challenge for the government and non-government sectors. Existing studies shows that establishing programs to facilitate and support reintegration of the returnees is essential for overall efforts of preventing and countering violent extremism. This report seeks to address a gap in the existing literature pertaining to the approaches of Kosovo in supporting rehabilitation/deradicalization as well  as reintegration of the returnees. By focusing on institutional and policy infrastructure, this report sheds light into the relevance of having a holistic (government + non-government +community), coherent and coordinated response to meet the needs of the returnees and effectively address the challenges for their social and economic reintegration, as well as ideological disengagement.

This report finds that the government of Kosovo as well as civil society have, overall, positively responded to the needs of the returnees and supported their reintegration, albeit shortcomings with the extent of implementation of proclaimed commitments towards the returnees.  Upon arrival in Kosovo institutions provide medical care, temporary housing, mental health sessions, while preparing them for reintegration in the society. Kosovo has two overall approaches to the returnees: punitive-restorative approaches and societal reintegration programs. Following a period of 72 hours returnees are interrogated by authorities to determine their roles in the war zones in Syria and Iraq, while confirmed foreign fighters are arrested. The first set of measures deals with those Kosovars who are found to have committed a criminal offense for participating in a foreign conflict in accordance with the national legislation. While in the correctional service, foreign fighters are offered access to programs that aim to help them with skills development to increase their employability, completion of education, as well as, training and lectures that target radical religious beliefs.

At the same time, the government has established a special division in the Ministry of Internal Affairs to exclusively work on coordinating and providing support for reintegration process of the returnees. Returnees are supported with housing, registering the children in the school, an emergency financial assistance package, counselling sessions, and continued support through the social welfare scheme. The report also finds that majority of the returnees have been successfully resettled in the society, and this is as a result of the strong community and family ties. Family and community ties were essential to also ensure effective reintegration of orphaned children. This is a demonstration of a strong social cohesion in Kosovo that has provided the most significant factor when examining reintegration of the returnees. Notes from the four focus groups in four different regions of Kosovo: Prizren, Mitrovica, Gjilan and  Kacanik, confirm that all citizens are welcoming of the returnees and harbor no discriminatory approaches that would impede their reintegration. These development show that reintegration of the returnees is most effective when it is not entirely orchestrated or managed by government, but it is facilitated by community and the well-kept family ties.

The report also finds that in practice government lacks a coherent policy and there are serious shortcomings with coordination and inclusion of civil society in the process.

This project was supported by the International Republican Institute (IRI). The views expressed in this research are those of Kosovar Centre for Security Studies and do not necessarily represent those of the IRI.

Irak Türkmenleri denildiği zaman hafızamızda ilk olarak Kerkük ve Musul canlanır. Fakat Osmanlı İmparatorluğunun dağılmasından sonra maalesef Türkler için hüznün ve acının adeta merkezi haline gelmiştir. Bu acılar dokunaklı bir şekilde halk edebiyatına ve o bölgenin türkülerine de yansımıştır;

“Yıktılar kal’amızı
Sürdüler balamızı
Daha can boğazdayken
Çektiler sâlamızı
Ah Kerkük yüz ah Kerkük
Her zaman yüz ak Kerkük
Ölseydim düşmeseydim
Men senden uzak Kerkük...”
 
