Geographies of domination and oppression

Wayne Vucinic Book Prize 2007, "for the most important contribution to Russian, Eurasian, and East European studies in any discipline of the humanities or social sciences." 

Endorsement by Slavoj Zizek:

"Alexei Yurchak's Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More immediately seduced me by its very title with a profound philosophical implication that eternity is a historical category--things can be eternal for some time. The same spirit of paradox runs through the entire book--it renders in wonderful details the gradual disintegration of the Soviet system from within its ideological and cultural space, making visible all the hypocrisy and misery of this process. I consider Yurchak's book by far the best work about the late epoch of the Soviet Union--it is not just history, but a pleasure to read, a true work of art." (Slavoj Zizek, author of In Defense of Lost Causes)

Abstract:

Soviet socialism was based on paradoxes that were revealed by the peculiar experience of its collapse. To the people who lived in that system the collapse seemed both completely unexpected and completely unsurprising. At the moment of collapse it suddenly became obvious that Soviet life had always seemed simultaneously eternal and stagnating, vigorous and ailing, bleak and full of promise. Although these characteristics may appear mutually exclusive, in fact they were mutually constitutive. This book explores the paradoxes of Soviet life during the period of "late socialism" (1960s-1980s) through the eyes of the last Soviet generation.

Whilst the condition of a damaged ethical life has received due scholarly attention to date, only rarely is resistance to it conceived as an actual possibility with the potential of real effects on a macro-social scale. This is not just a curious lacuna in the literature. To ignore or miss concrete possibilities or even instances of resistance is to reinforce the apparent naturalness and inevitability of structures of injustice. The aim of this edited collection is to help address this epistemological neglect, exploring the multiplicity of motives, presuppositions, sites, ways, and consequences of acts of resistance. As shown in the ensuing contributions, resistance can be recalcitrant or transformative in its aims, discursive or physical in its means, and local or generalised in its loci. If there is a single argument that can be distilled, it is that the emergence of progressive resistance entails the incessant rational critique of so-styled ‘common sense’ and prevalent ethical claims–a process which could be called ‘the banality of good’. Contributors (in alphabetical order): Andrea Mubi Brighenti, Leonidas K. Cheliotis, Lilie Chouliaraki, Spiros Gangas, Richard Kearney, Alison Liebling, John O’Neill, Nancy Scheper-Hughes, Justice Tankebe, Ezra Tessler, Sappho Xenakis.


Contents

List of Contributors
Acknowledgements

1. Roots, Rites, and Sites of Resistance: The Banality of Good: An Introduction
Leonidas K. Cheliotis

2. Values, Crisis, and Resistance: Prospects for Freedom Reconsidered
Spiros Gangas

3. Narcissism, Humanism, and the Revolutionary Character in Erich Fromm’s Work
Leonidas K. Cheliotis

4. Thinking after Terror: An Interreligious Challenge
Richard Kearney

5. Ecce Homo: The Political Theology of Good and Evil
John O’Neill

6. Resistance as Transformation
Andrea Mubi Brighenti

7. Acting on Vulnerable Others: Ethical Agency in Media Discourse
Lilie Chouliaraki

8. Sites of Resistance: Death Row Homepages and the Politics of Compassion
Ezra Tessler

9. Face to Face with Abidoral Queiroz: Death Squads and Democracy in Northeast Brazil
Nancy Scheper-Hughes

10. Resisting Submission? The Obstinacy of ‘Balkan’ Characteristics in Greece as Dissidence against ‘The West’
Sappho Xenakis

11. Legitimation and Resistance: Police Reform in the (Un)Making
Justice Tankebe

12. ‘Governmentality’ and Governing Corrections: Do Senior Managers Resist?
Alison Liebling

Reinforcing an urgent need to envisage and usher “postcapitalist” futures of nonhuman animal liberation into being, and thereby create important new counter-power spaces for CAS to occupy, this chapter focuses both on the struggle to resist capitalism and ways to embed alternative strategies of resistance in the everyday.

In particular, the chapter explores the limits of appealing to veganism, per se, as a means of challenging capitalist exploitations of animals, both human and nonhuman. This serves as a perfect demonstration of the power of advanced capitalism to commodify the alternative by stripping out the radical praxis of veganism and repackaging this as an “alternative lifestyle choice.” The challenge then becomes
one of how to envisage and enact a postcapitalist world that is consistent with the appeal for total liberation of humans, other animals, and the Earth.

To these ends, the chapter invokes a spirit of anarchism; a radical praxis that has significantly animated the trajectory of critical animal studies to date. Here, a narrative focused on re-imagining of the political economy of the household and community spaces through critical vegan praxis will  be outlined.

