History of Sufism

The revival of the Dhahabi order' in modem Persia took place several decades earlier than that of the Ni'matullahi through the person of Qutb al-Din Nayr-zi (d. 1173/1759), the thirty-second in line from the Prophet.2 Nayrnz was wellversed in all of the various Islamic sciences of his day and among his followers are counted a number of notable Shiite clerics, such as Shaykh Ja'far Najafi, Mulla Mihrab Gilani, Shaykh Ahmad Ahsa'i and Sayyid Mahdi Tabataba'1 ('Bahr al-'Ulum').3 In the Tadhkirat al-awliya-yi Dhahabiyya, a versified history of the Dhahabi masters by Aqa Mlrza Baba Shirazi, the studies, exploits, compositions, charismatic powers and travels of Nayr-zl are recorded in detail. Nayrnz was also the author of numerous poetical works and prose treatises in Persian and Arabic, including Risala-yi Fasl al-khitab, Shams al-hikma, Kanz al-hikma, Anwar al-wilaya, Nur al-hidaya and Risala-yi 'Ishqiyya.4 'Fasl al-khitdb ', his celebrated Arabic poem of some 8,000 couplets, expounds the tenets of Akbarian theosophy and details his mystical experiences. While attacking the corruption of the Safavid clerical establishment, it records in detail the persecution endured by the Sufis and the destruction of their khanaqahs at the hands of the 'ulama-yi zdhir.5 Nayrnz's Fasl al-khitab also apparently formed the literary model for Hadi Sabzavari's (d. 1878) celebrated Arabic Manzuima-yi Hikmat.6 While Nayr-zi's attempted defence of Sufism against the increasing persecution of the exoteric 'ulama' in an epistle to the last Safavid Shah, Sultan Husayn, met with a severe rebuke, his frequent travels throughout Iran and Iraq and his inspiring prose and poetic works ultimately brought about the survival and, apparently, the revival of the Dhahabiyya tariqa in Iran.7 Nayriz The real founder of the Dhahabiyya was Sayyid 'Abdu'llah Barzishabadi (d. 872/1467-68), whose silsila branched off from the Kubravi master Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh (d. 1465). For the best description of its origins, see Devin DeWeese, 'The eclipse of the Kubraviyah in Central Asia', Iranian Studies, 21/1-2, 1988, 62-9. 2 For a summary of his life and works, see Khavari, Dhahabiyya. tasawwuf-i 'ilmi athar-i adab. (Tehran, 1362/1983), 297-307; Ihsanu'llah 'Alli Istakhri, Usul-i tasawwuf (Tehran, 1338/1959), 422-60; I would like to thank Professor 'Abd al-Hamid Ganjaviyan, Master of the Dhahabiyya order, for his generosity in giving me a copy of this book to complete the research on this article. 3 Zarrinkub, Dunbala-yi Justuju, 334; Khavarn, however, Dhahabiyya, 323, n. 4, casts doubt on whether the last two had indeed met him. 4 Zarrinkub, Dunbala-yi Justuju, 335; see Khavari, Dhahabiyya, ch. 14, for a discussion of his literary works. 5 See Istakhri, Usul-i Tasawwuf (Tehran, 1338/1959), 434-39. 6 See Khavari, Dhahabiyya, 551-2. 