Free Prior and Informed Consent

Green Book on Participatory 3-D Modelling

Mapping and mapping tools, which consist of coordinates, geographical information systems (GIS), databases and software, enable the collection of standardised information (rivers, mountains, inventoried industrial concessions, deforestation rates, etc.). They cannot, however, fully convey the specificity of the geographic sites involved: their meaning, use and heterogeneity. Nevertheless, the latter remain characteristics of primary importance when one wishes to understand a territory in order to manage it in the most equitable and sustainable way possible.

3-D mapping offers new prospects aimed at facilitating the on-going process, while taking it a step further. The process used to transfer traditional indigenous knowledge to a map usually relies on technology. Indigenous and local communities are trained to use GPS and to chart geographical co-ordinates, and the information is collected, worked out and visualised by a qualified operator. As the Itombwe pilot exercise strikingly demonstrates, mapping in 3-D facilitates this transfer of information onto the map.

3-D mapping provides a visual representation on the scale of a dwarfed natural environment. Through the contours of its landforms it gives communities immediate cognitive reference marks. The advantage of the 3-D approach pertains first and foremost to its ability to mobilise participants in this way, as the model arouses people’s curiosity and presents a learning interest for all. As it involves the indigenous and local communities in the construction of the model itself, all the way through to its presentation, this approach allows them to create a final and physical product without any external intervention. This differs significantly from 2-D mapping, for which Itombwe communities would have to entrust the co-ordinates they have determined to map made by a GIS technician based in Bukavu. Moreover, by doing away with the technological aspect of GPS and the complexity of 2-D representation, 3-D participatory mapping places the various interlocutors and facilitators on the same level of understanding and perception of the territory. Consequently, this approach facilitates communication and the reaching of consensus in decisions relating to sustainable management, which can be made based upon the mapping exercise. Finally, the process legitimises the decisions made and makes them sustainable, owing to the fact that it allows an ownership of the process not only by the “elite” of the trained community cartographers, but also by all members of the community, including the youth and the elders, both men and women. Through the exercise, elders have the opportunity to transfer knowledge to the younger generation and to perpetuate lessons of the past, while all community members can be proud of having contributed to the creation of the map.

Le droit reconnaît désormais la possibilité de renoncer à de multiples protections des droits et libertés enchâssés dans les Chartes canadienne et québécoise. Formuler une demande d’aide médicale à mourir. Consentir à la transmission d’informations personnelles sur un site web. Accepter la clause d’un contrat de travail limitant sa liberté d’expression ou interdisant d’exprimer ses opinions politiques. Plaider coupable en échange de la promesse d’une peine d’emprisonnement moindre. Signer un contrat d’achat de copropriété dont le règlement de l’immeuble limite ses pratiques religieuses. Or, dans tous ces contextes, se pose la question fondamentale du consentement « libre et éclairé ».
Le présent article présente une synthèse des exigences normatives du consentement libre et éclairé à la renonciation, à savoir (i) la pleine connaissance de la garantie en jeu ; (ii) la connaissance des conséquences de la renonciation ; (iii) l’existence d’options véritables ; (iv) la précision suffisante du consentement ; et (v) l’existence et la mise en œuvre de mécanismes de protection de second ordre. Il est démontré que la jurisprudence actuelle comporte de nombreuses incertitudes et incohérences qui interpelleront sans doute les praticiens et les tribunaux dans l’avenir.  Dans cette perspective, le principe juridique d’autonomie personnelle, lequel est protégé en tant que droit et valeur constitutionnels,  est ensuite approfondi. Il est démontré que l’autonomie constitue à la fois le fondement et la justification des limites du concept même de consentement, aussi « libre et éclairé » puisse-t-il être.