An allegorical tale, using the story of the Jewish exile in Babylonia to describe the state of Ukraine under Tsarist Russian domination a little over a hundred years ago. "Lesya Ukrainka" was the pen name of a political activist; she was unable to publish her piece in her home town because it was written in Ukrainian; it had to be sent beyond the reach of the Russians to be printed. Editor: Sasha Newborn

The novel 1984, George Orwell's nightmarish vision of totalitarianism published after the Second World War, remains relevant in the twenty-first century. Orwell's concerns regarding the abuse of power, the denial of self, and the eradication of both past and future continue to resonate in contemporary discussions of politics and society. Geographers, however, have directed minimal attention to the spatiality embedded within 1984. Accordingly, in this paper I examine the theoretical implications of space, resistance and discipline as manifest in the novel. Drawing on the theoretical insights of Michel Foucault, I detail how the spatial and temporal control of everyday activities serves to discipline spaces within a totalitarian society. Moreover, I suggest that 1984 illustrates how the production of knowledge through the act of writing may forge spaces of resistance within disciplined spaces. This paper contributes, therefore, in two areas, these being resistance geographies and fictive geographies.

As was the case with many newly independent African nations, Somalia was beset by a language problem whose complexity had begun well before independence and the unification of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland in 1960. With three languages (English, Arabic, and Italian) used as media of communication in government offices and in schools, various Somali administrations struggled to contain the impasse but found no tangible solution. Barely three years after Mohamed Siad Barre seized power in October 1969, he had his military regime introduce the Somali orthography in the Latin alphabet. Based on this milestone, Siad Barre's military rule is highly commended for taking a remarkable step forward in what came to be known as the Somalization project. However, officials of the government and Somali scholarship failed to

http://www.orgonelab.org/cart/xdemeo.htm#SAHARASIA
Ancient humans were peaceful - modern violence is avoidable. That's the basic message contained in "Saharasia", a controversial "marriage of heresies" over 10 years in the making. It will change forever your way of looking at the world, your home culture, and current events. Saharasia constitutes a revolutionary new discovery on a geographic pattern to global human behavior as deeply embedded within the scientific literature of anthropology, history and archaeology. It covers issues and events which typically are ignored in the "politically correct" academic environment, even though it was produced within that same environment. Saharasia presents the first cross-cultural, anthropological, archaeological and historical survey of human family and social institutions, tracing human violence back in time to specific times and places of first-origin. Saharasia also presents an additional controversy, given the factual identity of the violence-prone Saharasian region to be the homeland of the Islamo-fascist terror brigades. Saharasia has at several times in human history been the region from which massive armies marched out to conquer those moister regions lying at its periphery: into Europe, China, India and sub-Saharan Africa. These would be the early Indo-Aryan, Kurgan and Battle-Axe warriors, the Scythians and Huns, the Mongols, Turks, and Arab-Muslims, all of whom formed gigantic empires encompassing desert Saharasia and parts of its moister borderlands. While the analysis contained in this book starts around 12,000 BC and ends at around 1900 AD, the suggestion is clear, that the modern problem of global terrorism also springs forth from basic Saharasian-warrior roots. If you really want to know why so much of the world is in such a miserable condition, and to fully understand the current "march to war" within Islamic nations, this book will provide answers. One of the largest and most ambitious scientific and systematic, cross-cultural evaluations of human behavior ever undertaken. Originally a doctoral dissertation undertaken by the author at the University of Kansas, now supplemented with new chapters, and with hundreds of maps and illustrations. "Saharasia" is scarsely known to the wider public, given the controversial conclusions which precipitated from its development. But its findings, made as early as 1980, have been validated repeatedly by subsequent scientific discovery, and by world events. The new edition contains all-new Appendix documentation: "Update on Saharasia"reviewing archaeological evidence suggestive of an ancient period of generally peaceful human social conditions, world-wide.

"Les recompositions territoriales sont à l'ordre du jour à l'échelle planétaire, au Sud comme au Nord. Il s’agit d'une part, d’une vague sans précédent de décentralisations et de redécoupages municipaux et régionaux associés ; et d'autre part, des nouveaux acteurs territorialisés dits de la société civile (ONG, associations, groupements…) souvent partenaires des institutions internationales, qui se constituent leurs propres périmètres d’intervention chevauchant, recoupant, recouvrant ou englobant les mailles administratives officiellement reconnues. La production contemporaine des territoires locaux n’obéit donc plus exclusivement à l’encadrement administratif du territoire national d’un côté et à la gestion des services publics municipaux de l’autre, mais plutôt à une logique de recherche des territoires multiformes du développement, au sens d’espaces de mobilisation des différents acteurs potentiels du développement autour d’un projet. Deux mots d'ordre qui se déclinent en de multiples interprétations, accompagnent, justifient et encouragent ces mutations : "gouvernance" et "développement durable".
Partout, les pouvoirs publics investis dans un travail de recomposition plus ou moins radicale sont en quête de modèles, ils doivent aussi innover pour réussir la mobilisation pour le développement appelée de leurs vœux, parallèle bien souvent à leur désengagement. L’heure n’est plus à la rationalisation cartésienne, mais plutôt à une certaine géométrie variable de type « postmoderne » pouvant accompagner la complexité territoriale ambiante, elle même liée aux multiples ancrages et périmètres des réseaux d’acteurs.
Le Nord est tenté d’aller voir au Sud comment tradition, réseaux sociaux et identitaires ont pu se conjuguer avec administrations territoriales coloniale et postcoloniale, tandis que le Sud tend à s’éloigner d’une démarche de mimétisme et interroge les impasses des modèles du Nord, tout en cherchant à capter les nouvelles rentes du développement durable.
Ce livre constitue une synthèse et une mise en perspective théorique, de travaux en géographie politique sur les techniques et les enjeux de la fabrication des territoires. Chacune des 5 parties constitutives du livre est l’occasion de faire le point sur une des entrées cruciales du champ des recompositions territoriales. Pour chaque partie, une synthèse est produite qui permet de situer les apports des travaux de l’auteur dans le cadre de la production scientifique sur le thème, et de poser une série de questions. Des études et des développements originaux concernant notamment l’Afrique du Sud sont présentés à l’appui de ces parties. Par ailleurs, chacune de ces parties est l’occasion de formaliser des points théoriques sous forme d’axiomes, ou des points méthodologiques sous forme de graphes et grilles de lecture.

