Immigration and Emmigration

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

Ne diktaturen staliniste, emigracioni  konisderohej  si nje rruge infektimi me viruse lirie, qe binte ndesh me politiken izoluese te Enver Hoxhes, duke rezikuar kupolen e kohes dhe vete regjimin komunist. Perfundimi I L2b perkoi me levizje demografike ne Europe. Miliona gjermane lane toka ne Evropen Qendrore e Lindore, hebrenjte lane vendet e vuajtjes per vende me te te sigurta, dhe jo komuniste iknin, qe ti shpetonin regjimeve te dhunshme komuniste qe sapo u vendosen ne vendet e tyre .  Nga Shqiperia po ashtu pati ikje te rreth 14,000 personave. Disa qindra u vrane ne tentative per kalim kufiri. Pas kapjes se vendeve te Europes qendrore e lindore nga komunistet, ata I rezistuan ri-atdhesimit ne nje mase te madhe, duke tentuar te udhetonin ne USA.  Familjet e te arratisurve u perndoqen egersisht, qe te ulnin nivelin e aktivitetit politik te te vete arratisurve. Per vete te arratisurit Partia-shtet  dhe Sigurimi i shtetit, permes propagandes dhe me menyre te fshehte  gjeneroi  stigma si kolaboracionist, armik, tradhetar, dhe agjent, Historia e tyre akoma mbetet per tu studiuar me qellim qe te kuptojme me mire ngjarjet, sepse ato  perbejne nje pjese te rendesishme te shoqerise, qe kane qene aktore te historise vete.

In this article, we explore the wraparound approach of service delivery as a model for transnational social work. The wraparound model, used primarily within community-based children's mental health services and child protection initiatives, has been effective when planning services for clients and their families with complicated needs, whose care has to be provided within a multiple provider context. Most social work is delivered nationally or internationally rather than transnationally. In the article we outline how the model could be structured to meet the particular needs of transmigrants, including the involvement of NGOs and INGOs, and identify key obstacles and limitations.

The documentary depicts the journey of a teenage girl and her mother who move to California in 2012 because of the Syrian civil war. Together they learn to live in a different culture and face challenges to their traditions - ­all while endeavoring to build a better future.

It was what many had been hoping for: some sort of relief. But did it
come too late? And was it enough? On the evening of Thursday, November 20, 2014, US president Barack Obama went on live television to announce a new administrative action to reform the US immigration system. Obama began, “Today, our immigration system is broken, and everybody knows it. . . . It’s been this way for decades. And for decades, we haven’t done much about it.” Responding to growing discontent among immigrant rights groups, the president and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) together issued a memorandum expanding the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program of 2012. DACA—instituted by a DHS directive rather than congressional action—provided temporary work permits and deportation relief to more than 664,000 young undocumented immigrants who had lived in the United States since childhood.1 The 2014 expansion announced by President Obama eliminated DACA’s upper age ceiling of thirty-one years and introduced a new program, Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Permanent Residents (DAPA), to provide deportation relief and work permits to an estimated 3.5 million undocumented immigrants with US-born children.

Civil War in Syria created a large scale humanitarian crisis causing a mass human migration up to seven million in total. The largest neighboring country-Turkey has the greatest number of Syrian refugees exceeding 2.7 million. In the expectation of a quick resolution for the conflict and sending the immigrants back, the host country has taken only palliative temporary actions. This study investigates the options that Turkey has for the immigration problem. Elaborating on integration techniques for immigrants, the paper suggests possible policies for implementation of social integration in the future decades. Based on strategic management principles, the author presents advantages and disadvantages of integration, maintenance of status quo, and prevention of immigration.

"The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences explores these competing narratives and the consequences of criminalizing immigration in the United States and abroad. It examines the impact of national, state, and local legislation on the psychosocial well being of immigrants. The book explores key ways in which immigration is criminalized, and examines how the problematization of immigration becomes a political tool. The first chapters of the book explore the criminalization of immigration through the lens of pacification and the theater of cruelty. In both chapters, the authors seek to understand the process of “othering” members of the immigrant population to exact social control and to mollify the public. These front chapters set the tone for remainder of the book. They provide the impetus for why states have enacted, or have attempted to enact state level immigration laws that make it nearly impossible for the undocumented to live within the boundaries of these states. In section two, three U.S. states are highlighted: Arizona, Alabama, and Indiana. While the chapters on Arizona and Alabama summarize key aspects of state laws, author Sujey Vega highlights the life of one undocumented immigrant as she navigates life in the Heartland.