Background: Informed consent is a basic concept of contemporary, autonomy-based medical practice and facilitates a shared decision-making model for relations between physicians and patients. Thus, the extent to which patients can comprehend the consent they grant is essential to the ethical viability of medicine as it is pursued today. However, research on patients' comprehension of an informed consent's basic components shows that their level of understanding is limited. Methods: Systemic searches of the PubMed and Web of Science databases were performed to identify the literature on informed consent, specifically patients' comprehension of specific informed consent components. Results: In total, 14 relevant articles were retrieved. In most studies, few clinical trial participants correctly responded to items that examined their awareness of what they consented to. Participants demonstrated the highest level of understanding (over 50%) regarding voluntary participation, blinding (excluding knowledge about investigators' blinding), and freedom to withdraw at any time. Only a small minority of patients demonstrated comprehension of placebo concepts, randomisation, safety issues, risks, and side effects. Conclusions: We found that participants' comprehension of fundamental informed consent components was low, which is worrisome because this lack of understanding undermines an ethical pillar of contemporary clinical trial practice and questions the viability of patients' full and genuine involvement in a shared medical decision-making process.

CAPITULO IV
Protocolos Indígenas de Consulta e Consentimento no Brasil
Priscylla Joca
Introdução....68
1. A emergência de protocolos indígenas de consulta e consentimento no Brasil ..........70
1.1. O protocolo Wajãpi .............72
1.2 O surgimento de outros protocolos indígenas ..........75
2. E o que comunicam os conteúdos dos protocolos elaborados por povos indígenas?...........................76
2.1. Dever de consultar e responsáveis pela implementação da consulta ................77
2.2. O que deve ser objeto de consulta e tomada de consentimento........................78
2.3. Normas relativas aos processos de tomada de decisão ....................................78
2.4 Normas que guiam o diálogo com o Estado .......................................................81
2.5 Regras concernentes à relação com atores não-estatais (empresas) ...............82
2.6 Necessidade de financiamento para a realização da consulta ...........................82
2.7 Indicação de possíveis apoios técnicos, acadêmicos e governamentais ...........83
2.8 Riscos ou ameaças quanto ao processo de consulta
identificados nos protocolos..............................83
2.9 Enunciados para guiar a avaliação do processo de consulta .............................84
2.10 Regras concernentes ao encerramento do processo de consulta .....................84
2.11 Referência dos protocolos aos direitos territoriais de povos indígenas ..............85
3. O nível de reconhecimento e a aplicação dos protocolos no Brasil ............................86
3.1 A aplicação do protocolo Wajãpi.....................86
3.2 Aplicação de outros protocolos autônomos de consulta e consentimento .........88
3.3 O reconhecimento dos protocolos autônomos de consulta e consentimento pelo Estado ....92
4. Contribuições dos protocolos para a implementação do DCCLPI no Brasil ...............95
4.1 Contribuições nos processos de elaboração dos protocolos .............................95
4.2 A aplicação dos protocolos como guia para a realização da consulta ...............95
Conclusão..................98
Referências ..................99

This article focuses on the right of consent for women and their communities in respect of extractives and large-scale (or 'mega') infrastructure projects that affect their access to, and control over land and natural resources indispensable to their lives and livelihoods. As we point out, the right of consent is determined by prevailing deeply unequal power structures. Poor women confront a double exclusion from power and decision-making about land and resource use – on the basis of both their class and gender. The political economy of power and vested interest surrounding these projects at all levels from the community to the international spheres mean that communities, and women within them, rarely enjoy the right of consent on a free, prior, informed and ongoing basis. In addition, women are locked out of rights of land ownership in communities living under common property and this, combined with other patriarchal power relations in family and community, inhibits their voice and influence in community decision-making. This is the second exclusion they suffer this time on the basis of their gender. Consent, even if legislated or institutionalised in policy and systems of state, corporate or multilateral body is rarely granted but rather won through struggle and demand. The article will present an inspiring case in the South African context where unequal power has been inverted and a unique community, with women playing a leading role, has claimed the right of consent in practice through struggle. It concludes with some suggestions for the work needed to strengthen women's rights of consent in respect of mega 'development' projects in Africa.