Türkünün dizelerinden de anlaşılacağı gibi Türkmenler maalesef kaderine terkedilmiş ve geçen yıllar boyunca adeta bir mum gibi yavaş yavaş bölgede asimile politikaları ile erimektedirler. Bu konuya değinmeden önce bölgedeki Türk varlığını incelemekte fayda vardır. Türklerin Irak’a ilk girişleri H. 54 / M. 674 tarihlerine kadar uzanmaktadır. Emevi Halifesi Muaviye tarafından Horasan’a gönderilen Ubeydullah bin Ziyad ile Buhara prensesi Hatun emrindeki Türk kuvvetleri arasında yapılan çarpışmadan sonra bir barış yapılmıştır. Bu barıştan sonra Ubeydullah yanına aldığı Türk askerlerini Irak’a götürüp, Basra’ya yerleştirmiştir. Türklerin Irak’a gelişleri Abbasi döneminde, Halife Memun ve Halife Mutasım’ın iktidarı sırasında meydana gelen siyasi gelişmelerden dolayı daha da sıklaşmıştır. Emevi ordularında olduğu gibi Abbasi ordularında da yer alan Türkler, üstün savaşçı yetenekleri ile maharetlerinden dolayı üst mevkilere getirilmişlerdir. Ayrıca H. 211 / M. 836 ’da Halife Mutasım’ın emriyle Türk kumandanı Türk hassa askeri için Somerna şehri kurulmuştu. 25 Aralık 1055’te Bağdat’a giren Selçuklu hükümdarı Tuğrul Bey Büveyhoğulları’nın Irak’taki hakimiyetine son verilmiştir. Tuğrul Bey Bağdat ve Oğuzların yayıldığı Irak’ı Selçuklu Ülkesine katmıştır. Bu tarihten sonra Oğuz boylarına mensup birçok Türk, bu bölgeye yerleştirilmiştir. Böylece bölgede Büyük Selçuklular ile Türk hakimiyeti başlamıştır. Türklere daha önce yalnızca Etrak (Türkler) diyen Araplar, “Etrak-u Bağdat” (Bağdat Türkleri) demeye başlamışlardır.  1258 Moğol istilası ile Abbasi hilafeti son bulmuş, bölge Moğolların eline geçmiştir. Ayrıca bu bölgede Moğollarla birlikte çok sayıda Türk askeri gelmiştir. 1258 – 1336 İlhanlılar, 1338 – 1360 Celayirliler, 1360 – 1469 Karakoyunlular ve 1470 tarihinden itibaren de Akkoyunlular hakimiyetinde kalan bölge 1508 yılında Safevilerin eline geçmiştir. Safeviler’in Çaldıran’da (1515) Yavuz Sultan Selim Han’a yenilmesi ve Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Han’ın da 1534’te Bağdat’ı almasıyla bugün Irak olarak anılan bölge Osmanlı hakimiyetine geçmiştir. Osmanlılar Irak’ı, Bağdat, Basra, Musul, Şehrizor ve el-Ahsa olmak üzere beş bölgeye ayırarak idare ettirmişlerdir. 1623’te bölge tekrar Safeviler’in eline geçmiş ve Safeviler binlerce kişiyi katletmişlerdir. Sultan IV. Murad Han’ın 1638’de Bağdat’ı tekrar geri almasıyla Kasr-ı Şirin Antlaşması yapılmış ve kesin sınır çizilmişti. Böylece Musul-Kerkük bölgesi de dahil olarak I. Dünya Savaşı sonuna kadar bölge Osmanlı hakimiyetinde kalmıştır. Sonuç olarak Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Han ve Sultan IV. Murad Han zamanında Anadolu’dan getirilen çok sayıda Türk de bölgeye yerleştirilmiştir. I. Dünya Savaşından itibaren Irak’ın işgal edilmesi ve 1926 Musul Meselesi görüşmeleri sonucu Musul ve Kerkük’ün Irak’a bırakılmasıyla Musul ve Kerkük Irak’la birlikte İngiliz sömürgesi haline gelmiştir. 1920 – 1932 yılları arasında Irak’ın İngiliz Mandası altında bulunduğu dönemde Türkler baskı ve zulüm dolu bir devre yaşamışlardır. Irak’ın 1932 ’de Milletler Cemiyeti’ne kabul edilip bağımsızlığına kavuşmasından sonra da Irak Türkleri rahat yüzü görmemiş, baskı ve şiddet daha da artmıştır. Bütün bu baskı ve sindirme politikalarının Irak’ta bulunan Türk varlığını yok edemediği 1937 Sadâbâd Paktı’yla ortaya çıkmıştır. 27 Haziran 1937’de imzalanan Sadâbâd Paktı için bölgedeki Türkler büyük bir sevinç yaşasalar da pakttan sonra polis tarafından yapılan işkence ve zulme maruz kalmışlardır. II. Dünya Savaşı’nın sıkıntıları sebebiyle savaşı sakin geçiren Türkler savaştan sonra yeni bir katliamla karşılaştılar. 1946 yılında Gavurbağı’nda Kerküklü işçiler polis kuvvetleri tarafından yaylım ateşine tutulmuşlardır. Yine Bağdat Paktı’nın imzalanacağını duyan Türkler, bölgelerinde büyük bir sevinç yaşamışlardır. Fakat yine paktın imzalanmasından sonra Türklere yapılan baskılar artmıştır. Irak’ta 14 Temmuz 1959 Cumhuriyet’in birinci yılı kutlamalarında sokağa dökülen Kerkük Türkleri komünistler tarafından katliama uğramışlardır. 3 gün süren bu katliamda soydaşlarımız inanılmaz derecede zulüm ve işkenceye maruz kalmışlardır. Yaklaşık 1500 yıl kadar bu topraklarda varlığını gösteren Türkler I. Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra batılı devletlerin bölgedeki çıkarlarından dolayı sistematik olarak çeşitli haksızlık, baskı ve katliama uğramışlardır. Emperyalist güçlerin özellikle yer altı bakımından zengin olan kuzey Irak’taki emellerinden dolayı bölgede yaşayan Türkler birçok zorlukla karşılaştıysa da bunlar karşısında Türk hükümeti ise maalesef hiç bir etkinlik göstermemiştir.