« 1. Vers le tout territorial » constitue un cadrage contemporain de la thématique. Cette partie permet de revenir sur l’ampleur du phénomène de construction multiforme de territoires locaux et régionaux, et de proposer une méthode graphique d’appréhension des systèmes d’administration territoriale dans leur complexité. Sont évoquées également les raisons du primat de l’approche territoriale dans les politiques publiques et les modes d’intervention pour le développement. L’axiome exposé dans cette partie concerne : “les logiques des 3 dimensions de l’Aménagement du territoire”.

« 2. Pas mort l’optimum, les formes contemporaines de l’utopie organiciste » revient sur les modèles, les techniques et les référents à l’œuvre dans la fabrication contemporaine des territoires. L’analyse porte plus particulièrement sur la tendance qui s’exprime chez les experts et les scientifiques à la quête d’un optimum territorial renouvelé qui combinerait fonctionnalité, participation et géométrie variable. L’axiome exposé concerne “la géométrie variable des territoires de la durabilité”

« 3. La condition du chef-lieu, de l’effet à l’enjeu » envisage les construits territoriaux sous l’angle de leur centralité. Plus particulièrement, c’est le thème de l’effet chef-lieu qui est traité et qui fait l’objet d’une présentation dans ses déclinaisons sud-africaines. Plus généralement, est proposée une interprétation générale de son paradoxal succès universel qui voit les villes secondaires tenter de se tailler des arrière-pays étendus à l’heure où les dotations publiques aux chefs-lieux se tarissent et où les charges de centralité augmentent. L’axiome exposé concerne “les modes de traitement territorial de la ville”

« 4. Les confins, entre innovation et relégation  » aborde cette fois les territoires par leurs marges en défendant la thèse des confins comme lieux potentiels d’innovations territoriales, mais aussi d’atomisation du pouvoir territorialisé. C’est plus particulièrement leur traitement dans le champ de la conservation et de la protection sur le continent africain qui fait l’objet d’un développement. L’axiome exposé dans cette partie concerne “la règle des 1-3 2-4”, autrement dit le principe de contournement de l’échelon inférieur et d’encouragement à l’affranchissement de ses limites.

« 5. La postmodernité territoriale, éclairages africains » C’est donc une réflexion sur la postmodernité territoriale à partir des réalités africaines sur le temps long qui vient clore le mémoire. Elle reprend une notion qui parcourt les interprétations proposées pour les quatre autres entrées thématiques. Les réalités africaines, et singulièrement sud-africaines avec l’Apartheid, permettent en effet de questionner l’apparente linéarité et la succession des pré et des post dans le champ territorial et d’analyser les conditions d’émergence de construits hybrides.

