History of Sufism

The revival of the Dhahabi order' in modem Persia took place several decades earlier than that of the Ni'matullahi through the person of Qutb al-Din Nayr-zi (d. 1173/1759), the thirty-second in line from the Prophet.2 Nayrnz was wellversed in all of the various Islamic sciences of his day and among his followers are counted a number of notable Shiite clerics, such as Shaykh Ja'far Najafi, Mulla Mihrab Gilani, Shaykh Ahmad Ahsa'i and Sayyid Mahdi Tabataba'1 ('Bahr al-'Ulum').3 In the Tadhkirat al-awliya-yi Dhahabiyya, a versified history of the Dhahabi masters by Aqa Mlrza Baba Shirazi, the studies, exploits, compositions, charismatic powers and travels of Nayr-zl are recorded in detail. Nayrnz was also the author of numerous poetical works and prose treatises in Persian and Arabic, including Risala-yi Fasl al-khitab, Shams al-hikma, Kanz al-hikma, Anwar al-wilaya, Nur al-hidaya and Risala-yi 'Ishqiyya.4 'Fasl al-khitdb ', his celebrated Arabic poem of some 8,000 couplets, expounds the tenets of Akbarian theosophy and details his mystical experiences. While attacking the corruption of the Safavid clerical establishment, it records in detail the persecution endured by the Sufis and the destruction of their khanaqahs at the hands of the 'ulama-yi zdhir.5 Nayrnz's Fasl al-khitab also apparently formed the literary model for Hadi Sabzavari's (d. 1878) celebrated Arabic Manzuima-yi Hikmat.6 While Nayr-zi's attempted defence of Sufism against the increasing persecution of the exoteric 'ulama' in an epistle to the last Safavid Shah, Sultan Husayn, met with a severe rebuke, his frequent travels throughout Iran and Iraq and his inspiring prose and poetic works ultimately brought about the survival and, apparently, the revival of the Dhahabiyya tariqa in Iran.7 Nayriz The real founder of the Dhahabiyya was Sayyid 'Abdu'llah Barzishabadi (d. 872/1467-68), whose silsila branched off from the Kubravi master Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh (d. 1465). For the best description of its origins, see Devin DeWeese, 'The eclipse of the Kubraviyah in Central Asia', Iranian Studies, 21/1-2, 1988, 62-9. 2 For a summary of his life and works, see Khavari, Dhahabiyya. tasawwuf-i 'ilmi athar-i adab. (Tehran, 1362/1983), 297-307; Ihsanu'llah 'Alli Istakhri, Usul-i tasawwuf (Tehran, 1338/1959), 422-60; I would like to thank Professor 'Abd al-Hamid Ganjaviyan, Master of the Dhahabiyya order, for his generosity in giving me a copy of this book to complete the research on this article. 3 Zarrinkub, Dunbala-yi Justuju, 334; Khavarn, however, Dhahabiyya, 323, n. 4, casts doubt on whether the last two had indeed met him. 4 Zarrinkub, Dunbala-yi Justuju, 335; see Khavari, Dhahabiyya, ch. 14, for a discussion of his literary works. 5 See Istakhri, Usul-i Tasawwuf (Tehran, 1338/1959), 434-39. 6 See Khavari, Dhahabiyya, 551-2. 7As Zayn al-'Abidin Shirvani had pointed out (Riyad al-siyaha, 655), the fortunes of institutional Sufism suffered a severe decline in early eighteenth-century Iran, leaving only a few Nurbakhshl and Dhahabi dervishes within the country. Despite this decline, Mirza Baba Shirazi in his poem, Tadhkirat al-awliya, after praising Nayrizi's writings highly, asserts that 'whoever in Iran aspires to be a leader in mystical poverty [faqr-i Haqq, i.e. Sufism], must take his 'poverty' [Sufism] from that man of God [i.e. Nayrizf ' (cited by Istakhri, Usul, 445). This verse demonstrates that from the perspective of Dhahabi Sufi piety at least, the order's revival was largely effected by Nayrizl's powerful personality. ? School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1999 This content downloaded from 87.112.5.158 on Tue, MODERN PERSIAN SUFISM was known for his admiration for, and teaching of the works of Ibn 'Arabi, and his broad-mindedness is evident from the fact that near the end of his life, while residing in Najaf, he gave 'classes to members of all four [Sunni] madhhabs as well as Shiites of the Ja'fari madhhab without letting the religious differences in their doctrines interfere with his teachings.'8 The next qutb of the Dhahabiyya (thirty-third in line since the Prophet), Muhammad Hashim Darvlsh Shirazl (d. 1190/1776), whose biography and mystical experiences are recorded in various Dhahabi hagiographies such as Tadhkira-yi Raz9 and TdrTkh-i hayat wa karamat-i Sayyid Qutb al-Dmn Muhammad,' spent much of his life travelling, residing for a while in Isfahan where his pfr-i suhbat was Mirza Shafi'a'i, qutb of the Nuriyya order.1l He was originally employed as a high-ranking secretary, and later chief taxcollector of the province of Fars under Nadir Khan Afshar, until he retired from that post under suspicion of fraud and devoted himself to spiritual matters. He spent 12 years of his early spiritual career in a mosque in Isfahan as an ascetic.'2 Subsequently, he moved to Najaf where he was initiated by Shah Kawthar, an Indian shaykh of the Shattari order.'3 However, his supreme master was Nayrizi, who initiated him in Shiraz c. 1157/1744. He then married Nayrizi's daughter, 'according to the centuries-old tradition among the Dhahabiyya that each qutb gives the hand of his daughter to his khalifa or successor.'14 This linkage of familial kinship to spiritual rank initiated by Darvish Shirazi was to become formalized by the next three masters of the Dhahabiyya, all of whom bequeathed the robes of spiritual guidance to their sons, thus transforming the order for the next 100 years into a family dynasty based on patrilineal succession. Darvish ShirazT was the author of a Persian mathnawl entitled Wildyatnama, 1700 couplets in length,15 in which, for the first time in Persian literature, he set in verse the spiritual genealogy of his order, a genre later imitated by nearly every other Persian Sufi master after him.16 His works, largely devoted to expounding Sufi themes based on Akbarian and Ishraqi hikmat (in the context of an intensely Shiite piety; all the ghazals in his Persian DTwdn, for instance, are panegyrics in praise of 'Ali), are frequently republished, so much so that his poems are still sung today in the Dhahabi samd' gathering.17 At almost the same time that Ma'