7As Zayn al-'Abidin Shirvani had pointed out (Riyad al-siyaha, 655), the fortunes of institutional Sufism suffered a severe decline in early eighteenth-century Iran, leaving only a few Nurbakhshl and Dhahabi dervishes within the country. Despite this decline, Mirza Baba Shirazi in his poem, Tadhkirat al-awliya, after praising Nayrizi's writings highly, asserts that 'whoever in Iran aspires to be a leader in mystical poverty [faqr-i Haqq, i.e. Sufism], must take his 'poverty' [Sufism] from that man of God [i.e. Nayrizf ' (cited by Istakhri, Usul, 445). This verse demonstrates that from the perspective of Dhahabi Sufi piety at least, the order's revival was largely effected by Nayrizl's powerful personality. ? School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1999 This content downloaded from 87.112.5.158 on Tue, MODERN PERSIAN SUFISM was known for his admiration for, and teaching of the works of Ibn 'Arabi, and his broad-mindedness is evident from the fact that near the end of his life, while residing in Najaf, he gave 'classes to members of all four [Sunni] madhhabs as well as Shiites of the Ja'fari madhhab without letting the religious differences in their doctrines interfere with his teachings.'8 The next qutb of the Dhahabiyya (thirty-third in line since the Prophet), Muhammad Hashim Darvlsh Shirazl (d. 1190/1776), whose biography and mystical experiences are recorded in various Dhahabi hagiographies such as Tadhkira-yi Raz9 and TdrTkh-i hayat wa karamat-i Sayyid Qutb al-Dmn Muhammad,' spent much of his life travelling, residing for a while in Isfahan where his pfr-i suhbat was Mirza Shafi'a'i, qutb of the Nuriyya order.1l He was originally employed as a high-ranking secretary, and later chief taxcollector of the province of Fars under Nadir Khan Afshar, until he retired from that post under suspicion of fraud and devoted himself to spiritual matters. He spent 12 years of his early spiritual career in a mosque in Isfahan as an ascetic.'2 Subsequently, he moved to Najaf where he was initiated by Shah Kawthar, an Indian shaykh of the Shattari order.'3 However, his supreme master was Nayrizi, who initiated him in Shiraz c. 1157/1744. He then married Nayrizi's daughter, 'according to the centuries-old tradition among the Dhahabiyya that each qutb gives the hand of his daughter to his khalifa or successor.'14 This linkage of familial kinship to spiritual rank initiated by Darvish Shirazi was to become formalized by the next three masters of the Dhahabiyya, all of whom bequeathed the robes of spiritual guidance to their sons, thus transforming the order for the next 100 years into a family dynasty based on patrilineal succession. Darvish ShirazT was the author of a Persian mathnawl entitled Wildyatnama, 1700 couplets in length,15 in which, for the first time in Persian literature, he set in verse the spiritual genealogy of his order, a genre later imitated by nearly every other Persian Sufi master after him.16 His works, largely devoted to expounding Sufi themes based on Akbarian and Ishraqi hikmat (in the context of an intensely Shiite piety; all the ghazals in his Persian DTwdn, for instance, are panegyrics in praise of 'Ali), are frequently republished, so much so that his poems are still sung today in the Dhahabi samd' gathering.17 At almost the same time that Ma'