This paper focuses on the impact of the war and subsequent occupation (2003–2011) on Iraq’s heritage, documenting the most significant and devastating instances of heritage damage and destruction that occurred. Moving forward, this chapter continues with a discussion of the grave challenges facing Iraqi heritage beyond the withdrawal of US military forces in the form of various groups - from jihadist networks such as the 'Islamic State' through to various sectarian actors. It also discusses the threat to heritage sites from development, neglect, and inexpert and haphazard excavation, preservation, protection, and restoration. Despite this troubling scenario, this chapter also examines the extent to which the Iraq conflict was a turning point for major Western military operations and the development of CPP programs which aim to better prepare military personnel for protecting cultural property in future conflicts.

The Legacy of Iraq critically reflects on the abject failure of the 2003 intervention to turn Iraq into a liberal democracy, underpinned by free-market capitalism, its citizens free to live in peace and prosperity. It argues that mistakes made by the coalition and the Iraqi political elite set a sequence of events in motion that have had devastating consequences for Iraq, the Middle East and for the rest of the world.

Today, as the nation faces perhaps its greatest challenge in the wake of the devastating advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and another US-led coalition undertakes renewed military action in Iraq, understanding the complex and difficult legacies of the 2003 war could not be more urgent. Ignoring the legacies of the Iraq war and denying their connection to contemporary events could means that vital lessons are ignored and the same mistakes made again.

The Legacy of Iraq critically reflects on the abject failure of the 2003 intervention to turn Iraq into a liberal democracy, underpinned by free-market capitalism, its citizens free to live in peace and prosperity. It argues that mistakes made by the coalition and the Iraqi political elite set a sequence of events in motion that have had devastating consequences for Iraq, the Middle East and for the rest of the world. Today, as the nation faces perhaps its greatest challenge in the wake of the devastating advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and another US-led coalition undertakes renewed military action in Iraq, understanding the complex and difficult legacies of the 2003 war could not be more urgent. Ignoring the legacies of the Iraq war and denying their connection to contemporary events could means that vital lessons are ignored and the same mistakes made again.