The book then turns its focus to the criminalization of immigration in a socio-political context. Here, four chapters provide explorations of the criminalization of immigration on labor standards enforcement, immigrant detention, the right wing perspective in the United States and in Europe, and white supremacy. Labor standards impact the rate by which undocumented immigrants are paid, which in turn impacts their health and safety within and outside the workplace, protections from workplace discrimination, and collective activity protections. The criminalization of immigration erodes many of the workplace and labor protections that we have come to view as essential. Similarly, the privatization of corrections has influenced the incarceration and detention of many undocumented immigrants and has even influenced the very laws described in section two of this book. If not for the possibility of profiting off of the detention of the undocumented, many of immigration related laws would not have come to fruition.

The next section of the book provides a transnational and international context to the criminalization of immigration. With chapters focusing on human rights violations, the transnational dimensions of Mexican migration, the making of the Maras, and the criminalization of immigration in the United Kingdom, these chapters ask the reader to examine the criminalization of immigration from a broader perspective. The reader learns how national issues become international and, likewise how international immigration issues influence national policy.

The final chapters of the book put the human face on the criminalization of immigration. Each chapter represents a case study of a specific aspect of the criminalization of immigration. They approach the issue from the viewpoint of a day laborer, an undocumented woman who has become a victim of domestic violence, a child whose parents are undocumented, and a detention officer who wrestles with his decisions to continue his job. Regardless of which chapters one reads, the raw emotion felt by placing oneself in each context is overwhelming.

Overall, The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences provides a complete examination of an issue that cuts through emotional value conflicts. It provides the facts and knowledge essential for a fair and balanced debate"

Readers will access an ancompassing comprehension on three wide subjects: the history of Portuguese emigration between 1850 and 1975, especially to Brazil, the USA, and Canada, as well as to European countries in the 1960s, and to the African colonies; the characteristics of immigration and immigrants in Portugal; the resumption of Portuguese emigration after joining the EU.

Three disparate yet related things happened in November 2008 that suggest it is apposite to revisit a film that was controversial when released but which provides a
sophisticated reading of London in the early 21st century. First, Dirty Pretty Things (Frears 2002) was aired on Channel 4. Second, ID cards started to be issued to overseas nationals and airport workers. Third, London Mayor Boris Johnson called for an amnesty for all British migrants working illegally. Soon after the film was released the frenzied moral panic about asylum seekers was peaking, until knocked off the tabloid agenda by the Iraq war. The film was controversial when released and still provokes strong positive and negative reactions. It weaves together with great aplomb complex elements of the material, imagined, live, surveiled and (immigration) policed city. The inner London location filming adds credibility which counters the somewhat implausible, though tense and engaging plot. Cinema has long influenced our perception of the modern city even to the extent of producing the city (Clarke 1997 and Shiels & Fitzmaurice 2001). Many reviews of Dirty Pretty Things have been written but I want to concentrate, first on some misconceptions and then on its neo noir (Schwartz 2005) credentials, which affect the manner in which it portrays divergent yet proximate
aspects of the city big condition in a globalised neoliberal political economy.

Die folgenden Listen beinhalten Personen die aus der Marktgemeinde Pilsting ausgewandert sind. Wie im Hauptartikel bereits erwähnt, setzte diese größere Auswanderungswelle in unserer Gegend erst relativ spät ein. Gründe hierfür waren unter anderem, die schlechten Verkehrsanbindungen, die aufkommende Industrialisierung, und natürlich nicht zuletzt die gute geographische Lage und der gute Ackerboden im Gäuboden. Weiterführende Betrachtungen hierüber würden an dieser Stelle zu weit führen und seien, zumindest an dieser Stelle, einer anderen Publikation vorbehalten. Soviel sei gesagt: Unsere Gegend war wohl schon immer ein schöner, lebens und liebenswerter geographischer Raum in dem man gerne lebte, auch wenn es mal schwieriger war. Nach ihrer Ankunft in Amerika haben sich die meisten der Emigranten aus unserer Gegend im 19 Jh. in Altoona (Blair County, Pennsylvania), Carrolltown (Cambria County, Pennsylvania) und Hollidaysburg (Blair County, Pennsylvania) angesiedelt. Spätere Auswanderer, spez. im 20 Jh., sind aufgrund der anders gelagerten Situation oftmals im Land so weit verteilt, das sich kein Konzentrationszentrum mehr feststellen lässt. Die Listen sind zum größten Teil den Kirchenarchiven am Ziel-bzw. Heimatort, den Passagierlisten und Einwanderungslisten entnommen.