The article examines early Sufi notions of rida, usually translated as ''contentment,'' ''satisfaction,'' and ''good-pleasure.'' It does so through a close textual analysis of some of the most important works of the tradition authored up until what has been identified as the ''formative period of Sufi literature,'' a period which ends in the 11th century. In the process, the article situates rida within the larger context of early Islamic moral psychology as it was formulated by the fledgling Sufi tradition. The article analyses early definitions of rida, the role of rida in tribulation, contentment and the ills of complaint, the higher levels of rida, and the role of love in rida. It ends with a brief overview of the paradox of rida inherent within a largely deterministic theology which traces all acts back to God.

This article traces the early history of mystical practice in the Islamic context and its organization into institutional Sufi orders up to the modern day.  It traces the etymology of the word 'Tariqa,' the historical development of devotional and spiritual practice in the Islamic context, spiritual exercises, communal life, the establishment of the Sufi orders, their initiation rituals, their social ethics and etiquette, the role of women and gender, etc.  It gives an overview of the history, specific practices and traditions of each of the major Sufi orders and discusses the traditions and changing role of the Sufi orders in the modern world.

The 19th century was a period of immense transformation for Kurdistan in terms of political structure. As the political and administrative divisions in Kurdistan increased the transformation of the land accelerated further. Thus, despite the Kurdish emirates lasted for several centuries, after the 19th century such political structures were replaced with the religious leaders and later with the tribal chiefs. Taking such a transformation into consideration one could follow three phases in the 19th century of Kurdistan: Firstly, the classical period, which was dominated by secular leaders, namely the emirates; secondly, the period of religious leaders, when the emirates were destroyed and replaced by sufi leaders; thirdly and finally, the period of tribal leaders, which became the rule of the day after 1890, when the Cavalry Regiments were established by Sultan Abdulhamid II.

Open Edition: http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/9179
This book was awarded the Great prize of the "Rendez-vous de l'histoire du monde arabe" (Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris) in 2016.
Metropolis of the Arab-Muslim medieval world and capital of the Abbasid caliphate, Baghdad was in the middle of the Vth/XIth c. part of the empire of Seljuk Turks. The Seljuk Sultans restored sunnism; they didn’t settle in Baghdad but founded in it new institutions: the madrasas, and took part in urban development.
This study in social history is based on biographical dictionaries and Arabic chronicles, with prosopographical methods. It focalizes on the multiple functional categories of elites, then describes distinction practices, reverence and manifestations of hierarchical tensions inside those groups, and the emergence and consolidation of important families. Then comes the study of urban context: repartition of elites in different areas, urban control, constructions and foundations, mécénat of the elites. Baghdad appears through this study as a changing city, influenced by the action of strongly urbanely inscribed elites, products of the urban context as much as its producer.

Cet ouvrage a reçu le Grand prix des Rendez-vous de l'histoire du monde arabe (Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris) en 2016.
Bagdad, grande métropole du monde arabo-musulman médiéval et siège du califat abbasside, fut au milieu du Ve/XIe siècle englobée dans l’empire des Turcs seldjoukides. Restaurateurs du sunnisme, les sultans seldjoukides résidèrent peu à Bagdad, mais ils y fondèrent des institutions nouvelles : les madrasas, et participèrent au développement urbain.
Cette étude d’histoire sociale se fonde sur les dictionnaires biographiques et les chroniques arabes et la constitution d’un grand fichier prosopographique. La thèse décrit les différentes catégories fonctionnelles d’élites, les pratiques de distinction et les manifestations des clivages hiérarchiques au sein de ces groupes, et l’apparition et la consolidation de grands lignages. Puis vient l’étude du cadre urbain : répartition des élites dans la ville, contrôle urbain, évergétisme élitaire. Bagdad y apparaît comme une ville en évolution, marquée par l’action d’élites profondément inscrites dans le contexte urbain dont elles sont le produit.

The phenomenon of Western Sufi teachers is unique, not just because of the individuals themselves, though they are certainly fascinating, but because of what they represent: the flowering of the Western genius, which has discovered Eastern traditions, absorbed them and in the process changed them and been changed by them. This paper is a primary outline of the main contours of this phenomenon, trying to brief its history and attempt an explanation of what it means.

The medieval history of Sufism in Multan is relatively well known. A figure such as the famous Suhraward┘ Shaykh Bah┐' al-D┘n Zakariyy┐ from the thirteenth century embodies this prestigious period. Our article shows that the Sufi brotherhoods have continued to flourish until today, far beyond what traditional historiography describes. Using unexplored sources-mostly modern Urdu hagiographies devoted to the sacred history of Multan-we reconstruct the biography and the bibliography of many Sufi shaykhs as well as the lineages, especially Q┐dir┘ and Chisht┘, from which they come; we identify several mausoleums and lodges across the city; eventually, we reveal the existence of marginal mystics who marked the religious memory of this heritage city of the Pakistani Punjab.