This meticulous book examines the theological, philosophical, historical and Islamic mystical dimensions of the Suhrawardi Sufi order from the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries. The Suhrawardis were a legally grounded and intellectually vibrant Sufi order whose mystical path was based on exchanges and debates on the Qur'an and on the Prophet's customs. This created a unique self-understanding, which developed specific Sufi spiritual exercises. The book analyses their interpretation of sacred texts-the Qur'an, hadiths, sunnå, and malfūzāt and discusses important new ways of thinking about the Sufi hermeneutics of the Qur'an and its contribution to Islamic intellectual and spiritual life.

Open Edition: http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/9179
This book was awarded the Great prize of the "Rendez-vous de l'histoire du monde arabe" (Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris) in 2016.
Metropolis of the Arab-Muslim medieval world and capital of the Abbasid caliphate, Baghdad was in the middle of the Vth/XIth c. part of the empire of Seljuk Turks. The Seljuk Sultans restored sunnism; they didn’t settle in Baghdad but founded in it new institutions: the madrasas, and took part in urban development.
This study in social history is based on biographical dictionaries and Arabic chronicles, with prosopographical methods. It focalizes on the multiple functional categories of elites, then describes distinction practices, reverence and manifestations of hierarchical tensions inside those groups, and the emergence and consolidation of important families. Then comes the study of urban context: repartition of elites in different areas, urban control, constructions and foundations, mécénat of the elites. Baghdad appears through this study as a changing city, influenced by the action of strongly urbanely inscribed elites, products of the urban context as much as its producer.

Cet ouvrage a reçu le Grand prix des Rendez-vous de l'histoire du monde arabe (Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris) en 2016.
Bagdad, grande métropole du monde arabo-musulman médiéval et siège du califat abbasside, fut au milieu du Ve/XIe siècle englobée dans l’empire des Turcs seldjoukides. Restaurateurs du sunnisme, les sultans seldjoukides résidèrent peu à Bagdad, mais ils y fondèrent des institutions nouvelles : les madrasas, et participèrent au développement urbain.
Cette étude d’histoire sociale se fonde sur les dictionnaires biographiques et les chroniques arabes et la constitution d’un grand fichier prosopographique. La thèse décrit les différentes catégories fonctionnelles d’élites, les pratiques de distinction et les manifestations des clivages hiérarchiques au sein de ces groupes, et l’apparition et la consolidation de grands lignages. Puis vient l’étude du cadre urbain : répartition des élites dans la ville, contrôle urbain, évergétisme élitaire. Bagdad y apparaît comme une ville en évolution, marquée par l’action d’élites profondément inscrites dans le contexte urbain dont elles sont le produit.

The article examines early Sufi notions of rida, usually translated as ''contentment,'' ''satisfaction,'' and ''good-pleasure.'' It does so through a close textual analysis of some of the most important works of the tradition authored up until what has been identified as the ''formative period of Sufi literature,'' a period which ends in the 11th century. In the process, the article situates rida within the larger context of early Islamic moral psychology as it was formulated by the fledgling Sufi tradition. The article analyses early definitions of rida, the role of rida in tribulation, contentment and the ills of complaint, the higher levels of rida, and the role of love in rida. It ends with a brief overview of the paradox of rida inherent within a largely deterministic theology which traces all acts back to God.

This article traces the early history of mystical practice in the Islamic context and its organization into institutional Sufi orders up to the modern day.  It traces the etymology of the word 'Tariqa,' the historical development of devotional and spiritual practice in the Islamic context, spiritual exercises, communal life, the establishment of the Sufi orders, their initiation rituals, their social ethics and etiquette, the role of women and gender, etc.  It gives an overview of the history, specific practices and traditions of each of the major Sufi orders and discusses the traditions and changing role of the Sufi orders in the modern world.

