History of Nationalism and Nation-Building

Publicado como introducción a Javier Moreno Luzón (ed.), Construir España. Nacionalismo español y procesos de nacionalización, Madrid, Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2007, pp. 13-24. En una célebre frase de 1979, el intelectual valenciano y catalán Joan Fuster afirmaba que, "en plan de broma, podríamos decir que España-no el estado, la 'ideología'-es una invención de don Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo". Fuster, con una evidente intención provocadora-lo que Pierre Vilar llamó "su inimitable capacidad panfletaria"-, venía en realidad a denunciar la presencia de un españolismo rampante no sólo en las derechas sino también en las izquierdas españolas. Lo mismo le daban los herederos de la dictadura franquista que los socialdemócratas o los comunistas. No obstante, y por encima de sus objetivos políticos inmediatos, aquel panfleto señalaba la enorme importancia de un tema apenas estudiado, el nacionalismo español, y la necesidad de abordarlo desde perspectivas múltiples y rigurosas. A su juicio, había que desentrañar la historia del concepto de España y de las ideas españolistas en sus distintas versiones, así como la dinámica de sus relaciones con el catalanismo y su interiorización por parte de los españoles, atendiendo tanto a los discursos más elaborados como a la cultura popular. Hoy, casi treinta años más tarde, pocos compartirían las premisas filomarxistas y pan-catalanas de Fuster. Pero éste tampoco podría detectar tantas carencias, porque los historiadores se han empleado a fondo en tareas como las que él recomendaba y las polémicas sobre el nacionalismo español y la nacionalización de los españoles ocupan ya un lugar preeminente en la historiografía 1. El Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales acogió, en mayo de 2006, un coloquio internacional sobre estos asuntos al que fueron invitados diversos especialistas con un fin fundamental: que sometieran a discusión los resultados de investigaciones en marcha. Vaya por delante nuestro agradecimiento a quienes participaron en ese foro, tanto a los ponentes como a los comentaristas que moderaron los debates: José Álvarez Junco, Andrés de Blas Guerrero, Carolyn P. Boyd y Alfonso Botti. Este libro es el fruto de la revisión, a la luz de aquellas sesiones, de las ponencias presentadas entonces. Ya es el segundo de estas características, después del que dirigió Carolyn P. Boyd y se publicó hace unos meses bajo el título Religión y política en la España

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

Two Systems, Two Countries is an unabashedly heterodox addition to a growing body of critical work on the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) suppression of local identity and political freedoms in Hong Kong. What Carrico’s contribution uniquely provides is a penetrating analysis of the various schools of thought that make up the diverse landscape of Hong Kong nationalism.

For Puerto Ricans, World War I provided the opportunity to test and challenge the linkages between military service, manhood, citizenship and decolonization.  During the war Puerto Rican political leaders, elected officials, and opinion makers sought to advance the socio-economic and political standing of their communities by demanding access to, and encouraging participation in the U.S. military.  In particular, Puerto Rican elites were interested in mobilizing the Puerto Rican peasantry thinking that training would transform them into modern men worthy of self-determination in the eyes of the metropolis.

Le concept de nation chez M. Mauss comparé à la question actuelle des identités nationales et culturelles en Europe. À partir d'études de cas de l'histoire politique contemporaine, aussi différents l'un de l'autre que la formation des nations balkaniques, au tournant du dernier siècle, et la situation des immigrés en France ou des migrants en Europe, j'essaie de montrer que les concepts de 'nation', 'nationalisme' et 'citoyenneté' doivent être appréhendés autant comme des constructions identitaires que politiques et juridiques. Il importe donc de concilier les approches historique, sociopolitique et anthropologique de l'idée de nation et essayer de comprendre la construction des identités, des relations interethniques et des valeurs interculturelles dans le monde actuel, que ce soit en Europe, en ex-Yougoslavie ou au Maghreb.

In today’s globalisation, countries compete with each other in the same manner as the multinational corporations do. Recently, the term ‘nation-brand’ has appeared, together with a nation-brand index that tracks how a particular country's reputation responds to activities, promotions and events at home and around the world. Countries, like corporations and products have brand values and reputations. These ‘branding’ factors are analogous to identity formulation on a national and personal level. For example, visual motifs and icons have a dramatic impact on how successful that country is in attracting tourists, foreign investment, capital, talent, cultural relations and political allies. Such manifestations of identity are vital to the marketing of products and services abroad. In order for a country to develop itself as a competitive nation-brand, it needs to have a strong national identity. The paper will argue that in a same manner as the corporate identity, the national identity serves as a foundation on which the ‘brand image’ is built. The brand’s image is a representation of the brand’s culture (in this case the nation’s culture); therefore, how the image is formed and what kind of form it takes should be of concern to the government, the industry and the local communities. For that reason, strong interdisciplinary partnerships need to be established, as only then the communication of the country’s image can bring success in the above-mentioned areas of interest.