Zéro problème avec les voisins » ; c'est avec ce slogan que la Turquie du Parti pour la justice et le développement (AKP) est apparue sur la scène internationale en 2002, notamment au Moyen-Orient (MO), qui constitue 63 % de ses frontières continentales. Jusqu'en 2011, la Turquie a traversé un cycle positif de sa politique étrangère, très forte croissance économique, émergence comme puissance régionale. Pourtant, depuis l'éclat des « révolutions arabes », elle se trouve dans une situation périlleuse, et particulièrement avec la Syrie. Cet article établit que la révolte en Syrie a exposé les enjeux stratégiques longtemps occultés par les discours « fraternelles » turco-syriens des années 2000-2010, telles que les questions alévi et kurde réactualisant ainsi des enjeux nationaux turcs. L'analyse de ces enjeux est essentielle pour comprendre le futur des relations et l'éventuelle transition post-Assad qui redessineront la région. Cette étude géopolitique, telle que définie par Yves Lacoste propose d'analyser les rapports de forces et les rivalités des pouvoirs sur les espaces et les terres en question à travers les représentations qui s'imposent dans l'opinion, afin de comprendre l'intérêt stratégique et la valeur symbolique de ces territoires. La Turquie partage sa plus longue frontalière avec la Sürriyah, elle est géographiquement le viatique de l'ouverture turc au MO depuis 15 ans. Selon les enjeux du moment, les relations bilatérales évoluent de paisible à guerrière et les représentations mutuelles glissent de « frère » à « ennemie ». Après quelques efforts du gouvernement AKP pour convaincre Assad de faire des réformes, la Turquie a décidé de soutenir l'opposition syrienne. Soudain la Syrie se voit représentée en miroir négatif de la Turquie, et traitée comme « un problème interne » par le gouvernement comme par l'opposition. Après avoir vu, en juin, un F4-phantom abattu par les forces syriennes puis des tirs d'obus mortels s'abattre sur son territoire, le gouvernement turc s'est donné, par la voie parlementaire, la possibilité d'intervenir militairement en Syrie en septembre 2012. Aussitôt, des renforts militaires avec de l'équipement lourd ont été amenés à Hatay, Kilis, Gaziantep, Şanlıurfa et Mardin, départements frontaliers de la Syrie. Cette région qui souffrait gravement, depuis plus d'un an, des conséquences économiques et financières du soulèvement, a vu affluer plus de 250 000 réfugiés syriens vers les camps d'Hatay, Kilis et Gaziantep. L'inquiétude Arabes alévis de Turquie (nommés alaouites en Syrie), minorité fortement présente à Antioche, Adana et Mersin se voit renforcée par la mise en avant d'arguments confessionnels et l'apparition de combattants saoudiens ou qataris. Quant aux Kurdes, ils se trouvent instrumentalisés des deux côtés de la frontière en un jeu à court terme qui ouvre des perspectives négatives pour la région.

This article enhances the understanding of consumption practices, particularly gift giving, within the
context of an Islamic pilgrimage called the ziyara. Pilgrimages are rich sites of analysis of entangled
secular and sacred consumption. The findings of ethnographic research undertaken in this area have
made a significant contribution to the literature on gift giving. Three particular types of gifts have been
identified (1) ordinary liturgical gifts, (2) supplication gifts that invite ‘prayer’ counter-gifts and (3)
soteriological gifts in the form of hassanat that are given to ensure other-worldly salvation. Pilgrims
see the purchasing and consumption of gifts as activities intrinsic to their pilgrimage, even as sine qua
non in the case of gifts distributed in the shrines. The consumption of material objects appears to be
integral to pilgrimage rituals and transforms the intangible spiritual experience of the pilgrims into
something ‘palpable’. The gifts are intended to embody the sacredness of the sites visited by the
pilgrims and allow family and friends to partake in their sacred experience.

This chapter seeks to re-interpret Iraqi politics after the US-led intervention of 2003 by examining the alternative discourses of democracy emanating from within Re-Colonial Iraq. It details the complex public sphere of the post-Saddam era and points to the inclusive nature of the positive developments that have occurred across the nation since 2003. The first part discusses the post-Saddam media landscape which has played a positive role in covering the nation’s difficult transition to democracy. The second part of this chapter documents and examines the Iraqi people’s exercise of their democratic right to protest and the influence these protests have had on the politics of the post-Saddam era. The chapter concludes that Iraqi citizens who play an active role in their own governance and participate in democratic mechanisms such as elections and mass demonstrations are helping to create a more robust democracy.