In Georgian historiography the Democratic Republic of Georgia establishedვ on May 26, 1918, is called the First Republic; it lasted until the spring of 1921, and fell as a result of the Russian military aggression. The first coalition government of this republic was headed by Noe Ramishvili, to whom the presented book is dedicated. Noe Ramishvili (1881-1930), was one of the most prominent leaders of Russian Social-Democratic Party and its breakaway Social Democratic Party of Georgia. That was the result of selecting him as the first Prime Minister of the newly emerged Georgian State. This post he held from May 24, 1918 to June 26, and at the same time, he combined it with the position of the Minister of Internal Affairs. After the resignation from the position of the head of the government he remained at Noe Jordania’s office, heading the Ministry of Internal Affairs and parallel to it, at different times, was in charge of the Ministries of Education and Defense. The book covers the early period of the establishment of the statehood of the Democratic Republic, studies the formation of a coalition government, the first steps of the formation of statehood structure designed to overcome emerging challenges, domestic and foreign policy issues and showing Noe Ramishvili’s contributions in all these matters. The paper also explains the reasons and circumstances of the dismissal of the first Prime Minister of the First Republic of Georgia.

L’émigration touche les médecins tunisiens notamment les jeunes, surtout dans le contexte de l’après-révolution. Les diplômés, les docteurs ou les étudiants dans les différents niveaux, les médecins de famille ou les spécialistes quittent le pays soit pour poursuivre leurs études, soit pour travailler et s’installer à l’étranger, et plus précisément en Europe.
Les statistiques et les données disponibles fondées sur des études scientifiques ou officielles démontrent que les intentions d’émigration dépassent en moyenne 70% chez les médecins de famille et les médecins anesthésistes comme cela apparait dans des thèses de doctorat en médecine soutenues et publiées récemment. Malgré la rareté des données officielles, des pourcentages importants concernent également ceux qui ont émigré à titre individuel et non de manière institutionnelle.
Les jeunes médecins se retrouvent au-devant d’une scène kafkaïenne produite par une réalité « Don-quichottesque » où ils se battent et se débattent contre un système complexe et de domination qui les exploite. Cette vision de l’émigration des compétences médicales pour diverses raisons et de différentes façons, avant, pendant et après la pandémie, nous rappelle les scènes des migrations massives ou celles des groupes de diasporas à travers l’histoire.

Not actualized manuscript of a contribution published in Gerald Power - Ondřej Pilný (eds.): Ireland and the Czech Lands. Contacts and Comparisons in History and Culture. Reimagining Ireland, 49. Peter Lang, Oxford et al., 2014, s. 55-83. ISBN 978-3-0343-1701-6.

This book offers a much-needed new political theory of an old phenomenon. The last decade alone has marked the highest number of migrations in recorded history. Constrained by environmental, economic, and political instability, scores of people are on the move. But other sorts of changes—from global tourism to undocumented labor—have led to the fact that to some extent, we are all becoming migrants. The migrant has become the political figure of our time.

Rather than viewing migration as the exception to the rule of political fixity and citizenship, Thomas Nail reinterprets the history of political power from the perspective of the movement that defines the migrant in the first place. Applying his "kinopolitics" to several major historical conditions (territorial, political, juridical, and economic) and figures of migration (the nomad, the barbarian, the vagabond, and the proletariat), he provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary migration.

This article reviews conventional theories about various aspects of labor migration: Its origins, stability over time, and patterns of migrant settlement. For each of these aspects, we provide alternative explanatory hypotheses derived from the notions of increasing articulation of the international system and the social embeddedness of its various subprocesses, including labor flows. A typology of sources and outcomes of contemporary immigration is presented as an heuristic device to organize the diversity of such movements as described in the empirical literature.