A historiographic and interpretative methodology will be used to present the analogous case of corporate and national identity formulation.  The current political situation in Macedonia will be used to exemplify the argument. This paper will address the subtheme ‘Identities/Subjectivities’ for the conference and will engage with activities in the boundaries of corporational-ism and nationalism.

Syria’s ongoing existential conflict is arguably related to its nation-building trajectory starting in the beginning of the twentieth century. What can theories of nation-building and state formation tell us about the origins of conflict as well as future of the Syrian state?

The article analyses the system of Primary Schools in the Banat region (today Romania) between 1867-1914. The study examines the laws concerning education, the financial background of schools and also the question fo the language of education, and with the help of these it gives new resoults in the question of assimilation in Austo-Hungarian Monarchy.

This newspaper column from 2003 examines how Indians in Trinidad and Tobago are misled, guided by so many fears, the encouragement of feelings of victimhood, and smallness of vision. There is an important contribution for Indians to make to the building of this New World civilisation, which is still in its infancy and only half-made. What is needed is a vision, mission and leadership not griping about “discrimination”, but looking fearlessly to the future.

The start of the Great War and the tumult it generated continued until the foundation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. Among the tragedies that happened in Turkish regions, that of Pontus, was characterised by massive killings, deportations, ethnic cleansings and other atrocities, which resulted in the disappearance of Christians without distinction to race, sect or nationality.

On top of that tragedy and for a different point of view in the study of those years, the testimony of Cirillo Giovanni Zohrabiàn is a valuable contribution. Born in Erzurum in 1881, Zohrabiàn was an Armenian Catholic of the Order of Friars Minor Capuchin. The records of his life between Erzurum and Trabzon in the years 1919-1923 were collected by him and published in Italian by Capuchins of Palermo in 1965 as his memories in Minor Asia.

In march 1923, the friar because of his assistance to Greeks of Pontus in terms of financial and humanitarian aid, was accused by Turkish authorities of being one of the leaders of Pontic Greek Committee, "the revolutionary Mesrob Sarkys". For that reason, he was expelled from Trabzon and sent by ship to Constantinople, where he was arrested, tortured and sentenced to death by hanging. Accused by the Turks, he sought for the help of the Dominican Order of the Church of SS Peter and Paul in Galata in order to prove his identity as friar. However, he was condemned to exile for helping the Greeks.

The aim of this paper is to expose the memories of Zorhabiàn. This would be the beginning of a research project on the Pontus tragedy based on Catholic archival and bibliography resources.

According to Gabriella Elgenius, the societal significance of holidays lies in the preservation of collective memory. Annually repeated shared rituals reinforce the memory of those events and personalities that are expected to be familiar to all the members of the community, in effect pushing all other ones into the shadow of collective forgetting. What is more, the emotionally charged commemorations remind members of the community about their social ties and shared history, reinforcing their national identity. The same process occurred in the newly-formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, where the key players exploited national ceremony to implement their (re)interpretations of the past (as the dark age of national dispersion and slavery to foreign masters) and their new agenda for the future. The Unification Day, celebrated on 1 December, as well as the other state holidays, were supposed to contribute to the formation and reinforcement of the narrative image of a community that defined itself as Us and feels like One. The purpose of the Unification Day was to stage national unity and collectively express the will to belong to a firm and lasting community, in order to make sense of the death of past martyrs who gave their lives for Vidovdan ideals. A nation-state cannot exist without national unity. Regretfully, the ruling elites in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes failed, for various reasons, to nationalise the collective memory of the past and construct an efficient, internalised nationalist ideology. Thus, the Kingdom entered history as the single nation-state without its own nationalism, which meant it was missing the greatest mobilisation force, one that in the modern period has proved itself stronger than geography or religion and more stable than political and economic interests. Even though at the end of the war the citizens of the newly established kingdom were all rooting for Yugoslavia, the new nationstate failed to create the Yugoslavians as a people. It would seem that up until King Alexander's declaration of dictatorship it had channelled its powers, and even its violence, mostly into the creation of the Serbs.