Following the victory of the Kurdish party DTP (Demokratik Toplum Partisi, Democratic Society Party) in Turkey’s southeastern provinces in the local elections of March 2009, Turkey witnessed the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and Development Party) government’s Kurdish  initiative, the closure of the victorious Kurdish party, and waves of arrests of Kurdish activists and politicians. This rush of action constituted a renewed effort to contain and roll back the political and societal influence of the Kurdish movement. But what is it exactly that the government and the state were attempting to contain, and why? This article considers the recent moves of the ruling AKP, the judiciary, and the Turkish Armed Forces in regard to the “Kurdish problem” in Turkey’s southeast, interpreting them as different responses to the regional success of the Kurdish movement.

This book provides a modern historical study of the Chaldean Catholic Church in Iraq from 2003 to 2013, against a background analysis of the origins and ecclesiological development of the Chaldean community from the sixteenth century onwards.

The book offers an insight into the formation of Chaldean ecclesiological identity and organisation in the context of the Chaldeans as a community originating from the ecclesial traditions of the Church of the East and as an Eastern Catholic Church in union with the Holy See. The book argues for the gradual and consistent development of a Chaldean identity grounded and incarnated in the Mesopotamian-Iraqi environment, yet open to engaging with cultures throughout the Middle East and West Asia and, especially since 2003, to Europe, North America and Australasia. It also examines the effects of religious and administrative policies of the governors of Mesopotamia-Iraq on the Chaldeans, from their formation in the sixteenth century until the installation of the new Chaldean patriarch, Louis Raphael I Sako, in March 2013. Furthermore, the book provides a unique analysis of the history of Iraq, by placing the Chaldeans fully into that narrative for the first time.

Providing a thorough overview of the history of the Chaldeans and an in-depth assessment of how the 2003 invasion has affected them, this book will be a key resource for students and scholars of Middle East Studies, Modern History, History of Christianity, as well as for anyone seeking to understand the modern status of Christians in Iraq and the wider Middle East.

With the deadly ISIS advance, the sudden rousing of Shia militias and the threat of Kurdish secession, Iraq faces a host of deep-seated and intractable problems. Together, these events raise a number of serious questions, not just for Iraq and its future but also for the broader
Middle East, the United States and its Coalition partners and the international community. While these challenges and questions will drive much academic debate, political analysis and media discussion in the months and years ahead, they are not the central purpose of this chapter. While there is always a risk in commenting on unfolding events, including the potential to overstate their significance and likely long-term impact, it is difficult to ignore the significance of the deadly ISIS advance and all that has happened since. This chapter argues that key to understanding these events is coming to terms with the three varied and complex legacies of the 2003 Iraq War. The first central legacy of the Iraq War is the ongoing consequences of several critical mistakes made by the US-led Coalition before, during and immediately after the 2003 intervention. The second legacy addressed here is the fact that the 2003 war shattered – perhaps irreversibly - Iraqis fragile cultural mosaic and its rich and complex history of overlapping and intersecting communities, ideologies and narratives. The third and final legacy of the 2003 Iraq War detailed in this chapter is its significant regional and global consequences – from spiralling sectarianism across the Middle East to a profound challenge to America’s status as the last remaining superpower and its use of military power for ‘humanitarian’ ends. The argument here is that these three important legacies set in train a sequence of events that have served as the collective catalyst for the expansion of the ‘Islamic State’ from mid-2014.

In addressing the de-Baathification in post-2003 Iraq, this article outlines the efforts by Iraqi lawmakers to codify de-Baathification in Iraq’s new constitution of 2005 as well as in subsequent pieces of more detailed legislation. The article then goes on to study the actual implementation of these laws in relation to the Iraqi parliamentary elections of 2010 and 2014, as well as the local elections of 2013. Throughout the chapter, special emphasis is given to the considerable discrepancies between the principles enshrined in the formal de-Baathification legislation and the way those principles are applied in practice. Finally, this chapter concludes by suggesting that Iraq needs to openly and honestly deal with its Baathist past if it is ever to move beyond patterns of political
sectarianism, violence and autocracy.