Les axiomes énoncés esquissent une table des combinaisons et des règles d’usage des figures et modèles territoriaux, une grammaire de la composition territoriale politique. On voit par exemple comment la référence obligée au développement durable peut renvoyer non seulement à différents modèles, mais également à différents ordres fonctionnels et/ou méthodologiques pour définir des types de configurations territoriales dites“durables”
En fait, trois règles se combinent pour fonder les doctrines des réformes territoriales et les positionnements des collectivités et des coalitions.
La première règle est celle de l’imposition systématique d’un gabarit approximatif tandis que des marges de manœuvre sont laissées généralement à une commission pour l’appréciation ou la négociation des limites. Le gabarit des mailles est stratégique pour le dépassement ou la reprise d’un ordre ancien, pour l’encadrement et le contrôle adaptés aux moyens administratifs ou militaires, mais aussi pour le ciblage des coalitions territoriales promues comme partenaires. L’imposition d’un gabarit est la véritable condition territoriale du projet politique.
Cette règle en rejoint une autre qui s’apparente à une loi. La loi du 1/3-2/4 veut qu’un niveau de pouvoir en cours d’affirmation structure son territoire en cherchant des relais susceptibles de court-circuiter le niveau inférieur contre lequel il tend à s’affirmer.
Une règle enfin se dégage pour expliquer le positionnement des villes non-métropoles dans les processus contemporains de recompositions territoriales. Cette règle est celle de la “compensation hiérarchique” qui veut que pour compenser leur déficit dimensionnel, les villes moyennes et petites ont tendance, au Nord comme au Sud, à revendiquer des arrière-pays élargis. L’enjeu est celui de la captation des fonctions d’intermédiation territoriale, et ce malgré les charges de centralité. La cité et ses élites sont en capacité de représenter un territoire et ses ressources vis-à-vis d’acteurs externes -investisseurs ou bailleurs de fonds-, les agents de la cité sont alors incontournables pour l’accès et la valorisation de ces ressources. Cette position d’intermédiation à la tête d’un territoire élargi semble nécessaire pour exister dans la globalisation hors des aires métropolitaines. Elle prend le relais de la recherche d’un effet-chef-lieu qui, avec le désengagement des Etats, ne se traduit plus sous la forme de dotations en fonctionnaires et en équipements.
Avec ces quelques règles se dessinent des logiques qui donnent du sens à la complexité territoriale contemporaine et à ses formes. Cette complexité se traduit par une profusion et une hybridité des territoires sur fond d’effacement des normes de la modernité territoriale : pavage, emboîtement et uniformité des statuts. Cette complexité est avant tout le fait de deux phénomènes concomitants relatifs aux acteurs des recompositions : la métropolisation d’une part qui se caractérise notamment par des comportements individuels et collectifs faits d’appartenances multiples, et la multiplication des acteurs du développement d’autre part (des organismes internationaux à la nébuleuse de la société civile en passant par les collectivités territoriales, les services de l’Etat et les entreprises) qui inscrivent leurs actions dans des périmètres différents et pas toujours articulés. Ainsi la complexité territoriale n’est ni une calamité ni un bienfait, c’est une expression parmi d’autres des mutations sociales et des différentes facettes de la postmodernité.
Notre posture est celle de son acceptation à la fois comme objet pertinent et comme donnée contextuelle, mais pas comme un facteur de résignation en matière d’aménagement et de développement. En effet, si tout ne se joue pas sur le territoire, bien souvent dérisoire face à la mobilité du capital et des hommes, l’enjeu territorial existe et il n’est pas à sommes nulles. Il y a des gagnants et des perdants, de plus, les modèles qui circulent sont tout sauf neutres, ils peuvent promouvoir certaines configurations spatiales et politiques tout en marginalisant d’autres, ils peuvent in fine accroître la capacité ou l’incapacité territoriale.
"

Somalia is generally thought of as a homogenous society, with a common Arabic ancestry, a shared culture of nomadism and one Somali mother tongue. This study challenges this myth. Using the Jareer/Bantu as a case study, the book shows how the Negroid physical features of this ethnic group has become the basis for ethnic marginalization, stigma, social exclusion and apartheid in Somalia. The book is another contribution to the recent deconstruction of the perceived Somali homogeneity and self-same assertions. It argues that the Somalis, just like most societies, employ multiple levels of social and ethnic distinctions, one of which is the Jareer versus Jileec divide. Dr. Eno successfully portrays another Somalia, in which a mythical homogeneity masks the oppression and social exclusion suffered by some ethnic groups in the country

Radical geographers have been preoccupied with Marxism for four decades, largely ignoring an earlier anarchist tradition that thrived a century before radical geography was claimed as Marxist in the 1970s. When anarchism is considered, it is misused as a synonym for violence or derided as a utopian project. Yet it is incorrect to assume anarchism as a 'project', which instead reflects Marxian thought. Anarchism is more appropriately considered a protean process that perpetually unfolds through the insurrectionary geographies of the everyday and the prefigurative politics of direct action, mutual aid, and voluntary association. Unlike Marxism’s stages of history and revolutionary imperative, which imply an end-state, anarchism appreciates the dynamism of the social world. In staking a renewed anarchist claim for radical geography, I attend to the divisions between Marxism and anarchism as two alternative socialisms, wherein the former positions equality alongside an ongoing flirtation with authoritarianism while the latter maximizes egalitarianism and individual liberty by considering them as mutually reinforcing. Radical geographers would do well to reengage anarchism as there is a vitality to this philosophy that is missing from Marxian analyses that continue to rehash ideas–such as vanguardism and a proletarian dictatorship–that are long past their expiration date.

In establishing an anarchic framework for understanding public space as a vision for radical democracy, this article proceeds as a theoretical inquiry into how an agonistic public space might become the basis of emancipation. Public space is presented as an opportunity to move beyond the technocratic elitism that often characterizes both civil societies and the neoliberal approach to development, and is further recognized as the battlefield on which the conflicting interests of the world's rich and poor are set. Contributing to the growing recognition that geographies of resistance are relational, where the “global” and the “local” are understood as co-constitutive, a radical democratic ideal grounded in material public space is presented as paramount to repealing archic power in general, and neoliberalism’s exclusionary logic in particular.