By the end of the 19th century, the Prussian censuses registered regularly the nationality of the population according to a standard criterion: the mother tongue. The background to this institutionalization could be mapped out in terms of the early creation of the statistical office, the reform of the bureaucracy, and the political challenge following the annexation of the western part of the former Polish state. However, this paper gives a different account of that goes beyond a state‐level history of a statistical institution. At the beginning of the 19th century, nationality was already registered in some localities. The purpose was to measure the use of German in schools and churches and hence the effectiveness of the Germanization of the Poles. Although the statistical office was in existence, it had little influence on these local practices, and their heterogeneity prevailed for decades. This situation was modified by the centralization of the census in the 1860s in the hands of the statistical office, and the emergence of a demographic approach. This change occurred in the context of discussions with local authorities regarding their use of language statistics. The census has to be seen therefore as an integration on multiple levels of statistical practices.

This chapter discusses the evolution of minority policies in Poland after 1945 in the
context of the processes of ethnic homogenization and nationalization of the Polish state. It analyses the impact of political changes and ethnic structure on the national and minority policy of Poland at various stages of historical development of the country. It also explores whether, and if so, to what extent, the process of national consolidation in Poland has been completed, i.e. to what extent the national identity has prevailed over the regional or linguistic identities. The findings reveal that, after 1989, the minority issue is no longer a relevant factor in Polish politics, remaining within the confines of the dispute over the nature of the Polish identity between the conservative-nationalist and the leftist-liberal segments of Polish politics. At the same time, however, minority rights are not, despite the wording of the Constitution and relevant legislation, relegated to the level of democratic discourse by the political elites, but in many cases are rather seen as a challenge to the stability of the Polish statehood.

While cod occupied for centuries an important place in the diet of the Portuguese, it is also true that we cannot understand this constant presence regardless of changes in fisheries, networks trade between the North Atlantic and Southern Europe, drying techniques and the social context of consumption during the same period. This presentation revisits different kinds of old and new sources that refute the idea of a simple continuity in bacalhau consumption, fishing and drying techniques. Mapping discontinuities in these different historical series brings to consider the collective memory built around the bacalhau as a social force, more active than ever. At the same time, this memory is itself the product of a continuous process of reinvention, selective and labile, that constantly renegotiate the place that the "faithful friend" has in the imagination of communities that claim in one way or another their commitment to the "portugality".

Portugal, salt cod, bacalhau tradition

Only excerpts available here. Full text is at https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/full/10.1162/jcws_a_00819 (or through library access)
Abstract:
From the late 1950s until 1975, the war between North and South Vietnam had both domestic and international consequences. Unlike the Cold War divide between the United States and the Soviet Union, the war between the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV, the Communist North) and the Republic of Vietnam (RVN, the non-Communist South) was an armed conflict between two polities that both identified themselves as Vietnamese. In this twenty-year-long struggle, the fates of the DRV and the RVN were tied to their success in producing new generations who would subscribe to their respective agendas. This was done through many venues, of which education was one of the most important.
          This article analyzes the educational systems at the primary and secondary school levels in the DRV and RVN after the division of the country, with a special focus on the years between 1965 and 1975. It considers their respective “divorces” from the colonial educational system and explores their goals, their problems, and the means they used to overcome these problems. Moreover, the DRV attempted to create an educational mini-empire with the DRV centered agenda—establishing a Vietnamese-based system in China, bringing into the DRV Laotian children, and exporting their ideology in the educational system established in the NLF-controlled territories of the RVN. The DRV created a rigidly politicized school system focused on the war and the construction of socialism. The RVN, creating an educational antipode of the North, endeavored to separate schools from the war, largely taking politics out of the curriculum and leaving pupils to figure out for themselves the aims of the conflict and their place in it, stranding many of them in ambiguity. If the DRV system was depriving pupils of the means to challenge the government, the RVN was supplying children with such means. Relying on archival materials and published documents, this article compares the educational systems at the primary and secondary school levels in the DRV and RVN after the division of the country, with a special focus on the period 1965–1975.

This paper (print-published as a pamphlet by NISE (Antwerp, www.nise.edu) periodizes Romantic Nationalism in the long 19th century and traces its post-1914 afterlife in "banal nationalism". Conversely, it argues that we can understand many instances of banal nationalism as the lingering residue of Romantic nationalism.