This study concerns the burial customs of the chamber tombs discovered in the Southeast Anatolian Region. In the Early Bronze Age the Southeast Anatolian Region commenced the urbanization process like other places in the Near East, owing to the effects of the economic and social developments which were shaped by the impact of neighbouring cultures such as Syria and Mesopotamia. While intramural burial customs were practiced until the end of the period, there was a considerable increase in the number of extramural burials due to the urbanization in the region. This new social order brought the tradition of chamber tombs during the Early Bronze Age. The chamber tombs of the Southeast Anatolian Region are amongst the earliest examples found in Anatolia. Chamber tombs which are usually used for collective burials are found both in extramural and intramural cemeteries as a separate group. Regardless of their location, there is no difference between their burial customs. Chamber tombs must have been the burial structures used by social groups which reached a certain economical level due to the urbanization. The grave goods, which were brought from long distances such as depas, tankard and Cycladic idols, and the abundant metal artifacts indicate that these people had power and position within the society. Based on the information gathered from recent research in the region, it can be said that the chamber tomb tradition was widely used throughout the Early Bronze Age as in Northern Syria.

One of the banners the left had been marching behind in the 1970s was that of a ‘Fully Independent Turkey!’ – and yet, while these radical voices evaluated Turkey’s status as that of a semi-colony (of Western capitalist imperialism), it had turned a blind eye to Turkey’s own role as itself a colonizing country, vis-à-vis Kurdistan. In this article, we will discuss the contentious relationship between the PKK and the left, and the critique of the PKK on the left in Turkey (i.e. the perception of the PKK as Kurdish nationalist left by the Turkish nationalist left). We will argue that the PKK, itself emerging from the revolutionary left in Turkey sought for an ideological and political transformation of radical politics in Turkey, one that would free the left from the blind-spot of what was called ‘social-chauvinism’, an attitude in which there was only Turkey, no Kurdistan. We think such a study is of interest for those who want to understand the nature of the political struggle of the PKK. Data for this article has been collected by means of interviews and literature study.

Quando si parla di Siria e della guerra civile che insanguina questo territorio bisogna sempre tenere conto del contesto nel quale il Paese è inserito. In questo senso, per comprendere i mutamenti degli equilibri interni è pressoché impossibile prescindere dall'analisi del ruolo degli Stati limitrofi nell'evoluzione della guerra.

This chapter offers a bold critique of the notion that Baathist rule in Iraq was a product of a culture of authoritarianism in Iraq. It is important to acknowledge from the start that while this chapter does offer a more nuanced view of the Post-Colonial period, it is no way a defence of the tyranny of the Baath and the brutal megalomania of Saddam. Specifically, the first section examines the quashing of Iraq’s civil society and the tight restraints exerted over the nation’s media throughout the period. It also addresses the ways in which various Post-Colonial regimes, but especially the Baath, were adept at manipulating the discourses of democracy in order to mask their tyranny and coerce people into patriotism. Moving beyond this, however, the second section documents the various clandestine opposition groups that began to emerge across Iraq’s divergent ethno-religious and political divides who resisted Baathist oppression and agitated for democratic change. They produced their own media outlets which proved effective in voicing the various frustrations and grievances of Iraqis of all backgrounds and shades of opinion, giving way to a renewed public sphere. The Post-Colonial era, therefore, alternative history of Iraq from the mid-twentieth through to the early twenty-first century in which one finds a sophisticated political culture deeply concerned with the issue of democratic governance.

In making the case for Kurdish independence, the author reviews the favorable prospects of the Kurdish state. He explains that "the West must support Kurdish independence to right the wrongs of the past and create stability in the Middle East.

Fabrice Balanche is a well-known French scholar who wrote a lot about Syria, mostly in French. His best-known books are La région alaouite et le pouvoir syrien [The Alawi Region and Power in Syria] (Paris 2006) and Atlas du Proche-Orient Arabe [Atlas of the Arab Near East] (Paris 2012), which is to be published also in Arabic and English. Balanche is presently the Director of the Research and Study Group dealing with the Meditteranean and Middle East at the University of Lyon 2.

This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the 'West' has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy. Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book will be useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.