Следвоенната двумилионна руска "бяла" емиграция се нарежда сред наймасовите миграции през ХХ в. и представлява най-многочислената политическа емиграция, превъзхождаща дори най-големите трудови миграции в Европа 1 . Тя е едно от най-значимите демографски явления и в България през междувоенния период, което при това се свързва с опита за модернизацията на страната в началото на 20-те години 2 . През 1920 г. руските поданици представляват 23% от чуженците в България, а през 1926 г. поради нарастващия имиграционен поток от Русия те са вече 36%. Количествените ѝ измерения в брой са 8646 души с руско поданство през 1920 г. и 19698 души през 1926 г., 9080 души с руска народност през 1920 г. и 19706 души през 1926 г. Съществени изследователски проблеми са какъв трудов ресурс представляват руските емигранти за следвоенна България, в кои браншове на българската икономика се вписват те, каква е социалната им адаптация (и мобилност) с оглед на обществени прослойки и професионални групи. Те са важни и затова, защото са пряко свързани със самия миграционен процес на русите, а и от устройването им на работа зависи до голяма степен тяхната интеграция в българското общество: подходящата трудова заетост, отговаряща на образованието им и на предишната им трудова реализация в родината-майка, наличието на възможности за кариерен растеж са предпоставка за трайното им заселване в България, и съответно липсата на такава -за по-нататъшната им миграция. Според сръбския изследовател М. Йованович приемните за русите страни биват два вида -страни, стремящи се да използват трудовия и интелектуалния потенциал на имигрантите, което в известна степен намалява тяхната низходяща социална мобилност (Югославия, България, Чехословакия, САЩ), и други, които ръководейки се от собствени съображения, не се стараят особено да го използват 3 . Подробности за трудовата реализация на отделни руски имигранти или руски имигрантски групи (каквито са, например, занаятчийте, работещи в "руските мастерски") откриваме в богатата (специализирана и неспециализирана) литература за руското присъствие в България през междувоенния период, особено що се отнася до творческите изяви на изтъкнати личности из средите на руската бежанска интелигенция. Забравени са обаче масите -представители на ниските и средните обществени прослойки -хора, които (както образно се изразява А. Лунин) "пристигат в страната като пяна, изнесена от бурята на гражданската война", на възраст между 40 и 60 години, незнаещи езика, без семейства, без средства, без специалност, с която да намерят приложение в българския икономически живот" 4 .

Immigration and settlement is a shared responsibility between the federal and provincial governments in Canada, as set out in the Constitution Act, 1867 and reaffirmed in the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, 2001. Constitutionally, nonetheless, it is the federal government that has paramountcy over immigration and settlement, meaning that provincial laws cannot run counter to federal authority. Moreover, historically it has been the federal government that has been the most active regarding involvement in immigration and settlement with provinces playing little to no role in this sphere of activity. Starting in the 1990s, however, the provinces become much more active players in this policy area. Provinces began to view immigration and settlement as increasingly important in shaping the economy and societies of their jurisdictions. Most provinces, including Ontario, now have nomination programs, bi-lateral agreements with the federal government, and are heavily involved in providing their own settlement and integration services for their newcomer population.

""L'histoire postcoloniale de l'immigration africaine, et plus spécifiquement subsaharienne, en France a longtemps été négligée par les historiens et les sociologues. S'appuyant sur des archives inédites, La Parole immigrée vient rompre ce silence.

Ce livre s'emploie à restituer la place des migrants africains dans l’espace public en France, des indépendances jusqu'au début du mouvement des « sans-papiers », en décrivant les itinéraires de leaders associatifs et de militants syndicaux, d'avocats et de comédiens.

Deux thèmes forts apparaissent. Le premier montre les stratégies développées par les gouvernements africains, avec le soutien de l’État français, pour marginaliser les revendications des migrants dans l’ancienne métropole coloniale. Le deuxième révèle les pratiques de discrimination et les rhétoriques de stigmatisation publique qui ont dévalorisé l’immigration africaine, des ouvriers aux élites.

La Parole immigrée montre que les sociétés africaines et françaises partagent ainsi une histoire commune qu'aucun discours politique ne saurait défaire, histoire que les migrants tissent chaque jour, au fil de leurs souffrances et de leurs conquêtes.""