Violence is a confounding concept. It frequently defies explanation and lacks an agreed upon definition. Yet geographers are well positioned to bring greater conceptual clarity to violence by thinking through its intersections with space. In setting the tone for this special issue on Violence and Space we highlight some of the key lines of flight that have shaped geographical thinking on violence. While there are a significant number of geographers interested in the question of violence, the field of ‘geographies of violence’ remains an emerging area of research that deserves greater attention and a more rigorous examination. By emphasizing the spatiality of violence, this special issue aims to contribute to a more sustained conversation on the violent geographies that shape our daily lives, our encounters with institutions, and the various structures that configure our social organization. This introduction is but an initial sketch of what we believe needs to be a much larger and unfolding research agenda dedicated to understanding violence from a geographical perspective.

Contemporary geographical thought is constrained by a political economic imagination rooted in binarism, which is exemplified in debates surrounding neoliberalism. Neoliberal proponents call for decentralization and increased capital flows, while Marxists respond by pairing centralization with capitalism’s abrogation. The latter view considers hierarchy necessary, a position that promotes authority and regards horizontal politics as propitious to neoliberalism. Anarchism’s coupling of decentralization with anti-capitalism is dismissed because Marxism cannot accommodate the processuality of prefigurative politics. Marxism demands a revolution with a masterplan, considering horizontality a future objective. Such a temporality ignores the insurrectionary possibilities of the present and implies a politics of waiting. The spatial implications of centralized hierarchy are also questionable, employing a vertical ontology, wherein horizontal organization is deemed inappropriate when ‘jumping scales’. Yet scale represents both a theoretical dis-traction from grounded everyday particularities and a ‘master-signifier’ by providing a point de capiton, or anchoring point, that rests on the exclusion of unconsciousness–the knowledge that is not known¬. Thus the point de capiton is the (Archimedean) point at which an essentialist illusion of fixed meaning is created, as scale is unconscious of geography’s ‘hidden enfolded immensities’. The discourse of scale accordingly dismisses the openness of rhizomic politics by predetermining the political as an arborescent register. Yet the inevitable terra incognita that scalar hierarchies produce becomes a powerful resource for the oppressed, which is why anarchist direct action often proceeds outside of authority’s view. A flat ontology has significant resonance with anarchism, imparting that politics should operate horizontally rather than vertically. This ontological shift suggests that we need not wait for the emergence of a ‘greater’ class-consciousness, as one can immediately disengage capitalism by reorienting economic landscapes in alternative ways. Consequently, a human geography without hierarchy gains significant traction when we reject scale and embrace an anarchist flat ontology.

Contemporary geographical thought is constrained by a political economic imagination rooted in binarism, which is exemplified in debates surrounding neoliberalism. Neoliberal proponents call for decentralization and increased capital flows, while Marxists respond by pairing centralization with capitalism’s abrogation. The latter view considers hierarchy necessary, a position that promotes authority and regards horizontal politics as propitious to neoliberalism. Anarchism’s coupling of decentralization with anti-capitalism is dismissed because Marxism cannot accommodate the processuality of prefigurative politics. Marxism demands a revolution with a masterplan, considering horizontality a future objective. Such a temporality ignores the insurrectionary possibilities of the present and implies a politics of waiting. The spatial implications of centralized hierarchy are also questionable, employing a vertical ontology, wherein horizontal organization is deemed inappropriate when ‘jumping scales’. Yet scale represents both a theoretical dis-traction from grounded everyday particularities and a ‘master-signifier’ by providing a point de capiton, or anchoring point, that rests on the exclusion of unconsciousness–the knowledge that is not known¬. Thus the point de capiton is the (Archimedean) point at which an essentialist illusion of fixed meaning is created, as scale is unconscious of geography’s ‘hidden enfolded immensities’. The discourse of scale accordingly dismisses the openness of rhizomic politics by predetermining the political as an arborescent register. Yet the inevitable terra incognita that scalar hierarchies produce becomes a powerful resource for the oppressed, which is why anarchist direct action often proceeds outside of authority’s view. A flat ontology has significant resonance with anarchism, imparting that politics should operate horizontally rather than vertically. This ontological shift suggests that we need not wait for the emergence of a ‘greater’ class-consciousness, as one can immediately disengage capitalism by reorienting economic landscapes in alternative ways. Consequently, a human geography without hierarchy gains significant traction when we reject scale and embrace an anarchist flat ontology.

This article is a manifesto for anarchist geographies, which are understood as kaleidoscopic spatialities that allow for multiple, non-hierarchical, and protean connections between autonomous entities, wherein solidarities, bonds, and affinities are voluntarily assembled in opposition to and free from the presence of sovereign violence, predetermined norms, and assigned categories of belonging. In its rejection of such multivariate apparatuses of domination, this article is a proverbial call to nonviolent arms for those geographers and non-geographers alike who seek to put an end to the seemingly endless series of tragedies, misfortunes, and catastrophes that characterize the miasma and malevolence of the current neoliberal moment. But this is not simply a demand for the end of neoliberalism and its replacement with a more moderate and humane version of capitalism, nor does it merely insist upon a more egalitarian version of the state. It is instead the resurrection of a prosecution within geography that dates back to the discipline’s earliest days: anarchism!