The case of Salinas Grandes-Laguna de Guayatayoc is interesting as the region is divided between the provinces of Salta and Jujuy, which are inhabited by the Kolla and Atacama communities. Here, lithium was discovered in 2010, giving rise to a process of exploration by multinational companies and promotion by national and provincial governments. The case involves the violation of three indigenous rights. First, the right to communal ownership of the land, since, although a survey has been carried out, the title deed of the land has not yet been granted. Second, the right to consultation and exercise of FPIC, given that the government took measures related to lithium exploration and exploitation without the consultation and consent of the affected communities. Third, this is a case of interest because of unchained process of indigenous mobilisation organisation which has led to the KachiYupi/Huellas de la Sal protocol, drawn up by the communities themselves and which represents the model of how the rights to consultation and FPIC should be exercised.

Until recently, conflicts between Indigenous peoples and the Canadian state over
land development projects have proceeded without the requirement that the state or
companies obtain Indigenous consent. In 2018, this changed when the Government
of Canada released a statement identifying ‘free, prior, and informed consent’ (fpic)
as a requirement of meaningful engagement on projects that implicate Indigenous
rights. This article considers the promise of consent within consultation processes.
Consent is better than its absence, but conflicts over land development often involve
rival claims to authority. The principle of consent cannot alone address the challenges
posed by these rival claims nor offer appropriate responses to them. Through organised
resistance, communities develop collective agency, forge political alliances, and
re-appropriate their authority over territory and resources that are significant to them.
The introduction of fpic clarifies but does not replace the benefits of resistance for
some communities.

Isang maikling pagtalakay sa tunay na kalagayan ng mga katutubong Agta-Dumagat ng Sierra Madre at ang kanilang patuloy na pakikibaka upang makamit ang kanilang karapatang pantao at karapatan bilang mga katutubo ng bansa. Nilalayon ng papel na ito na maipakita ang anggulong hindi madalas na naipapakita ng midya at ang katotohanang hindi naipapatupad ng husto ang IPRA para maprotektahan ang mga katutubo ng bansa.

Coautoría en «Convenio 169 de la OIT. Los desafíos de su implementación en América Latina a 25 años de su aprobación», publicado por International Work Group of Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) y presentado ante la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) en Ginebra en conmemoración al 25 aniversario del Convenio 169:
http://www.iwgia.org/iwgia_files_publications_files/0701_convenio169OIT2014.pdf

L’essai s’inscrit dans le contexte de la montée en influence de la Déclaration des Nations Unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones. Appuyée par le Canada en 2010, la Déclaration prévoit l’obligation, pour les États, de consulter les peuples autochtones en vue d’obtenir leur consentement libre et éclairé, préalablement à l'exploitation des ressources sur leurs territoires ancestraux. L’objectif principal de cet essai est de faire l’état des lieux de la mise en œuvre du droit au consentement au sein des activités minières, hydroélectriques et forestières du Nord québécois et de proposer des pistes de réflexion sur l’amélioration des pratiques actuelles.

Dans un objectif de contextualisation, l’essai présente d’abord le processus de négociation de la Déclaration, auquel ont participé de façon particulièrement active les peuples autochtones du monde entier. Il met également en lumière les raisons pour lesquelles la mise en œuvre des droits autochtones prévus à la Déclaration peut s’avérer complexe. Parmi ces raisons figurent la divergence des points de vue sur l’interprétation à donner au droit au consentement, de même que la variété des tentatives de mise en œuvre observées dans quatre régions du monde et leurs effets positifs et négatifs sur les peuples autochtones. Au Québec, aucune mesure n’a encore été adoptée afin d’intégrer au droit et aux pratiques internes la Déclaration et son principe de consentement.