The phenomenon of Western Sufi teachers is unique, not just because of the individuals themselves, though they are certainly fascinating, but because of what they represent: the flowering of the Western genius, which has discovered Eastern traditions, absorbed them and in the process changed them and been changed by them. This paper is a primary outline of the main contours of this phenomenon, trying to brief its history and attempt an explanation of what it means.

The medieval history of Sufism in Multan is relatively well known. A figure such as the famous Suhraward┘ Shaykh Bah┐' al-D┘n Zakariyy┐ from the thirteenth century embodies this prestigious period. Our article shows that the Sufi brotherhoods have continued to flourish until today, far beyond what traditional historiography describes. Using unexplored sources-mostly modern Urdu hagiographies devoted to the sacred history of Multan-we reconstruct the biography and the bibliography of many Sufi shaykhs as well as the lineages, especially Q┐dir┘ and Chisht┘, from which they come; we identify several mausoleums and lodges across the city; eventually, we reveal the existence of marginal mystics who marked the religious memory of this heritage city of the Pakistani Punjab.

Seslerin ve sözlerin çoğaldığı bir çağda yaşıyoruz. “Doğru bilgi” hassasiyeti taşımaksızın, pervasızca fikir beyan edilen konulardan biri de tasavvuf. Şer'i Şerîf'i hayata hâkim kılmayı gaye edinen tasavvufun İslâm'ın hükümlerinden bağımsız olduğu algısı oluşturulmak isteniyor.
Tasavvuf konusunda Şer'i Şerîf'i bir kenara koyan tutarsız yorumlarına destek arayanlar, özellikle menkıbeleri bir dayanak noktası haline getirmiş bulunuyor. Kimileri menkıbelerle veya menkıbe benzeri anlatımlarla bozuk yollarına taraftar topluyor. Diğer taraftan, aslı astarı olmayan ya da merâmının aksi istikametinde yorumlanan menkıbeler üzerinden tertemiz Allah dostlarına, sâlih zatlara bühtan ve iftira edenler çoğalıyor.
Menkıbeler üzerinden inşa edilen bu çarpık anlayışın, kaynağı Allah'ın Kitabı ve Rasulü'nün Sünneti olan tasavvuf ile bir ilgisi olmadığı aşikar.

Qāsim b. Ṣalāḥaddīn al-Ḫānīs mystischer Text as-Sayr wa-s-sulūk ilā malik al-mulūk zur Seelenlehre und Seelenerziehung gilt als ein Schlüsselwerk zur sufischen Bildung. Er erreichte im osmanischen Herrschafts- und Einflussgebiet schnell überregionale Verbreitung, erlebte seinen literarischen Durchbruch als Lehrbuch im 18. Jahrhundert und nahm als Standardwerk der islamischen Mystik einen festen Platz in der Ordensliteratur der Sufis ein.
Die Autorin zeigt an diesem Text exemplarisch auf, welche Vorstellungen, Lehren und Prinzipien im 17. Jahrhundert in Aleppiner Sufi-Kreisen vertreten wurden, hinterfragt die Gründe für die Popularität sowie den starken Einfluss dieses sufischen Lehrwerks und erschließt seine Verbreitungsgebiete und Leserschaft. Ihre umfassende Analyse veranschaulicht, auf welche Weise und aus welchen Gründen dieses Werk seine Wirkung bis in die Moderne hinein bewahren konnte.

The 19th century was a period of immense transformation for Kurdistan in terms of political structure. As the political and administrative divisions in Kurdistan increased the transformation of the land accelerated further. Thus, despite the Kurdish emirates lasted for several centuries, after the 19th century such political structures were replaced with the religious leaders and later with the tribal chiefs. Taking such a transformation into consideration one could follow three phases in the 19th century of Kurdistan: Firstly, the classical period, which was dominated by secular leaders, namely the emirates; secondly, the period of religious leaders, when the emirates were destroyed and replaced by sufi leaders; thirdly and finally, the period of tribal leaders, which became the rule of the day after 1890, when the Cavalry Regiments were established by Sultan Abdulhamid II.

Acknowledgments Transliteration Notes Introduction
1. The Political Activities of Shaikh al-Suhrawardi
2. Awarif al-Ma'aif: The Sufi Manual of Shaikh Abu Hafs
3. Sacred Identities in the Suhrawardiyya Order
4. The Suhrawariyya Silsila in Multan and Ucch
5. Multani SuhrawardI Tasawwuf: Spiritual Exercises