Amid the dynamics of the global society, both tourism and migration reveal themselves as emerging forms of mobility, while it is increasing the number of people travelling and migrating transnationally. Although the reasons for these movements are complex, tourism and migration are processes that influence each other. Considering the links between them allows us to understand how a tourist destination can turn into a destination for immigration. Given this statement, this exploratory study attempted to analyze aspects of contemporary mobility and, in particular, the relationship between tourism and migration. The results of this study point to the fact that, although little attention has been paid to the subject, tourism can be considered as one of the influencing factors of migration.

In one of the first volumes to address social work practice with this emergent and often marginalized population, practitioners and scholars specializing in transnational issues develop a framework for transnational social work practice. They begin with the historical and environmental context of transnational practice and explore the psychosocial, economic, environmental, and political factors that affect at-risk and vulnerable transnational groups. They then detail practical strategies, supplemented with case examples, for working with transnational populations utilizing this population's existing strengths. They conclude with recommendations for incorporating transnational social work into the curriculum.

Siguiendo las reflexiones del sociólogo Daniel Feierstein, en este ensayo propongo que la poesía de Sanabria proporciona al lector una instancia para reflexionar sobre, y eventualmente confrontar, la realización simbólica de la práctica social genocida. Es decir, los efectos provocados por las representaciones del horror que contribuyeron, y aun contribuyen, con la reorganización social buscada por el ejército: la erradicación de los vínculos contestatarios y solidarios que intentaban consolidarse desde el primer peronismo .
Por un lado, Sanabria pone en palabras lo que el exilio significó para ella, como segunda generación y en Estados Unidos, un país con una ideología oficial opuesta a la de sus padres . Esta situación nos permite ver cómo la fragmentación buscada por el Proceso infiltró espacios de los que se suponía y esperaba ausente. El sentimiento antiimperialista de la comunidad ligada a las víctimas llevó a que muchos pasaran por alto el hecho de que, además del enemigo, Estados Unidos fue destino forzoso de exiliados argentinos, dejándolos así más solos e incomprendidos en un acto de doble rechazo.
Por otro lado, al estar escrita en inglés o spanglish, o sea la lengua que el régimen le impuso a la autora alejándola aún más de su país de origen, su poesía desafía al lector argentino a tomar un rol activo ante los efectos del horror en los lazos sociales (ensimismamiento, divisiones, sospecha, sumisión, etc.). En otras palabras, es una invitación a comprender que los caminos trazados por el régimen pueden ser desandados o más bien redirigidos hacia el tipo de comunidad que se desea construir. Por ese motivo, en este ensayo no traduciré al español las citas de The Strange House Testifies sino que las presentaré en la lengua en que fueron escritas. 
Finalmente, Sanabria utiliza su poesía como una forma de activismo en relación a situaciones de opresión de su entorno que ayudan a comprender como operó la lógica del terror durante el régimen y las solapadas formas que la misma adquiere en tiempos de postconflicto, para continuar evitando la formación de posibles redes de cooperación y disidencia.

This article examines the material culture of migration, focusing on migrants’ house-making projects in their countries of birth. In particular, it examines the houses built or refurbished by Albanians in their home-country, which is no longer their place of permanent residence. This is a widespread phenomenon in Albania, but it is also a frequently appearing practice amongst other international migrants. Why do migrants living outside their home-countries build houses there even though they do not plan to return? I seek to answer this question in the case of Albania by focusing empirically on the process of constructing these houses, rather than merely on the material entity of the house
as such. I propose that such ‘house-making’ by Albanian migrants is not only a simple house-building process; it also ensures a constant dwelling and dynamic ‘proxy’ presence for
migrants in their community of origin. These ethnographic observations have further significance for the anthropological study of both houses and international migration.

Atollo K è l'unico film della coppia Laurel & Hardy con esplicite pretese politiche - se si eccettuano le altre produzioni degli anni Quaranta realizzate durante il Secondo conflitto mondiale. Amalgama di sentimenti anti-imperialisti e anti-nucleari, rivela un atteggiamento quanto mai pessimista nei confronti della società post-bellica, aspetto che talora fa a pugni con il "materiale comico" di Stanlio e Ollio.

Der Aufsatz gibt einen Einblick in einige Ergebnisse meiner Forschung zu den Kindertransporten und ist im Band "Schriften zur Erinnerungskultur in Hannover 8.1" erschienen.