L’essai vise ensuite à identifier les distinctions entre les peuples autochtones bénéficiant d’ententes avec les gouvernements canadien et québécois et ceux qui n’en bénéficient pas, ainsi qu’à comparer la législation et les pratiques minières, hydroélectriques et forestières en lien avec la consultation et le consentement autochtones. L’essai démontre ainsi comment chacune des composantes des régimes minier, hydroélectrique et forestier favorise ou nuit au respect du droit au consentement. En guise de synthèse, une évaluation systématique de la performance des trois secteurs industriels relativement au respect du droit au consentement est effectuée. Celle-ci est basée sur des critères d’évaluation adaptés, une échelle de pointage et un système d’indices de pointage. Les résultats soulignent la longueur d’avance de l’industrie forestière quant à la mise en œuvre de pratiques favorables à l’atteinte du consentement. Ils révèlent également l’écart entre le sort réservé aux nations et communautés autochtones qui disposent d’ententes comportant des mesures contraignantes pour le gouvernement québécois, en particulier les traités, et ceux qui n’en disposent pas. Enfin, des recommandations sont formulées afin d’accompagner les décideurs dans l’élaboration de stratégies de mise en œuvre du droit au consentement. Celles-ci reposent sur la prémisse que les peuples autochtones doivent avoir la liberté de choisir les façons d’opérationnaliser ce droit, et ce afin de respecter le droit à l’autodétermination que défend la Déclaration et que vise à servir le droit au consentement.

O Ocidente tentou impor seu pensamento como a filosofia universal. Esse pensamento moderno, “superior”, no prazo de três séculos, devastou e devasta ciclos de vida, e até mesmo a capacidade de regeneração e auto-climatização de nossa mãe Terra.[2]
A palavra “protocolo” soa como algo tão formal que não parece relacionar-se aos indígenas, quilombolas e populações tradicionais. Mas essa foi a palavra escolhi- da por eles para ensinar à sociedade hegemônica como cada povo ou comunidade decide suas questões cruciais.
O protocolo é corolário do direito à consulta prévia, livre e informada, estabelecida pela Convenção n. 169, da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), em seu art. 6o, 1, a: “os governos deverão consultar os povos interessados, mediante procedimentos apropriados e, particularmente, através de suas instituições representativas, cada vez que sejam previstas medidas legislativas ou administrativas suscetíveis de afetá-los diretamente”.
Isso significa que todas as vezes que um projeto de lei ou um projeto do Executivo — como rodovia, hidrelétrica, ferrovia, mineração, etc. — atingir um povo indígena, quilombola ou tradicional, este povo deve ser consultado antes de o projeto ser aprovado.
O problema estaria em como fazer a consulta, já que o Brasil possui mais de 300 etnias, além de milhares de comunidades quilombolas e tradicionais que também são sujeitos desse mesmo direito, e cada uma com processo próprio de tomada de decisão.
É nesse momento que surge o protocolo. Ele possui o objetivo de fazer com que o exercício do direito à consulta prévia seja emancipatório. Vale dizer, que seja realizado de forma intercultural, com respeito aos modos de criar, fazer e viver de povos e comunidades diferenciados.
(trechos da apresentação de Felício Pontes Jr, procurador regional da República e mestre em Direito pela UFPA).

Consenso informato, diritti umani e biodiritto internazionale * S N : . Introduzione,  -. Origini storiche e fonti internazionali del principio del consenso informato,  -. La portata del principio del consenso: voluntas aegroti suprema lex,  -. Consenso informato e diritti umani alla luce del rapporto tra biodiritto internazionale e diritto internazionale dei diritti umani,  -. Il consenso informato come diritto umano internazionalmente protetto,  -. Considerazioni conclusive, .