The Restoration of the Czech "Montsalvage". The Question of Karlštejn's Restoration in 60.-80. of the 19th Century
This study should present the way of perception of the castle Karlštejn in Czech milieu of the sixties and eighties in 19. century, in time of expressive public political and cultural emancipation of the Czech society. The castle is possible to present in wide context. In that time new political programm of the Czech land representation is created. One of their new political conception basic requirement was confirmation of historical rights of Czech Kingdom. A symbolical confirmation of Czech rights should have been the coronation of Austrian monarch by St. Wenceslaus crown. The sanctity of the crown that should be the most important in the ceremony was transferred to the castle which was meant to be built as a home for the Czech coronation jewelry.  But the bad condition of Karlštejn could not allow to take it as historical symbol of the Czech kingdom. The coronation and restoration of the castle could have been started at the end of eighties of 19th century, when there was a better political and economical situation. The project of the restoration made architect Friedrich Schmidt from Vienna. There was a fight about the ethnic origin of a founder or a builder of the castle during dealing about the castle restoration. We can find nationalist motives on both sides, the Czech a the German too. The perception of the castle Karlštejn in time before his restoration presents special symbolical meaning that has the castle in historical consciousness of a new forming society.

Oslavy " dňa slobody " , ako sa 28. október 1918 nazýval v období prvej Československej republiky (ČSR), patrili medzi najvýznamnejšie pravidelne sa opakujúce udalosti v pomyselnom štátnom kalendári významných udalostí. V ňom sa tento deň označoval aj ako " prehlásenie nezávislosti " či " prehlásenie samostatnosti " , či dokonca ako " deň oslo-bodenia českého národa ". Od začiatku sa mu jasne priraďovali české, resp. československé národné atribúty, pričom pojmy štátny a národný boli v tlači často zamieňané. 2 Pravidelné pripomínanie panovníkov, významných osobností, či zakladateľských udalostí predstavuje významnú súčasť historických politík jednotlivých štátnych útvarov, ktoré z nich neraz odvodzujú legitimitu svojej existencie. Pierre Nora v kontexte spo-mienkovej praxe v moderných dejinách vytvoril koncept miest pamäti, ktoré sa podľa neho rodia a žijú z pocitu, že neexistuje žiadna spontánna pamäť, že je potrebné vytvá-rať archívy, sláviť výročia, organizovať oslavy, prednášať smútočné prejavy a vytvárať záznamy, pretože tieto úkony nie sú prirodzené. Objekt sa stáva miestom pamäti, keď sa niekto usiluje neupadnúť do zabudnutia (napr. stavaním pamätných dosiek), keď sa v spo-ločnosti diskutuje o jeho vplyve a ešte stále vzbudzuje emócie. Miestom pamäti sa podľa Noru môže stať všetko, čo predstavuje niečo materiálne a veľmi konkrétne, eventuálne geograficky situované, až po abstraktný objekt, ktorý vznikol činnosťou intelektu. Môže ísť o monument, významnú osobu, múzeum, rovnako ako o symbol, udalosť či inštitúciu. 3 V tomto kontexte 28. október 1918 predstavuje tiež takéto miesto, pričom spomienky naň boli už v medzivojnovom období zhmotnené v rôznych monumentoch, textoch, či verejných performatívnych aktoch, akými boli oslavy či divadelné predstavenia. Zároveň predstavoval pravidelne pripomínanú ideu, ktorej atribúty aj spoločenský význam sa však v čase a v priestore výrazne menil.

In Walcott's epic ​ Omeros Major Plunkett is the model of white inclusion in Saint Lucia's national identity-the creative identification and construction that is the underlying principle in the book. All new political structures have the need to create "national mythology" to legitimize themselves as independent political nations. The process of national legitimization can be done in different ways: the creation of national symbols such as flags, coat of arms, or national animals; the instrumentalization of history to create narratives with a clear purpose of portraying the national enemy in an exaggerated way; or the use of mythology to codified the new social, political, and cultural structure of the new nation. Is not arbitrary the fact that ​ Omeros is an epic poem, a genre that has been fundamental for the construction of a unifying identity: the ​ Iliad and the ​ Odyssey for the Ancient Greeks, the Aeneid for Rome, ​ The Song of My Cid for Spain, and now ​ Omeros ​ for Saint Lucia , all of them have been imperative aspects of the creation, identification, and construction of a national ethos in their respective nations. This question of identity suggests a process of both exclusion and inclusion that determines the "Us" from the "Others" in relation with who are the individuals that are going to participate or not in the construction of national identity. This process of differentiation is where Dennis Plunkett is situated. Major Plunkett is a WWII veteran from Great Britain that moved with his wife, Maud Plunkett, to Saint Lucia, an island from the Caribbean that was previously colonized by both the French and the British, a colonial past filled with struggle, pain, slavery, and genocide

This study explores the reproduction of nationalist discourse in late Ottoman and early Republican political cartoons that became a discursive weapon of power. It aims at understanding how Turks perceived and imagined Arabs, that was a major segment of Ottoman society since the early 16th century.