Die Geschichte der Kindertransporte gilt als eines der wenigen positiven Themen in der Holocaust-Forschung: über 10.000 unbegleitete Kinder und Jugendliche konnten nach Großbritannien oder Frankreich gerettet werden, weil ihre Eltern bereit waren, sich von ihnen zu trennen. Rund 2.500 dieser geretteten Kinder emigrierten später nach Amerika. In meiner Forschung geht es um die Nachwirkungen der Kindertransporte auf das spätere Leben der Betroffenen. In meiner Forschung zeigte sich, dass die Kindertransporte nicht ohne traumatische Folgen für die geretteten Kinder blieben – die zwangsweise Trennung von den Eltern und die Entwurzelung aus dem gewohnten Leben blieben nicht ohne (psychologische) Spuren. Hinzu kamen oft sehr starke Schuldgefühle, den Holocaust überlebt zu haben  („survivor’s guilt“), gerade in Anbetracht der Tatsache, dass über die Hälfte aller Kindertransports-Kinder ihre Eltern im Holocaust verloren. Trotz allem gelang es aber den „Kindern“ als Gruppe, diese Traumata zu überwinden und in der Regel überaus erfolgreiche Leben zu führen.

The essay focuses on the image of an immigrant Polish woman and
the ways it has been functioning and changing in the literature and
popular culture. Many Polish immigrants undertake hard physical
work of little prestige. This has led to the creation of a particular kind
of character that gained popularity in the American pop culture and
consequently has also become an ethnic stereotype present around the
world. The Polish cleaning lady to whom this essay is devoted appears
in numerous books and popular media forms like TV series and
influences the cultural image of Poles in the world. Kazik Staszewski’s
song Natalia w Brooklynie (Natalie in Brooklyn) ironically summarizes
the lives of Poles in the United States. The figure of Natalie is used
here as a symbolic representation of the immigrant experience of Polish
women.

For short term assignments (max. 90 days) the Schengen Visa Code and most national EU national legislations do not clearly define which activities can be considered “business” (thus not requiring a work visa) and which would be considered “work”. A useful guidance, that has some international recognition, can be found in the Commentary to art. 15 of the 2014 OECD Tax Model Convention, which set forth the rules for the international taxation of income from employment.

Lorsque Gina van Hoof m'a montré les prises de vues qu'elle avait réalisées au Brésil et qu'elle m'a demandé d'étudier la faisabilité d'un ouvrage qui relaterait l'émigration en 1904 de quelques dizaines de familles juives originaires de Kishinev, capitale de ce qui s'appelait encore la Bessarabie (actuellement Chisinau, en Moldavie) vers le Brésil au début du XXe siècle, je ne me doutais pas de l'étendue des recherches qui s'imposeraient pour pouvoir développer ce projet.

После Октябрьского переворота в 1917 г. около 30 000 бывшие поданики Российской империи, не принявшие большевистский режим, оказались в Болгарии в качестве эмигрантов. В то же время в балканскую страну хлынула другая, еще более крупная волна беженцев - тысячи болгары, бежавшие вместе с семьями из Греции и Турции, в чьих пределах после Первой мировой войны остались исконно болгарские земли. Чтобы спастись от этнической чистки, проводимой соседними странами, большинство беженцев из Восточной и Западной Фракии, добрались до родины в одной рубашке. Русские эмигранты тоже бедствовали, но подали руку помощи братьям по судьбе. Об одной такой кампании по сбору средств в конце 1924 и начале 1925 г. рассказывает выходившая на русском языке в Болгарии газета "Кубанец - Алексеевец" - издание Кубано-Сергеевского военного училища, которое в то время находилось в маленьком городке Тырново-Сеймен в Хасковской области. Три года спустя Болгарию потрясло сильное землетрясение. Погибли 123 человека, более 600 были ранены,  а 73 000 здания - разрушены. Командир Донского корпуса в Болгарии ген.-лейтенант Федор Абрамов выдал приказ о сборе денежных средств №6/ 22.04.1928 г., в котором подчеркивает: "Большое бедствие постигло приютившую нас Болгарию. Много сел и городов разрушено землетрясением до основания... Нужна помощь. Наш долг немедленно оказать ее, в меру наших сил и возможности.
... Одновременно с высылкою денег прилагать список тех казаков, которые отказались внести свою долю на помощь болгарам. Пусть каждый из русских вспомнит, что Болгарское Правительство ежемесячно отпускает в помощь русским ветеранам, инвалидам, учащимся студентам, на содержание русских гимназий, детских садов и санаторий для туберкулезных - всего до миллиона лев в месяц. Это великая жертва со стороны болгарскаго народа. 
Казаки, умейте быть признательными."
В своей публикации в мае болгарская газета "Мир" сообщает о конце кампании в помощь пострадавших от Чирпанского землетрясения и общая сумма средств, собранная казаками и предоставленная Болгарскому красному кресту.