Although scholars of Somali Studies have engaged themselves in examining the Somali society from several perspectives, colonial and early Somali writers mainly observed the Somali people as homogenous, egalitarian and nomadic pastoral. Themes on multi-ethnicity, multiculturalism, and linguistic diversity were ignored as topics that sully the myth of the selfsame ideology colorfully embroidered in the official historiography. The notion also deluded pioneering Somali scholars from critically studying their people and analyzing colonial writing; at least not beyond the western scholars' knowledge boundary. Accordingly, the Horn of Africa was exemplified as a unique African nation where citizens enjoy equality and share an all-in-one identity: culturally, ethnically, historically, and linguistically. Contrary to that notion, though, the everyday social situation makes the primordial ideology of selfsameness unsustainable. To establish the evidence, this essay discusses about how the Bantu Jareer agrarian community, a section among the different groups of subalterns in the country, views its environment and social space within the boundary of deeply offensive segregation by an extremely suppressive Somali society.

Through imaginative geographies that erase the interconnectedness of the places where violence occurs, the notion that violence is 'irrational' marks particular cultures as ‘other’. Neoliberalism exploits such imaginative geographies in constructing itself as the sole providence of nonviolence and the lone bearer of reason. Proceeding as a ‘civilizing’ project, neoliberalism positions the market as salvationary to putatively ‘irrational’ and ‘violent’ peoples. This theology of neoliberalism produces a discourse that binds violence in place. But while violence sits in places in terms of the way in which we perceive its manifestation as a localized and embodied experience, this very idea is challenged when place is reconsidered as a relational assemblage. What this re-theorization does is open up the supposed fixity, separation, and immutability of place to instead recognize it as always co-constituted by, mediated through, and integrated within the wider experiences of space. Such a radical rethinking of place fundamentally transforms the way we understand violence. No longer confined to its material expression as an isolated and localized event, violence can more appropriately be understood as an unfolding process, derived from the broader geographical phenomena and temporal patterns of the social world.

Drawing on anarchist theory and practice, this chapter carries forward the invitation to “take it to the streets” by focusing on ways to provoke the individual consciousness to think critically, and act constructively, to challenge systems of exploitation, injustice, domination, oppression, torture and killing that concern humans and nonhuman animals. In this way, the chapter emphasises the fact that anarchist praxis has much to offer the excellent contribution that critical animal studies has brought to understanding the interlocking nature of systems of power and domination.

Abstract
In this article, I document the challenges of operationalizing critical qualitative mobile research methods, specifically go-along interviews. Mobility-oriented qualitative inquiry is a way to examine disabled and Mad persons’ socio-spatial knowledges and study spatial inequalities impacting these persons. I reflect on my own positionality as an able-bodied researcher, while conducting research with self-identifying Mad and disabled research participants. I further discuss the limitations, enabling factors, constraints, and implications of engaging in go-along interviews. Next, I unpack how and why this method at many times was not desired by my research participants in favor of more traditional interview techniques, such as sit-down face-to-face interviews. There is a need to critically (re)consider space and place in research practices in ways that value the often subjugated voices and socio-spatial knowledge(s) of Mad and disabled persons.

Article based on paper presented as part of Panel 24: ‘Looting, Refusing, Negating, Embodying’ ‘Critical Refusals’ Fourth Biennal Conference of the International Herbert Marcuse Society, University of Pennsylvania, 27-29th October 2011

http://www.pdcnet.org/radphilrev/content/radphilrev_2013_0016_0001_0375_0385

http://web.asc.upenn.edu/news/Critical_Refusals_Conference.pdf

How do you sell a solar powered lamp to India's un-electrified, rural poor? This contribution to Anthropology for Sale explores the work of direct selling in rural India, reflecting on the forms of prejudice, difference and exclusion that are produced as multinational companies create markets for consumer goods in places of chronic global poverty. In the highlands of Orissa, India, a US company sells solar powered lights through a network of young male sales agents. The company and its products express empathy and proximity, attachment and connection to India's indigenous and low caste communities. Yet the company's salesmen are often more concerned with maintaining forms of structural advantage and their sales practices articulate social differences based on caste, class and gender. Rather than see prejudice as a peripheral effect of expansion and growth in emerging markets this paper proposes that we see it as a constitutive feature of markets at the 'bottom of the pyramid'. KEYWORDS Youth; caste; social enterprise; solar energy; bottom of the pyramid Just Sell! 'So much tension. Heavy tension.' Aseem paced around the hotel room in his string vest and shorts. It was half past nine in the morning. He had been awake for three hours, making calls to his salesmen on a mobile phone. He dialled number after number. Occasionally he got an answer. More often he got a 'busy' or 'no signal' tone. Aseem sat down on the bed and sighed heavily. He had arrived in this small market town, the administrative capital of Koraput district in the highlands of southern Odisha, India, two days previously and it was already time to leave again. His train was leaving at noon. On the mattress beside him was a half-packed travel bag and a briefcase. He was

This chapter explores the different dimensions of domination, including whether it has a structural approach, its relation to race and imperialism, and how non-domination can be institutionalized and achieved at a global level.