Öz: Akşemseddin’in (ö. 863/1459) önde gelen halifelerinden Abdurrahim
Karahisârî Afyonkarahisarlı olup henüz Beypazarı’nda iken intisap ettiği şeyhinin Edirne, İstanbul, İznik ve Göynük’te iken uzun süre yanında bulunmuştur. Karahisârî, Bayramiyye’nin Akşemseddin’le açılan ve İbrâhim Tennûrî (ö. 887/1482), Şeyh Yavsî (ö. 920/1514), İlyas Saruhânî (ö. 967/1559-60) ve Bolulu Himmet Efendi (ö. 1095/1684) gibi sûfîler tarafından devam ettirilen kolu olan Şemsiyye’yi 15. yüzyılda Afyonkarahisar’da temsil etmiş te’lîf sâhibi bir sûfîdir. Bûsîrî’nin (ö. 695/1296 [?]) Hz. Peygamber’i medh için kaleme aldığı kasidesinin manzûm tercümesi Tercüme-i Kasîde-i Bürde, Necmeddîn-i Kübrâ’nın (ö. 618/1221) mürîdlerinden Ebü’l-Müeyyed el-Muvaffak b. Muhammed el-Hâssî’nin (ö. 634/1237) halveti konu alan es-Selve fî şerâiti’l-halve adlı eserinin şerhli tercümesi Münyetü’l-ebrâr ve gunyetü’l-ahyâr, dönemin kıyâmet tartışmaları bağlamında ele alınabilecek Risâle fî eşrâti’s-sâ‘a ve bazı tasavvufî esasları şiir diliyle ve sade bir Türkçe ile ele aldığı 4267 beyitlik Vahdetnâme isimli mesnevîsi günümüze ulaştığı bilinen eserleridir. Bu çalışmada Karahisârî’nin hayâtı ve entelektüel mîrâsı hakkında ulaştığımız bazı yeni bulgular ışığında biyografisi inşâ edilecektir. Çalışmanın netîcesinde v arılan sonuçlar Karahisârî’nin, Akşemseddîn’in nezdinde çok mühim bir konumda bulunduğu, şeyhinin ümerâ ile ilişkilerinde de dâima yanında olduğu, kendisinin II. Murad döneminden II. Bâyezid dönemine kadar devlet yönetimi tarafından da dikkate alınan bir isim olduğu, İstanbul’un fethinden sonra ilmî ve mânevî nedenlerle şeyhiyle birlikte İstanbul’dan ayrıldığı ve
Bayramiyye’nin teşekkülünde ve Anadolu’da tasavvufun yerelleşmesinde önemli bir rol oynadığı şeklinde özetlenebilir.
Abstract: Abdurrahim Karahisārī (d. between 1483-94) who was among the leading disciples of Akşemseddīn (d. 1459) initiated to his master in Beypazarı/Ankara circa 1436 and spent a long time together with him during his travels through Edirne, İstanbul, İznik and Göynük. Karahisārī represented the Şemsiyye branch of Bayramiyye which is opened by Akşemseddīn and continued by prominent sūfīs such as İbrahim Tennūrī (d. 1482), Sheikh Yavsī (d. 1514), İlyas Saruhānī (d. 1559-60) and Bolulu Himmet (d. 1684) in Afyonkarahisar sanjak of the Ottoman state in the fifteenth century. He authored four books included a Turkish translation in verse of Būsīrī’s (d. ca. 1296) Qasīda al-Burda, an extended Turkish translation of Hāssī’s (d. 1237) who was a disciple of the founder of the Kubrawiyya order, i.e. Najmuddin Kubra (d. 1221), al-Salwa fī sharāit al-halwa, called Munya al-abrār wa gunya al-akhyār, an epistle entitled Risāla fī ashrāt alsā‘a which can be read within the context of the doomsday debates of the day and Vahdetnāme which is a mathnawī composed of 4267 verses
on various topics of the Sūfism. In this study, new findings and remarks on Karahisārī’s life and intellectual heritage will be introduced and interpreted. Essential outcomes of this study can be summed up as that Karahisārī was at a crucial position before Akşemseddin, he was always beside his sheikh during his relations with the state elites, he was also in an important position before the governing elites since Murad II till Bayezid II; and Karahisārī left İstanbul after the conquest with Akşemseddin for scientific and spiritual reasons; and lastly he played a vital role in the formation of Bayramiyya and vernacularization of the Sūfism in Anatolia.

This study aims to analyze and to make critical edition of Tadhkirat al-Ahbab and Mie va Khamsun Hikmah, which were written by Ibrahim Haqqi of Erzurum. In the first manuscript, He wrote his master and spiritual guide Ismail Faqirullah of Tillo’s life and in the second one, He collected his master’s hikmah (knowledge of reality of things). From this aspect, in this study we used both technical and analytical methods and it consists of an introduction and three chapters.
The introduction covers the brief information of the orders (tariqas) which had extensive influence in Anatolia, specifically Naqshbandi and Qadiri orders- at the time of these two scholars. In the first chapter, all the biographical works which have written before on the life of Ibrahim Haqqi have been compared. Regarding that comparison, the most authentic information has given, and as a contribution for subsequent academic studies, Ibrahim Haqqi’s all manuscripts has classified according to libraries. Also, the manuscripts that is available at manuscripts libraries in Istanbul has been checked one by one, and every single leaflet has noted by its leaf number to guide future studies.
In the second chapter, a broad information is given about the two manuscripts, such as the number of copies and its details, the date on which manuscripts was copied and the identity of the scribes. Further, because of Tadhkirat al-Ahbab is composed of the life of Ismail Faqirullah, his life has been summarized and the two manuscripts has been analyzed.
In the last chapter, the method which is chosen for the critical edition has elucidated by its details, and critically edited text has been written down.