Наше общество разрывают расколы. Этнокультурный и мировоззренческий раскол, раскол между поколениями, между богатыми и бедными — они рушат сразу множество связей и в совокупности ведут к дезинтеграции людей, общества и нации. Как преодолеть эти расколы? Как собрать людей в гражданскую нацию? Как эти вопросы ставятся в общественно-политическом дискурсе? Этим проблемам и посвящена монография «Нациестроительство в современной России».

В книге определяются понятия «этнос», «этничность», «нация», «национализм»: эти слова мы постоянно слышим из уст политиков, теле- и радиоведущих, журналистов, политологов, наших коллег, однако анализ их употребления показывает, что в эти понятия часто вкладываются разные смыслы. Авторы монографии изучили исторический опыт нациестроительства в России и предложили решения проблемы «сборки» нации на современном этапе.

World history of the Netherlands and Flanders: about the (im)possibility of an open, global, and non-nationalist history for a wider audience
Following the success of the Histoire mondiale de la France, 2018 saw the publication of the World history of the Netherlands and World history of Flanders. After the French example both volumes have three goals: to bring history to a wider audience; to give a global reading to the national past; and to offer a non-nationalist and non-teleological perspective. Eminently readable, both books succeed in their first goal. The second ambition is fulfilled by the World history of the Netherlands, but in the World history of Flanders the global dimension is underdeveloped. The verdict on their third aim is double-edged. Both volumes explicitly claim to be open-ended and reject traditional nationalist tropes, but several Dutch and-to a lesser extent-Flemish chapters have a subtext of banal nationalism. The genre of public history seems to be particularly susceptible to this type of teleology.

[EN] This article offers an introductory review of the main contributions to the academic debate about nations and nationalism, from the first intellectuals who addressed the topic with minimally analytical aspirations, down to the late 20th century, when studies of nations and nationalism became established as a specific field under the hegemony of works written in English. It considers both the first indirect contributions by influential thinkers and the later specific output of historians and social scientists on the topic and permits a reconstruction of the long and diverse trajectory that these studies have gone through until reaching an outstanding position in the early 21st century.

Grace Lees-Maffei, ‘Introduction: National Design Histories in an Age of Globalization’, in Kjetil Fallan, Grace Lees-Maffei, eds., Designing Worlds: National Design Histories in an Age of Globalization, (New York: Berghahn Books, 2016), ISBN 978-1-78533-155-8, eISBN 978-1-78533-156-5.

The paper describes the historical trajectory of filosefardismo and references to convivencia in Spain and its reflection in the legal and political culture and the Nation-building process. It considers not the presence of Judaism in contemporary Spanish law and society but, following the suggestions of David Nirenberg, how the references to Jews and to Judaism affected Spanish society, how the “Spanish Jewish question” influenced legal and political thought and the nation-building process in Spain.
To trace this reinvention of the medieval Sephardim, the paper analyzes legal and political texts (laws, administrative texts and parliamentary debates) whose discourse about interpretation and/or legitimacy fulfilled important social and political functions in 19th century deliberations.

In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird anhand des Beispiels Nigerias diskutiert, welche Komponenten bei dem Aufbau eines Nationalstaats erforderlich sind und was für Herausforderungen den Prozess eines gelingenden Nationalstaats einschränken können. Dazu wird auf ein Konzept von Jochen Hippler zurückgegriffen, welcher drei zentrale Elemente für erfolgreiches „Nation-Building“ anführt: eine gemeinschaftsbildende Ideologie, die Integration der Gesellschaft und ein funktionsfähiger Staatsapparat.  Dieses theoretische Konzept wird gewissermaßen als Schablone für den „Nation-Building“-Prozess in Nigeria verwendet, um zu überprüfen, welche Bedingunsfaktoren die Bildung eines nigerianischen Nationalstaats beeinflusst haben. Dabei wird schwerpunktmäßig die Phase der sogenannten ersten Republik Nigerias (1960 – 1966) berücksichtigt, da die ersten postkolonialen Jahre Nigerias für die Entwicklung des nigerianischen Nationalstaates als besonders bedeutsam erachtet werden können.