Öz İslam dininin Hindistan'a gelişiyle Hint tarihi ve kültüründe yeni bir dönem başlamıştır. Fars şiirinin ve felsefesinin muazzam zenginliği İslam'ın yayılmasına ve tasavvufun doğmasına büyük ölçüde katkı sağlamıştır. Farsça, Hint alt kıtasında İngilizler hâkimiyeti ele geçirene değin Moğol Türklerinin yönetimi altında devletin resmi dili olarak konuşulup yazılmıştır. Yüzlerce yıl Hint coğrafyasında varlığını koruyan bu dil, Hindistan'ın yerel dillerinden olan Marathi, Gujarati, Sindhi, Pencabî, Bengalî, Urduca ve Hintçeye de çok sayıda kelime vermiştir.Hindistan'da Fars edebiyatı konusu ise üzerinde çokça tartışmanın yapılabileceği kapsamlı bir konudur. Hindistan'ın orta çağı kültürel anlamda edebi etkinlikleriyle dikkat çekmektedir. Yazılan Farsça eserlerin çoğunluğu din içerikli konulardan ve daha çok yorumlardan, sufîlerin konuşmaları veya söylemlerinden oluşmuştur. Moğol Türklerinin Hindistan'da ortaya çıkışı Fars edebiyatına ayrı bir ivme kazandırmıştır. Yöneticilerin çoğu hem Delhi'de hem de diğer siyasi merkezlerde bireysel olarak veya dilin birer himâyecileri olarak Farsçayı şiir ya da nesirleri geliştirmişlerdir. Hükümdarların Farsçaya duydukları ilgi ile de İran'ın önemli şairleri saraya davet edilmiş, böylece İran'dan Hindistan'a göçler artmıştır. Hindistan'a İran'dan göçlere sebep olarak sadece edebi faaliyetlere sağlanan ortamlar ya da edebiyatçıların desteklenmesi düşünülmemelidir. Göçlere siyasi çekişmeler ve inançlardaki baskılar da sebep olmuştur. Ekber Şah, Cihangir ve Şah Cihan döneminde yapılan edebi çalışmalar bu dönemde öne çıkan eserler, İran'dan Hindistan'a göç eden şairler ve onların çalışmaları makalemizin asıl konusunu teşkil etmektedir. Ayrıca siyasilerin İran'dan göçleri ve onların Hint siyasetinde edindikleri konumlarına da kısaca değinilecektir. Amacımız Fars ya da Türk kökenli İranlıların Hint alt kıtasındaki etkinliklerini, edebiyata ve siyasete olan katkılarını ortaya koymak ve Orta çağ Hindistan'ı konusunun Türk tarihi açısından önemini, iç içe geçmiş Fars, Hint ve Türk toplumlarının Hint coğrafyasındaki varlıklarının kültürel, siyasi, dini ve sosyolojik alanlarda olduğu gibi daha pek çok alanda yapılacak araştırmalar için uygun zemin ve yeterli kaynaklara sahip olduğunu vurgulamaktır.

The United States has had a wavering acceptance of immigrants throughout itshistory, from eager invitations to violent and immediate forced removals. Presently, immigrants from Central America are in the spotlight, who have been dehumanized into that of the “other” and subjected to harsh deportation and criminal proceedings as a result of these perceptions. This article will show that ‘othering’ immigrants has been a part of restrictive immigration policy since the origins of the United States, continuing to present day by the following: 1) “othering” is explained in application to undocumented immigrants in America; 2) a history of US deportation policy is discussed in order to provide a context to the deep-seated tendency of “othering” in the US; 3) recent federal U.S. policies are introduced, examining the constant presence of “othering” unauthorized immigrants, with a primary focus on the Secure Communities program; 4) the widespread phenomenon of “othering” is discussed, both in the US and internationally, as well as the current state of the “alien other” in American political discourse.