A paperback version of the entire book is available for purchase (ISBN: 9780367144135).

Для советских людей обвал советской системы стал одновременно абсолютной неожиданностью и чем-то вполне закономерным. Это драматическое событие обнажило необычный парадокс: несмотря на то, что большинство людей воспринимало советскую систему как вечную и неизменную, они в принципе были всегда готовы к ее распаду. В книге профессора Калифорнийского университета в Беркли Алексея Юрчака система «позднего социализма» (середина 1950-х – середина 1980-х) анализируется в перспективе этого парадокса. Образ позднего социализма, возникающий в книге, в корне отличается от привычных стереотипов, согласно которым советскую реальность якобы можно свести к описанию, основанному на простых противопоставлениях -- таких как: официальная/неофициальная культура, тоталитарный язык/свободный язык, политическое подавление/гражданское сопротивление, публичная ложь/скрытая правда и т.д.

In attempting to create a US Black feminist philosophy, I have uncovered three lessons in US Black women’s social theory. They are the following: 1) oppression is a multistable, social phenomenon; 2) many US Black women identify occupying a negative, socio-epistemic space as part of their experience of oppression; and 3) addressing oppression for many Black women will require grappling with politics of social spatiality. These insights are by no means new. However, the fact that these tropes can be identified in almost 200 years of Black women's social theory in the US is far more distinctive than many allow.

This paper explores the role of disgust in mediating disabled women's experience of workfare in the Australian state. As global social policy has been restructured along neoliberal lines in Western nations, the notion of ‗workfare' has been widely promulgated. This paper draws on nine case studies from across Australia to explore how this has resulted in disabled women being coerced to participate in a range of workfare programs that are highly bureaucratised, sanitised and moralised. The findings suggest that with the advent of Australian neoliberal welfare reform, some disabled women are increasingly framed in negative affective terms. A primary emotion that appears to govern disabled women forced to participate in Australian neoliberal workfare programs is disgust. The experience of the participants interviewed for this study suggests that the naming of them in negative emotional terms requires disabled women to perform a respectable unruly corporeality to ensure that they gain and maintain access to a range of services and supports, which are vital to their wellbeing.

In the following paper, I evaluate the rise of the American Alt-Right, particularly as it's personified by Turning Point USA's Candace Owens and Charlie Kirk, in terms of the mercenary "ends justify the means" logic deployed to justify some of the misleading, distorted, or manifestly false claims organizations like this depend on to advance their white nationalist agendas.

The paper ranges widely over gun control, Kanye West's outrageous comments about slavery, Owen's illiteracy about contemporary feminism, and Kirk's theocratic aspirations. But the message is a simple on: TPUSA is the Alt-Right, and their offering of the Red Pill, or in Owens' case the RedPillBlack, is intended either as a narcotic to make us forget that the past can be a prologue to the future, or an hallucinogen to entrance us into believing--especially if we're black, female, poor, or indigenous--that there's no such thing as oppression in America.

Both are false, and both threaten to seduce us into complacency about the justice for which we must continue to struggle, not only in light of the inequalities of class, sex, gender, or race, but for the sake of preserving respect for the truth--the most endangered potential casualty of TPUSA's vision of "Western Civilization," that is the theocratic, heteropatriarchal ethnostate.

I have also divided the piece into three parts, for easier reading and digestion. The Bibliography is in Part 3.

Dear colleagues and friends who care about education,

In the spirit of continuing to keep us all informed about just what Turning Point USA/Professor Watchlist is and does, I am posting here a note I received today at my university email address from my university’s chapter of Turning Point USA. Ivan Throne is one of TP/PWL’s newest representatives. I have included below a small selection of materials either written by Throne or about him.

I have also enclosed below the brief missive I drafted to my administration at Bloomsburg University.

Please also see two updates included through 1.26.18. I have appended these at the top of Mr. Throne's original missive for easy location by readers who've read the original.