XÜLASƏ
Əsasını sührəverdilik və zahidilik sufi məktəbləri təşkil edən xəlvətilik sufi məktəbinin önəmli mürşidlərindən biri əslən Quba bölgəsindən olan Yusif Müsküridir. Yusif Müsküri XV əsrdə yaşamış və təsəvvüfi fəaliyyət göstərmişdir. O, xəlvətilik sufi məktəbinin ikinci piri kimi qəbul edilən Seyid Yəhya Bakuvi Şirvaninin tələbəsi və xəlifəsi olmuşdur. Seyid Yəhya ona “Məxdum” deyə müraciət etmişdir.
Yusif Müskürinin xəlvətilik silsilənaməsi müəllifi olduğu “Silsilətül-Uyun” əsərinin 4-cü fəslində verilmişdir. Əsərin əlyazması AMEA Məhəmməd Füzuli adına Əlyazmalar İnstitutunda B-5447 şifri altında mühafizə olunur. Həcmi 12 vərəqdən ibarət, ölçüsü 17,5x19,5 sm.-dir. Rusiya istehsalı filiqranlı kağızda nəstəliq xətti ilə yazılmışdır. Vərəqlər açıq və tünd təbii sarı və noxudu rəngdədir. Cildi yaşıl rəngli dəridir. Mətn qara, fəsillərin adları qırmızı mürəkkəblidir. Əsərin üzü hicri 1320-ci ildə (miladi 1902-ci il) köçürülmüşdür. Əsər 10 fəsildən ibarətdir.
Yusif Müskürinin əsərində verilən silsilənamə tarixi mənbə kimi böyük əhəmiyyət kəsb edir. Xəlvətiliyin Şirvanşahlar dövləti tərəfindən himayə edildiyi XV əsrdə yerli müəllif tərəfindən yazılan silsilənamədə xəlvətiliyin qurucusu Pir Ömərin Şamaxı yaxınlığında Avaxıl kəndindən, xəlvətilik mürşidləri içərisində mühüm yer tutan Əxi Mirimin isə Məlhəm kəndindən olduğu anlaşılır. Həm şirvanlı müəllif olması, həm də Seyid Yəhya Şirvaninin xəlifəsi olması Yusif Müskürinin Pir Ömər və ilk xəlvətilər haqqında daha dəqiq bilgilərə sahib olduğunu göstərir.
Burada Yusif Müskürinin mürşidlik silsilənaməsi və həmin silsilənamədə adı çəkilən şirvanlı mürşidlərin nisbələri haqqında məlumat veriləcəkdir.

ABSTRACT
Yusif Muskuri, originally from the Guba region, is one of the most important teachers of the Khalvati Sufi school, which is based on the Sufi schools of Suhraverdiyya and Zahidiyya. Yusif Muskuri lived in the 15th century and practiced Sufism. He was a student and caliph of Seyid Yahya Bakuvi Shirvani, who was respected as the second wise man of the Sufi school of Khalvatiyya. Sayyid Yahya addressed to him as “Makhdum”. Yusif Muskuri’s silsilanama of Khalvatiyya is given in the 4th chapter of his work “Silsilatul-Uyun”. The manuscript of the work is protected at the
Institute of Manuscripts named after Muhammed Fuzuli of ANAS under the code B-5447. It consists of 12 pages and measures 17.5x19.5 cm. It is written on filigree paper produced in Russian with nastaliq letter. The pages are light and dark natural yellow and pea color. The cover is made of green colored leather. The text is written with black and the chapter titles with red ink. The work was copied in 1320 AH (1902 AD) and consists of 10 chapters.
The silsilanama in Yusif Muskuri’s work is of great importance as a historical source. In a series written by a local author in the 15th century, when Khalvatiyya was protected by the Shirvanshah state, it can be understood that the founder of Khalvatiyya, Pir Omar, was from the village of Avakhil near Shamakhi, and Ahi Mirim, who played an important role among khalvati murshids, was from the village of Melhem. Both being a Shirvani author and being the caliph of Seyid Yahya Shirvani show that Yusif Muskuri had more accurate knowledge of Pir Omar and the first Khalvatis.
In this work, information will be given about Yusif Muskuri’s series of murshids and the titles of Shirvan murshids mentioned in that series.

After such a wide movement of the Tarakama nomadic communities from Turkestan to the West by the Mongols, the Sufi teachings in the territory of the Azerbaijan Shirvanshahs state were organized and received wide support from the state. The Sufi school of Khalvatiyya, represented by Pir Omar, Sheikh Izzeddin, Sheikh Mazid, Sheikh Dursun, passed into all the nomadic communities of Tarakama. After the decline of the Derbendi dynasty of the Shirvanshah state, the main ideology of which was Shi’ism, it was successfully spread in this region, the Sufi khanagahs of the prayer house began to close, and some of the places they abandoned were settled by the non-Muslim population. But the emptiness created after the conquest of Tsarist Russia in the region once again reinforced the movement of Sufis, which had returned to Azerbaijan again from Movlana Ismail’s position, and the nakshibandiyya spread almost throughout the Caucasus. The Tarakama nomadic communities began to re-pursue Sufi traditions, passed down from generation to generation, in the region where the historical proverb read: “In Shirvan - Shikhs, in Derbent - Girkhs” new sheikhs were appeared. The sheikhs such as Haji Mahmud Baba, Haji Ahmed Efendi, Haji Soltan Baba, Haji Hussein Efendi, Haji Seyidgulu Efendi, Jawad Agha, Haji Mustafa Shah came out of the communities of Tarakama supported the spread of Islam, especially Sufism during the period when propaganda when it was widely propagandized Christianity.