Öz: Akşemseddin’in (ö. 863/1459) önde gelen halifelerinden Abdurrahim
Karahisârî Afyonkarahisarlı olup henüz Beypazarı’nda iken intisap ettiği şeyhinin Edirne, İstanbul, İznik ve Göynük’te iken uzun süre yanında bulunmuştur. Karahisârî, Bayramiyye’nin Akşemseddin’le açılan ve İbrâhim Tennûrî (ö. 887/1482), Şeyh Yavsî (ö. 920/1514), İlyas Saruhânî (ö. 967/1559-60) ve Bolulu Himmet Efendi (ö. 1095/1684) gibi sûfîler tarafından devam ettirilen kolu olan Şemsiyye’yi 15. yüzyılda Afyonkarahisar’da temsil etmiş te’lîf sâhibi bir sûfîdir. Bûsîrî’nin (ö. 695/1296 [?]) Hz. Peygamber’i medh için kaleme aldığı kasidesinin manzûm tercümesi Tercüme-i Kasîde-i Bürde, Necmeddîn-i Kübrâ’nın (ö. 618/1221) mürîdlerinden Ebü’l-Müeyyed el-Muvaffak b. Muhammed el-Hâssî’nin (ö. 634/1237) halveti konu alan es-Selve fî şerâiti’l-halve adlı eserinin şerhli tercümesi Münyetü’l-ebrâr ve gunyetü’l-ahyâr, dönemin kıyâmet tartışmaları bağlamında ele alınabilecek Risâle fî eşrâti’s-sâ‘a ve bazı tasavvufî esasları şiir diliyle ve sade bir Türkçe ile ele aldığı 4267 beyitlik Vahdetnâme isimli mesnevîsi günümüze ulaştığı bilinen eserleridir. Bu çalışmada Karahisârî’nin hayâtı ve entelektüel mîrâsı hakkında ulaştığımız bazı yeni bulgular ışığında biyografisi inşâ edilecektir. Çalışmanın netîcesinde v arılan sonuçlar Karahisârî’nin, Akşemseddîn’in nezdinde çok mühim bir konumda bulunduğu, şeyhinin ümerâ ile ilişkilerinde de dâima yanında olduğu, kendisinin II. Murad döneminden II. Bâyezid dönemine kadar devlet yönetimi tarafından da dikkate alınan bir isim olduğu, İstanbul’un fethinden sonra ilmî ve mânevî nedenlerle şeyhiyle birlikte İstanbul’dan ayrıldığı ve
Bayramiyye’nin teşekkülünde ve Anadolu’da tasavvufun yerelleşmesinde önemli bir rol oynadığı şeklinde özetlenebilir.
Abstract: Abdurrahim Karahisārī (d. between 1483-94) who was among the leading disciples of Akşemseddīn (d. 1459) initiated to his master in Beypazarı/Ankara circa 1436 and spent a long time together with him during his travels through Edirne, İstanbul, İznik and Göynük. Karahisārī represented the Şemsiyye branch of Bayramiyye which is opened by Akşemseddīn and continued by prominent sūfīs such as İbrahim Tennūrī (d. 1482), Sheikh Yavsī (d. 1514), İlyas Saruhānī (d. 1559-60) and Bolulu Himmet (d. 1684) in Afyonkarahisar sanjak of the Ottoman state in the fifteenth century. He authored four books included a Turkish translation in verse of Būsīrī’s (d. ca. 1296) Qasīda al-Burda, an extended Turkish translation of Hāssī’s (d. 1237) who was a disciple of the founder of the Kubrawiyya order, i.e. Najmuddin Kubra (d. 1221), al-Salwa fī sharāit al-halwa, called Munya al-abrār wa gunya al-akhyār, an epistle entitled Risāla fī ashrāt alsā‘a which can be read within the context of the doomsday debates of the day and Vahdetnāme which is a mathnawī composed of 4267 verses
on various topics of the Sūfism. In this study, new findings and remarks on Karahisārī’s life and intellectual heritage will be introduced and interpreted. Essential outcomes of this study can be summed up as that Karahisārī was at a crucial position before Akşemseddin, he was always beside his sheikh during his relations with the state elites, he was also in an important position before the governing elites since Murad II till Bayezid II; and Karahisārī left İstanbul after the conquest with Akşemseddin for scientific and spiritual reasons; and lastly he played a vital role in the formation of Bayramiyya and vernacularization of the Sūfism in Anatolia.