Wendy Lynne Lee

21 mètres de hauteur, 30 mètres de profondeur, 7 hectares de marbre utilisé pour les constructions, une coupole de 60 mètres de hauteur... La première impression face à la basilique Notre-Dame-de-la-Paix de Yamoussoukro est celle du grandiose. Cette réplique de la basilique Saint-Pierre de Rome (célèbre pour son immense dôme) a été conçue comme un marqueur spatial du pouvoir de l'ancien président ivoirien Houphouët-Boigny, le premier à accéder à ce poste après l'indépendance du pays en 1960. S'étendant sur 12 hectares, la basilique a été construite dans une ville nouvelle, promue capitale sur le site du village du président. Au moment de ce transfert, l'activité politique a été déplacée depuis Abidjan, et le village prit rapidement le visage d'une ville de fonctionnaires 1 . C'est dans ce contexte de la construction d'un Etat-nation dans un espace politique et identitaire marqué par la ligne de fractures entre deux aires confessionnelles 2 , qu'a été lancé le projet de construction de la basilique 3 (Houphouët-1 Malgré le changement de capitale, l'essentiel de l'activité économique est resté concentré à Abidjan, et progressivement certaines fonctions politiques ont été rapatriées dans cette capitale économique. 2 A noter, Yamoussoukro se trouve à mi-chemin sur la route entre Abidjan (ville portuaire et capitale économique située dans le Sud du pays), et Bouaké (« ville-frontière » déchirée par la ligne de fractures entre l'aire de peuplement musulmane dans le Nord de la Côte d'Ivoire et l'aire de peuplement chrétienne dans le Sud). Yamoussoukro se trouve donc au coeur de la halshs-

Without conducting much analysis on the multiethnic texture of the country, colonial ethnographers and ethnohistorians obsessed with the ideology of ‘Somali homogeneity’, and stakeholders of the nationalist sentiments of self-same Somalia successfully demonstrated the Horn of Africa nation as an ‘egalitarian’ society pursuing a cultural mode of ‘pastoral democracy.’1 To break away from that
erroneous diction, this essay aims at problematizing the vagueness of that notion by introducing a counter narrative that unravels not only the existence of other ethnic groups and cultures but also an enormous nature of subjugation, prejudice and discrimination-factors antithetical to the ideals of egalitarianism. For the sake of unlearning that early and enduring misinterpretation, this essay presents an
account of the discrimination against the Bantu/Jareer people and their place in the Somali social and political system. It attempts at offering a realistic situation as compared to the idealistic image of the colonial writers’ and early Somali scholarship’s self-same tutelage. At another level, the revelation in the study challenges the fallacy in
Prof. Lidwien Kapteijns’s recently formed discourse that the Bantu Jareer people benefited significant political and economic consideration in independent Somali, an extremely mendacious concoction which, despite being absent from the available literature, Prof. Kapteijns’s work shied away from producing empirically based,
factual evidence to support her argument (M. Eno, 2013b:21-31). In its general scope, the study intends to contribute to the principle of “understand[ing] Somalia for what it is and not what it ought to be” (Kusow 2004: xii).

In the following paper, I evaluate the rise of the American Alt-Right, particularly as it's personified by Turning Point USA's Candace Owens and Charlie Kirk, in terms of the mercenary "ends justify the means" logic deployed to justify some of the misleading, distorted, or manifestly false claims organizations like this depend on to advance their white nationalist agendas.

The paper ranges widely over gun control, Kanye West's outrageous comments about slavery, Owen's illiteracy about contemporary feminism, and Kirk's theocratic aspirations. But the message is a simple on: TPUSA is the Alt-Right, and their offering of the Red Pill, or in Owens' case the RedPillBlack, is intended either as a narcotic to make us forget that the past can be a prologue to the future, or an hallucinogen to entrance us into believing--especially if we're black, female, poor, or indigenous--that there's no such thing as oppression in America.

Both are false, and both threaten to seduce us into complacency about the justice for which we must continue to struggle, not only in light of the inequalities of class, sex, gender, or race, but for the sake of preserving respect for the truth--the most endangered potential casualty of TPUSA's vision of "Western Civilization," that is the theocratic, heteropatriarchal ethnostate.

I have also divided the piece into three parts, for easier reading and digestion. The Bibliography is in Part 3.

Genealogies of governance have a significant contribution to make to studies of the European Union (EU). Genealogies denaturalize relations of rule by revealing the overlooked or hidden history of the practices and knowledges that underpin the exercise of political power. They also sensitize us to little shifts in practices that are often overlooked by general theories of governance. This argument is developed through a critical analysis of EUROSUR, a project the EU has recently launched to enhance and better integrate border surveillance capabilities at EU external frontiers. The paper has three aims. First, to enhance the intelligibility of EUROSUR through a historical focus on one if its key concepts, situational awareness. Second, to explore the relationship between this concept, its material infrastructure, and the emergence of a new time–space that I call the situation. This time–space materializes in contexts where information, infrastructure, and reaction capabilities combine in such a way that social events and emergencies can be monitored and acted upon in near real time: a state of affairs I call 'live governance'. Finally, the paper asks what is at stake when we write genealogies of very contemporary, fluid regimes of power. It concludes that EUROSUR is better analysed as a dynamic and experimental assemblage of elements rather than the kind of relatively stable and enduring apparatus that interested Foucault. Describing it as an assemblage is intended to counterbalance the tendency, evident in some areas of security studies, to overestimate the solidity of new governance arrangements.