Sufism, also “Islam in miniature” (p. 7) is the ascetic-mystical stream of Islam which encompasses all the features of the larger tradition of Islam. Alexander Knysh’s Sufism provides new insights into the historical study of Sufism from a novel perspective. It deals with the task of examining how Sufism has been imagined by both insiders (those who practice it) and outsiders since its inception. It highlights the epistemological problems in the scholarship which describes it. Knysh mentions the glitches of the Orientalist approach to capture Sufi ideas. The West’s attempt to grasp Sufism is replete with translating the practice into the language of their respective societies, thereby leading to the invention of a general notion despite its absence. One of the projects of Knysh’s book is to weave an alternative narrative which paves the way for rescuing the concept of Sufism from Oriental biases. On the other hand, orthodox Muslims have debunked Sufism as a deviation from true Islam. Knysh attempts to arrive at an objective (i.e., neutral) account of Sufism by bringing together both the insider and the outsider perspectives on the issue.

Dervish lodges and cults were among the important elements of the Ottoman social life and in those times, they had spread to nearly all city centers, towns and villages. Dervish lodges served as non-formal educational institutions for people from all ages and all segments of the society. In addition to education, these structures also played important roles in political, economic, social and military life of the Ottoman Empire. In general, wise people and scholars contributed to the development and dissemination of Islamic sciences in general, and specifically, mystic thought. As a matter of fact, it was determined that there were a great number of Dervish lodges that were founded or supported by shaykh al-Islam (the chief justice), kādī (judge), scholars and mudarrisīn (teachers) in the history of sufism. One of them was Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which was founded in the 16th Century by Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who belonged to the Ilmiya class (d. 998/1590). Until today no detailed studies have been conducted on lodges, which continued their existence until 1925. For this reason, this article will be the first study that deals with the dervish lodges in the light of archive sources. In this article, which was written to shed light on the course of our sufi cultural history, the prominent names, shaykhs and physical status of the Dervish lodges, especially Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who was the founder of these lodges, will be dealt with.

Summary: Our country, which hosts scientific moral centers like dervish lodges, school, madrasa and masjids, has a rich historical cultural treasure. As it is already known, the above-mentioned institutions had an important place in the life of Ottoman social life. Dervish lodges and madrassas were considered as science and wisdom centers because there is no distinction between zāhir (exterior) and bātin (interior) in our tradition. Under then-present conditions, the institutions that were needed most were supported. In this sense, the sultans and scholars cared about the dervish lodges, which were the places where sciences were studied contributing to the construction of these structures. One of these was Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which was founded in the center of Eyupsultan by the Ottoman man of letter, poet and scholar, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi (d. 998/1590).


Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge is located in the Debbaghane/Tabakhane (Tannery) district in the center of Eyupsultan. As Suleyman Çelebi stated, “the valiant ones worked in the Tannery”. For this reason, it is possible to say that there were tanners among the disciples and followers of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge.

Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge was built by Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who belonged to the scholar class in the Ottoman Empire. Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who served as a professor in various madrasahs, served as a kādī in cities like Konya, Kutahya and Istanbul. Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was called “Mullah” because of his madrasah origin and “Çelebi” because of being a member of the scholar class. For this reason, dervish lodge in question was known as Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge in his honor. Sources mention the religious, knowledgeable and modest personality of Mehmed Vusuli Efendi. In this sense, the establishment of a dervish lodge by someone from the scholar class is important in terms of being a sign of the togetherness of dervish lodges and madrasahs in the Ottoman Empire. In addition to his scientific personality, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was also an important figure who wrote works both as prose and as poetry, and made some translations into Turkish. In addition to the Dervish Lodges mentioned here, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi also established mosques and public baths in various places in Istanbul and was interested in charity works. Cemaleddin Server Revnakoglu stated that he was given the nickname “FındıklıÇelebi” because he had established a mosque in Fındıklı District.

Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was the son-in-law of Aise Hubbi Hatun (d. 997/1589), who was one of the lady poets of the 16th century divan literature. Aise Hubbi Hatun was the granddaughter of Kanuni Sultan Suleyman’s foster brother Yahya Efendi from Beşiktaş. Aise Hubbi Hatun was also the wife of Semsi Çelebi, who was one of the grandchildren of Aksemseddin. In this sense, Aise Hubbi Hatun was a person who served in the palace during the reign of Selim II. According to the sources, Mullah Çelebi was appointed to a post that was as high as being the kādī of Istanbul with the help of Aise Hubbi Hatun, who was one of the prominent figures of the palace. For this reason, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was also known as “Hubba/Hubbi Mullah”.

In the present study of ours on Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, one of the most prominent lady poets was Serife Zubeyde Fitnat Hanım (d. 1194/1780). In the sources, some authors discussed whether Fitnat Hanım’s tomb was in Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge. Since there is no inscription on it, the tomb of Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was assumed to belong to Fitnat Hanım. Actually, in the past, Istanbul Tombs and Museums Directorate hung a plate saying that the tomb in question belonged to Fitnat Hanim. However, Bilgin Turnalı revealed that the tomb of Fitnat Hanım was not in the Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge in his article with the title “The Tomb of the Poet Fitnat Hanım”.