This meticulous book examines the theological, philosophical, historical and Islamic mystical dimensions of the Suhrawardi Sufi order from the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries. The Suhrawardis were a legally grounded and intellectually vibrant Sufi order whose mystical path was based on exchanges and debates on the Qur'an and on the Prophet's customs. This created a unique self-understanding, which developed specific Sufi spiritual exercises. The book analyses their interpretation of sacred texts-the Qur'an, hadiths, sunnå, and malfūzāt and discusses important new ways of thinking about the Sufi hermeneutics of the Qur'an and its contribution to Islamic intellectual and spiritual life.

The second part of my comprehensive exam concerns the possible effects of Indian Tantric Buddhism on three Sufi figures: Shaqīq al-Balkhī, al-Bistāmī and Farīd al-Dīn 'Aṭṭār. Please bear in mind that this is quite speculative and that such historical relations are extremely difficult to determine with confidence. Input is welcome.

Seslerin ve sözlerin çoğaldığı bir çağda yaşıyoruz. “Doğru bilgi” hassasiyeti taşımaksızın, pervasızca fikir beyan edilen konulardan biri de tasavvuf. Şer'i Şerîf'i hayata hâkim kılmayı gaye edinen tasavvufun İslâm'ın hükümlerinden bağımsız olduğu algısı oluşturulmak isteniyor.
Tasavvuf konusunda Şer'i Şerîf'i bir kenara koyan tutarsız yorumlarına destek arayanlar, özellikle menkıbeleri bir dayanak noktası haline getirmiş bulunuyor. Kimileri menkıbelerle veya menkıbe benzeri anlatımlarla bozuk yollarına taraftar topluyor. Diğer taraftan, aslı astarı olmayan ya da merâmının aksi istikametinde yorumlanan menkıbeler üzerinden tertemiz Allah dostlarına, sâlih zatlara bühtan ve iftira edenler çoğalıyor.
Menkıbeler üzerinden inşa edilen bu çarpık anlayışın, kaynağı Allah'ın Kitabı ve Rasulü'nün Sünneti olan tasavvuf ile bir ilgisi olmadığı aşikar.

Qāsim b. Ṣalāḥaddīn al-Ḫānīs mystischer Text as-Sayr wa-s-sulūk ilā malik al-mulūk zur Seelenlehre und Seelenerziehung gilt als ein Schlüsselwerk zur sufischen Bildung. Er erreichte im osmanischen Herrschafts- und Einflussgebiet schnell überregionale Verbreitung, erlebte seinen literarischen Durchbruch als Lehrbuch im 18. Jahrhundert und nahm als Standardwerk der islamischen Mystik einen festen Platz in der Ordensliteratur der Sufis ein.
Die Autorin zeigt an diesem Text exemplarisch auf, welche Vorstellungen, Lehren und Prinzipien im 17. Jahrhundert in Aleppiner Sufi-Kreisen vertreten wurden, hinterfragt die Gründe für die Popularität sowie den starken Einfluss dieses sufischen Lehrwerks und erschließt seine Verbreitungsgebiete und Leserschaft. Ihre umfassende Analyse veranschaulicht, auf welche Weise und aus welchen Gründen dieses Werk seine Wirkung bis in die Moderne hinein bewahren konnte.

Dervish lodges and cults were among the important elements of the Ottoman social life and in those times, they had spread to nearly all city centers, towns and villages. Dervish lodges served as non-formal educational institutions for people from all ages and all segments of the society. In addition to education, these structures also played important roles in political, economic, social and military life of the Ottoman Empire. In general, wise people and scholars contributed to the development and dissemination of Islamic sciences in general, and specifically, mystic thought. As a matter of fact, it was determined that there were a great number of Dervish lodges that were founded or supported by shaykh al-Islam (the chief justice), kādī (judge), scholars and mudarrisīn (teachers) in the history of sufism. One of them was Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which was founded in the 16th Century by Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who belonged to the Ilmiya class (d. 998/1590). Until today no detailed studies have been conducted on lodges, which continued their existence until 1925. For this reason, this article will be the first study that deals with the dervish lodges in the light of archive sources. In this article, which was written to shed light on the course of our sufi cultural history, the prominent names, shaykhs and physical status of the Dervish lodges, especially Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who was the founder of these lodges, will be dealt with.