Crises of Empire offers a comprehensive and uniquely comparative analysis of the history of decolonization in the British, French and Dutch empires. By comparing the processes of decolonization across three of the major modern empires, from the aftermath of the First World War to the late 20th century, the authors are able to analyse decolonization as a long-term process. They explore significant changes to the international system, shifting popular attitudes to colonialism and the economics of empire. This new edition incorporates the latest developments in the historiography, as well as:- Increased coverage of the Belgian and Portuguese empires- New introductions to each of the three main parts, offering some background and context to British, French and Dutch decolonization- More coverage of cultural aspects of decolonization, exploring empire 'from below'- A new glossary, explaining key terms This new edition of Crises of Empire is essential reading for all students of imperial history and decolonization. In particular, it will be welcomed by those who are interested in taking a comparative approach, putting the history of decolonization in a pan-European framework.

Reviews:-

'In this book, Thomas, Butler and Moore admirably accomplish the goal of combining intellectual and historiographical rigour with the breadth of discussion necessary for a textbook. As one of the few treatments of its kind, it connects the disintegration of various empires. Juxtaposing the fates of the British, French and Dutch empires, supplemented with some comparative observations about the Belgian and Portuguese experiences, the authors show that decolonization cannot be fully understood if treated within the isolation of any one of these cases. The careful balance in this volume between conceptual discussion of current historiographical debates and thorough empirical treatment of the various decolonizations makes this volume an invaluable resource for students and researchers alike.' Bart Luttikhuis, Researcher at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, The Netherlands

'An outstanding collection of essays dealing with the decolonization of the Dutch, Belgian, and Portuguese empires as well as those of the French and British. With a range from the 1940s to the 1970s and beyond, the authors guide the reader through complex conceptual issues in a way that is consistently clear and compelling. This is a book that will be mandatory reading for students and scholars of the dissolution of the European colonial empires.' Wm. Roger Louis, Kerr Professor, University of Texas

'This second edition of Thomas's, Moore's and Butler's incisive, thought-provoking and generally deeply impressive synthesis is very welcome. Like the first edition, it is written in an engaging style by three experts in their respective decolonisation fields and it will prove a key launch pad for further research into the expansive literature and ever-evolving debates on the causes and consequences of European decolonisation. The sections relating to the different empires and case-studies of particular territories can be read alone. But the beauty of this book lies in its high level of comparative analysis, with commonalities and contrasts skilfully brought out in the masterful introduction and conclusion. The focus remains on the three largest empires of Britain, France and The Netherlands but the excellent section on the Portuguese and Belgian end-of-empire experiences has been significantly expanded. Throughout, the text has been updated to take account of new historiographical developments since the first edition's publication in 2008. It pulls no punches in its exploration of the often fraught and violent ending of the European empires, and the ongoing legacies and unresolved contestations of the decolonisation moment.'  Nick White, Professor of History at Liverpool John Moores University, UK


Table Of Contents
Preface
Introduction: Constructions of decolonization
Part I: British Decolonization
Introduction to Part I
1. The British Empire, 1918-1945: Interwar Change and Wartime Pressures
2. The First Wave of British Decolonization: Commonwealth Territories, South Asia and the Gold Coast, 1945-1951
3. British Decolonization, Insurgency and Strategic Reverse: The Middle East, Africa and Malaya, 1951-1957
4. Winds of Change: The Final Waves of British Decolonization in Africa and Asia after 1957
Part II: French Decolonization
Introduction to Part II
5. The Roots of French Decolonization: Ideas, Economics and Reform, 1900-1946
6. Decolonizing the French African Federations after 1945
7. People's War and the Collapse of French Indochina, 1945-1954
8. From French North Africa to Maghreb Independence: Decolonization in Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria, 1945-1956
9. Algeria's Violent Struggle for Independence
10. Territories Apart: Madagascar, the Togo Trusteeship and French Island Territories
Part III: Dutch Decolonization
Introduction to Part III
11. An 'Ethical Imperialism'? The Dutch Colonial Empire Before 1945
12. Indonesia: The Politics of Delusion, 1940-1947
13. Indonesia: The Realities of Diplomacy
14. Unfinished Business: New Guinea as a Last Outpost of Empire
15. Decolonization by Default: Dutch Disengagement in Suriname
Part IV: Contrasting Patterns of Decolonization
16. Contrasting Patterns of Decolonization: Belgian and Portuguese Africa
Conclusion: Changing Attitudes to the End of Empire
Glossary
Bibliography
Index
- See more at: http://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/crises-of-empire-9781472530257/#sthash.bJ1Pq70A.dpuf