The archive sources, which we can examine on Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, generally belong to the 18th century and onwards. For this reason, the information on the establishment years of the Dervish Lodge was not determined fully. However, some of the archive sources reported some revenues of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge. For example, it was recorded in the archives that payments were made to this Dervish Lodge in Muharramiya activities. As it is known, ceremonies were held in the Ottoman Palace in the month of Muharram, which was the initial month of the Hijri calendar, and a number of people and institutions in Istanbul and its surroundings were paid by the Sultan under the name of “Muharramiyya”.

In Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, there were some prominent shaykhs like Mahmud Efendi and Nureddin Efendi. For example, since Mahmud Efendi had a lot of influence on the lodge, it was named after him for a period of time. Another prominent shaykh in the above-mentioned dervish lodge was Nureddin Efendi. As a matter of fact, he was closely interested in the maintenance and repair works of the dervish lodge and the activities related to the cults, and applied to Evkāf-i Humāyūn many times for repair works. Mehmed Esref Sabri Efendi, who was the shaykh before the last one in this dervish lodge, contributed to the training of many people of cult, especially Saadeddin Ceylan, who was the shaykh of Haki Baba Lodge. The last shaykh of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge was Hafiz Hussein Kamil Efendi, who was the son-in-law of Mehmed Esref Sabri Efendi.

When the physical condition of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge is examined, it is understood that it was ruined in some periods in the history due to erosion; and for this reason, it had renovations. It was determined that Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which belonged to the Kadiriyye cult, remained until the last period of the Ottoman Empire; however, after the closure of the dervish lodges in 1925, it disappeared rapidly. In our present day, two tombs that belong to Mehmed Vusuli Efendi and Aise Hubbi Hatun and a graveyard where the members of the lodge were buried are left behind from this Dervish Lodge.

As it is known, Dervish Lodges had an important place in the religious, scientific, political and economic life of the Ottoman society. In this article, which was planned to examine the Ottoman sufi culture, the historical course of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, its founder, shaykhs, physical location, etc. were discussed in the light of the archive sources.

This paper focuses on the poet of Nuri Pakdil. I highlight his main literary achievements. In particular, I focus on his life and how he inluenced others in the literary circles. I also discuss Nouri Pakdil as a poet and writer, bringing forth to the scene his literary Works and his ideological orientation. Finally, this paper particularly focuses on Nouri Pakdil's "Jarusalem and Mothers" for wihch and analysis is given. This analysis shows how Pakdil intends to relate Jaruselam to the love that a mother has for child, in an attemt to send a message to people that Jarusalem must be treated just as a mother would treat her own child

The second part of my comprehensive exam concerns the possible effects of Indian Tantric Buddhism on three Sufi figures: Shaqīq al-Balkhī, al-Bistāmī and Farīd al-Dīn 'Aṭṭār. Please bear in mind that this is quite speculative and that such historical relations are extremely difficult to determine with confidence. Input is welcome.

“Karındaşım var idi adı Bîcân
Bana tergîb ederdi derdi ey cân
Bilirsin yok vefâsı rûzigârın
Ko senden sonra pes bir yâdigârın

(…)

Dedim Bîcân’a imdi ben dahi gel
Çü düzdüm bu kitâbı sen dahi gel
Bunu Türkî diline dönder imdi
Yayılsın İl’e şehre gönder imdi.

Yazıcızâde Muhammed Efendi (ö. 855/1451) ve kardeşi Ahmed-i Bîcân (ö. 870/1466’dan sonra), Osmanlı tasavvuf târihinin temsîl gücü yüksek iki ismidir. Yazıcızâde Kardeşlerin eserleri, yüzyıllarca Osmanlı coğrafyasında ve bu coğrafyanın dışında okunmuş, üzerlerine şerhler yazılmış hatta Türkçenin haricindeki dillere de tercüme edilmiştir. Aynı zamanda Hacı Bayrâm-ı Velî’nin de derviş ve halîfeleri olan Yazıcızâde Kardeşlerin eserleri arasında, özellikle Muhammed Efendi’nin manzûm Muhammediyye, Ahmed-i Bîcân’ın ise mensûr Envâru’l-âşıkîn adlı eserleri; Osmanlı ulemâsı, sûfî çevreler ve halk tarafından en çok okunan, okutturulan kitaplar arasında addedilmektedir. Denilebilir ki Yazıcızâde Kardeşler, eserlerinin merkezine aldıkları Hz. Peygamber (s.a.v) sevgisinin, sözlü ve yazılı Osmanlı kültür ekolojisi içinde yayılmasında çok önemli katkıda bulunmuşlardır. Bu kitapta; Yazıcızâde Kardeşler’in hayatları, eserleri, tasavvufî görüşleri ve Osmanlı’ya tesirleri incelenmektedir. Bu çalışma esnasında Yazıcızâde Kardeşlerin daha önce gün yüzüne çıkmamış bazı eserleri de tahlil edilmiştir.  Aynı zamanda birer İbn Arabî şârihi olan Yazıcızâde Kardeşlerin eser ve fikirlerinin bu denli tesirli olmasının tasavvufî, edebî, siyâsî ve sosyolojik sebepleri de bu kitabın başlıca soruları arasındadır.