Summary: Our country, which hosts scientific moral centers like dervish lodges, school, madrasa and masjids, has a rich historical cultural treasure. As it is already known, the above-mentioned institutions had an important place in the life of Ottoman social life. Dervish lodges and madrassas were considered as science and wisdom centers because there is no distinction between zāhir (exterior) and bātin (interior) in our tradition. Under then-present conditions, the institutions that were needed most were supported. In this sense, the sultans and scholars cared about the dervish lodges, which were the places where sciences were studied contributing to the construction of these structures. One of these was Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which was founded in the center of Eyupsultan by the Ottoman man of letter, poet and scholar, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi (d. 998/1590).


Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge is located in the Debbaghane/Tabakhane (Tannery) district in the center of Eyupsultan. As Suleyman Çelebi stated, “the valiant ones worked in the Tannery”. For this reason, it is possible to say that there were tanners among the disciples and followers of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge.

Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge was built by Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who belonged to the scholar class in the Ottoman Empire. Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who served as a professor in various madrasahs, served as a kādī in cities like Konya, Kutahya and Istanbul. Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was called “Mullah” because of his madrasah origin and “Çelebi” because of being a member of the scholar class. For this reason, dervish lodge in question was known as Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge in his honor. Sources mention the religious, knowledgeable and modest personality of Mehmed Vusuli Efendi. In this sense, the establishment of a dervish lodge by someone from the scholar class is important in terms of being a sign of the togetherness of dervish lodges and madrasahs in the Ottoman Empire. In addition to his scientific personality, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was also an important figure who wrote works both as prose and as poetry, and made some translations into Turkish. In addition to the Dervish Lodges mentioned here, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi also established mosques and public baths in various places in Istanbul and was interested in charity works. Cemaleddin Server Revnakoglu stated that he was given the nickname “FındıklıÇelebi” because he had established a mosque in Fındıklı District.

Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was the son-in-law of Aise Hubbi Hatun (d. 997/1589), who was one of the lady poets of the 16th century divan literature. Aise Hubbi Hatun was the granddaughter of Kanuni Sultan Suleyman’s foster brother Yahya Efendi from Beşiktaş. Aise Hubbi Hatun was also the wife of Semsi Çelebi, who was one of the grandchildren of Aksemseddin. In this sense, Aise Hubbi Hatun was a person who served in the palace during the reign of Selim II. According to the sources, Mullah Çelebi was appointed to a post that was as high as being the kādī of Istanbul with the help of Aise Hubbi Hatun, who was one of the prominent figures of the palace. For this reason, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was also known as “Hubba/Hubbi Mullah”.

In the present study of ours on Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, one of the most prominent lady poets was Serife Zubeyde Fitnat Hanım (d. 1194/1780). In the sources, some authors discussed whether Fitnat Hanım’s tomb was in Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge. Since there is no inscription on it, the tomb of Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was assumed to belong to Fitnat Hanım. Actually, in the past, Istanbul Tombs and Museums Directorate hung a plate saying that the tomb in question belonged to Fitnat Hanim. However, Bilgin Turnalı revealed that the tomb of Fitnat Hanım was not in the Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge in his article with the title “The Tomb of the Poet Fitnat Hanım”.

The archive sources, which we can examine on Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, generally belong to the 18th century and onwards. For this reason, the information on the establishment years of the Dervish Lodge was not determined fully. However, some of the archive sources reported some revenues of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge. For example, it was recorded in the archives that payments were made to this Dervish Lodge in Muharramiya activities. As it is known, ceremonies were held in the Ottoman Palace in the month of Muharram, which was the initial month of the Hijri calendar, and a number of people and institutions in Istanbul and its surroundings were paid by the Sultan under the name of “Muharramiyya”.

In Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, there were some prominent shaykhs like Mahmud Efendi and Nureddin Efendi. For example, since Mahmud Efendi had a lot of influence on the lodge, it was named after him for a period of time. Another prominent shaykh in the above-mentioned dervish lodge was Nureddin Efendi. As a matter of fact, he was closely interested in the maintenance and repair works of the dervish lodge and the activities related to the cults, and applied to Evkāf-i Humāyūn many times for repair works. Mehmed Esref Sabri Efendi, who was the shaykh before the last one in this dervish lodge, contributed to the training of many people of cult, especially Saadeddin Ceylan, who was the shaykh of Haki Baba Lodge. The last shaykh of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge was Hafiz Hussein Kamil Efendi, who was the son-in-law of Mehmed Esref Sabri Efendi.

When the physical condition of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge is examined, it is understood that it was ruined in some periods in the history due to erosion; and for this reason, it had renovations. It was determined that Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which belonged to the Kadiriyye cult, remained until the last period of the Ottoman Empire; however, after the closure of the dervish lodges in 1925, it disappeared rapidly. In our present day, two tombs that belong to Mehmed Vusuli Efendi and Aise Hubbi Hatun and a graveyard where the members of the lodge were buried are left behind from this Dervish Lodge.

As it is known, Dervish Lodges had an important place in the religious, scientific, political and economic life of the Ottoman society. In this article, which was planned to examine the Ottoman sufi culture, the historical course of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, its founder, shaykhs, physical location, etc. were discussed in the light of the archive sources.

Abdurrahim Karahisārī (d. between 1483-94) who was among the leading disciples of Akşemseddīn (d. 1459) initiaed to his master in Beypazarı/Ankara circa 1436 and spent a long time together with him during his travels through Edirne, İstanbul, İznik and Göynük. Karahisārī represented the Şemsiyye branch of Bayramiyye which is opened by Akşemseddīn and continued by prominent sūfīs such as İbrahim Tennūrī (d. 1482), Sheikh Yavsī (d. 1514), İlyas Saruhānī (d. 1559-60) and Bolulu Himmet (d. 1684) in Afyonkarahisar sanjak of the Ottoman state in the fifteenth century. He authored four books included a Turkish translation in verse of Būsīrī’s (d. ca. 1296) Qasīda al-Burda, an extended Turkish translation of Hāssī’s (d. 1237) who was a disciple of the founder of the Kubrawiyya order, i.e. Najmuddin Kubra (d. 1221), al-Salwa fī sharāit al-halwa, called Munya al-abrār wa gunya al-akhyār, an epistle entitled Risāla fī ashrāt al-sā‘a which can be read within the context of the doomsday debates of the day and Vahdetnāme which is a mathnawī composed of 4267 verses on various topics of the Sūfism. In this study, first of all Karahisārī’s life and intellectual heritage will be introduced, then via the text analysis method his mystical thoughts will be revealed and lastly his Munya which is the most important of his works in terms of his mystical thoughts will be presented with inner and outer details of the book, including a comparison with its source book, i.e. Salwa. In addition, the annotated text of Munya will be added as transcribed and construsted from different extant manuscripts of the work. The essential outcome of this study is that Karahisārī especially with his Munya played an important role in the course of the formation of Bayramiyya and the vernacularization of the Sūfism in Anatolia.

Acknowledgments Transliteration Notes Introduction
1. The Political Activities of Shaikh al-Suhrawardi
2. Awarif al-Ma'aif: The Sufi Manual of Shaikh Abu Hafs
3. Sacred Identities in the Suhrawardiyya Order
4. The Suhrawariyya Silsila in Multan and Ucch
5. Multani SuhrawardI Tasawwuf: Spiritual Exercises