The Centre for Eastern Christianity,
Heythrop College, University of London
Special Guest Lecture and Round Table


“Christianity in contemporary Iraq: present challenges and future expectations”
By
Bashar Warda CSsR,
Chaldean Archbishop of Erbil, Northern Iraq



Other speakers include 

Suha Rassam, Chaldean Catholic author and founder of the charity Iraqi Christians in Need, “Iraqi Christians in the Jordanian diaspora”; 

Sebastian Brock, Emeritus Reader in Syriac Studies, Oriental Institute, University of Oxford, “On Importance of  Syriac Christianity in Iraq”; 

Erica Hunter, Head of Study of Religions Department, SOAS,  University of London, “The importance of Christianity in Iraq to the wider Christian tradition”;

 Kristian Girling, PhD candidate, Centre for Eastern Christianity, Heythrop College, University of London “The Chaldean Catholics in Europe, especially the UK: present character and future challenges”. 

The session will be chaired by Anthony O'Mahony, Director Centre for Eastern Christianity, Heythrop College, University of London. 


Thursday 12th February
Coffee: 10.15-11.00
11.00 am – 13.30 pm

The Bellarmine Room, Heythrop College,
University of London, Kensington Square, London W8 5HN
All are welcome.
www.heythrop.ac.uk - www.orientalelumen.org.uk

Le présent article entend montrer comment les mots d’ordre de la guerre froide, les jeux d’alignements, les ententes stratégiques résultent de processus politique croisant scènes intérieures et extérieures. Autour de l’analyse d’évéments clés, émerge une « domestication » de la guerre froide, c’est-à-dire l’incorporation de la bipolarisation comme cadre mental et cognitif pour penser les tensions internationales. Le travail comparatif autour de l’Irak et la Syrie vise à pondérer une historiographie qui laisse une large part aux dynamiques propres à l’Egypte. En reprenant les évolutions de ces deux pays, il devient possible de saisir pourquoi et comment neutralité et engagement en faveur du bloc de l’Est finissent au début des années 1960 à dominer un grand nombre des pays du Moyen-Orient.
 
This article aims to show how the slogans and protocols of the Cold War, strategic alliances, alignment in the bipolar world resulted from interplay between local and foreign policies. By focusing on events and the specific reaction of populations and the local authorities, it is possible to underline how the Cold War was “adopted”, in other words how it provided a cognitive system and a general framework through which actors analysed the international tensions. Comparisons drawn between Iraq and Egypt have altered the historiography, which overlapped events by referring to Egyptian history. Changes in both countries shed light on how and why the defense of neutrality and the Eastern Bloc became dominant at the beginning of the 1960s.

This chapter analyses the collective forms of government and egalitarian social movements found throughout both the history and doctrine of Islam. From the life of the Prophet through to the Ottoman era, the history of various Islamic empires and the teachings of its clerics and scholars reveal a picture very much at odds with the overwhelming consensus in the West that the religion of Islam is antithetical to democracy and works against inclusion, diversity and debate. Well before the advent of modern representative democracy in Europe, Islam enabled various forms of participatory governance and put in place certain power-monitoring institutions. Focusing the bulk of its attention on Iraq, this chapter also documents the fundamental role that Baghdad played in promoting the democratic ethos via an active public sphere of learned scholars, great theologians and schools of jurisprudence. It concludes by noting that the re-examination of Iraqi Islamic history and politics not only raises a specific challenge to the received dichotomy between Western democracy and Oriental despotism, it also reveals new and exciting ways of thinking about democracy in Iraq today.

This chapter documents the debates that circulated in the Iraqi press at the time of the British occupation and Hashemite monarchy and details their role in fostering vitriolic critique of the incumbent regime, in mobilizing the public to protest and in serving as the people’s watchdog over the elite. It is precisely the egalitarian and democratic tendencies found throughout the media/political nexus of Colonial Iraq that provide for us a new vision of Iraqi history that is directly at odds with traditional views of Iraqi and Middle Eastern political culture. This chapter also exposes the contradiction between Britain’s rhetoric as a harbinger of democracy and its contemporaneous
attempts to quell Iraq’s free press and to curtail democratic reform.