SS 2016
Commment
As the major mystical trend in Islamic tradition, Sufism has produced from the tenth century onward an intellectually and artistically valuable corpus of texts in various Islamic languages including Arabic, Persian, Turkish, and Urdu. This seminar reads and discusses a selection of these texts, which indicate various phases in the historical development of Sufism and touch major theoretical, practical and institutional themes in Sufism. These themes include unity of being, perfect man, self-annihilation, love, mystical techniques, and Sufi orders. The main language of the seminar is English, yet students are welcome to give their presentations and write their term papers in German language as well.

Abdurrahim Karahisārī (d. between 1483-94) who was among the leading disciples of Akşemseddīn (d. 1459) initiaed to his master in Beypazarı/Ankara circa 1436 and spent a long time together with him during his travels through Edirne, İstanbul, İznik and Göynük. Karahisārī represented the Şemsiyye branch of Bayramiyye which is opened by Akşemseddīn and continued by prominent sūfīs such as İbrahim Tennūrī (d. 1482), Sheikh Yavsī (d. 1514), İlyas Saruhānī (d. 1559-60) and Bolulu Himmet (d. 1684) in Afyonkarahisar sanjak of the Ottoman state in the fifteenth century. He authored four books included a Turkish translation in verse of Būsīrī’s (d. ca. 1296) Qasīda al-Burda, an extended Turkish translation of Hāssī’s (d. 1237) who was a disciple of the founder of the Kubrawiyya order, i.e. Najmuddin Kubra (d. 1221), al-Salwa fī sharāit al-halwa, called Munya al-abrār wa gunya al-akhyār, an epistle entitled Risāla fī ashrāt al-sā‘a which can be read within the context of the doomsday debates of the day and Vahdetnāme which is a mathnawī composed of 4267 verses on various topics of the Sūfism. In this study, first of all Karahisārī’s life and intellectual heritage will be introduced, then via the text analysis method his mystical thoughts will be revealed and lastly his Munya which is the most important of his works in terms of his mystical thoughts will be presented with inner and outer details of the book, including a comparison with its source book, i.e. Salwa. In addition, the annotated text of Munya will be added as transcribed and construsted from different extant manuscripts of the work. The essential outcome of this study is that Karahisārī especially with his Munya played an important role in the course of the formation of Bayramiyya and the vernacularization of the Sūfism in Anatolia.

During the last decades, a lot of study has been done on Ibrahim Hakkı Erzurumi’s life, studies and ideas. However, the source of his notion of life and his intellectual studies are not mentioned enough. At that point, we should follow the traces of his teacher and murshid Ismail Fakirullah Tillovi’s effect on his life. Erzurumi’s book entitled Tezkiretü’l-Ahbâb and Fakirullah’s book in which he advices to Erzurumi entitled One Hundred and Fifty Hikmah which are still being kept as manuscript at libraries, both are valuable sources to guide us in this issue. In these works, Erzurumi is trying to attract our attention to the influence of Fakirullah on his life, studies and ideas. In this sense, I am going to give the details of the context of Tezkiretü’l-Ahbâb and One Hundred and Fifty Hikmah. Finally I am going to investigate the influences of the book entitled One Hundred and Fifty Hikmah on Erzurumi.

Derviş Gevr'in tarihsel kimliğini tespitte bize yardımcı olabilecek veriler, "Gevr" adının kendisinde ve Bağin Kalesi'nin öyküsünde saklıdır, fırınında değil. Gevr, Dersim'de bir aşiretler grubunun adıdır. Dersim'in "Seydanlılar" olarak bilinen aşiret federasyonunun üç kolundan biridir. Bütün kayıtlarda Gew, Pez-Gewr(-an), Bez-gar (Bez-gevir) ve Per-Goran gibi değişik şekiller altında görünür. Cevdet Türkay'ın yayımladığı Osmanlı kayıtlarında "Güran (Güranlı)" ismiyle Çemişgezek Sancağı'nda gösterilir.

As considering themselves as those who are able to refute the radical speaches of the salafis and the wahhabis, some Sufi leaders and preachers invest different areas of political and social expression to enforce the ethical and universal Muslim spirituality. At this conference, I present the different modes and the different places that those Sufis choose to spread their ideas. At least, this introduction aims to examine the Sufi speach in the European public sphere and to observe the political issues behind.


Se présentant le plus souvent comme les pourfendeurs d’un islam radical prôné par les mouvements salafistes, les mystiques musulmans investissent différents espaces d’expression politique, sociale, économique ou culturelle, pour faire valoir la dimension éthique et universelle de la spiritualité musulmane. Il s’agira de présenter ici ces lieux d’expression et les critères à partir desquels les acteurs soufis les choisissent. Cette présentation vise in fine à interroger l’adaptation des formes du discours islamique soufi à l’espace et aux publics européens et à en analyser les enjeux particulièrement politiques.