While international instruments and a few state governments endorse the "free, prior and informed consent" of Indigenous peoples in decision-making about the water in their traditional territories, most state water governance regimes do not recognize Indigenous water rights and responsibilities. Applying a political ecology lens to the settler colonialism of water governance exposes the continued depoliticizing personality of natural resources decision-making and reveals water as an abstract, static resource in law and governance processes. Most plainly, these decision-making processes inadequately consider environmental flows or cumulative effects and are at odds with both Indigenous governance and social-ecological approaches to watershed management. Using the example of groundwater licensing in British Columbia, Canada as reinforcing colonialism in water governance, this article examines how First Nations are asserting Indigenous rights in response to natural resource decision-making. Both within and outside of colonial governance processes they are establishing administrative and governance structures that express their water laws and jurisdiction. These structures include the Syilx, Nadleh Wut'en and Stellat'en creating standards for water, the Tsleil-Waututh and Stk'emlúpsemc te Secwépemc community assessments of proposed pipeline and mining facilities, and the First Nations of the Nicola Valley planning process based on their own legal traditions. Where provincial and federal environmental governance has failed, Indigenous communities are repoliticizing colonial decision-making processes to shift jurisdiction towards Indigenous processes that institutionalize responsibilities for and relationships with water.

In 2005, Korean steel giant POSCO signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Odisha state government in India to build a US$12billion integrated steel project, involving a plant, mine and associated infrastructure. For the ten years since then the project has faced strong opposition from the communities affected by the proposed steel plant, who do not want to relinquish their agricultural lands and face displacement. This is a case not only of human rights risks and harms, but also, much more broadly, of contests over development agendas, and who gets to set them. This report evaluates the strategies used by communities and their supporters to both resist land acquisition and the construction of the steel plant, and seek remedy for harms that have already taken place, primarily to do with violence, intimidation, dubious criminal charges, and the land acquisition that has occurred to date. The report focuses on the OECD National Contact Point process, and concludes that this process made no identifiable positive impact on human rights in this case. The report also finds that the international business and human rights discourse has had ambivalent effects in this case. It has led POSCO, which was previously inexperienced in this area, to develop some voluntary human rights commitments, but has not led to any tangible changes in its business behaviour in India. Furthermore, it may have equipped POSCO with tools to deflect criticism without making changes on the ground, thereby having an ultimately damaging effect on human rights fulfilment. The report situates the international business and human rights processes (primarily the OECD National Contact Point process) within a broad landscape of avenues of redress and resistance, and identifies broad factors that have enabled and constrained resistance and access to remedy. It concludes with lessons learnt for the OECD National Contact Points, aggrieved communities and their supporters, and business.

RESUMEN: El presente ensayo es de tipo explicativo, descriptivo y argumentativo cuyo objeto principal es evidenciar la importancia del consentimiento informado, que actúa como garantía para el ejercicio del derecho a la salud. Los métodos utilizados son el exegético para demostrar y comprender la importancia del principio de autonomía y su principio derivado del consentimiento informado en el ordenamiento jurídico y en lo específico en la relación médico paciente. Así mismo se utiliza el método de derecho comparado y de análisis del caso para examinar dos sentencias una de la Corte IDH y otro del TEDH con el objetivo de evidenciar como en la realidad material o práctica se desnaturaliza y descontextualiza el consentimiento informado de los pacientes violentando sus derechos. PALABRAS CLAVE: principio de autonomía, consentimiento informado, derecho a la salud, bioderecho, contrato, servicios de salud. ABSTRACT: This essay is clarifying, descriptive and argumentative, whose main objective is to demonstrate the importance of informed consent, which acts as a guarantee for the deployment of the right to health. The essay methodologies are: exegetical to demonstrate and understand the importance of the principle of autonomy and the informed consent principle in the legal system, and in the doctor-patient relationship. It also uses the comparative and the case brief method to examine two resolutions: one of the InterAmerican human rights Court and another of the ECHR, to show that the Informent consent in the daily practice can be decontextualized violating human rights.

Ci possono essere almeno tre grandi alvei contrattuali all’interno dei quali una psicoterapia può disporsi; ed in ognuno di essi la questione delle sedute non effettuate assume un rilievo diverso, in base a caratteristiche che attengono solo parzialmente al rapporto diretto fra psicoterapeuta e paziente.
- Innanzitutto il legame fra terapeuta e paziente può collocarsi  in un’ottica un po’ vetero, in cui ciò che vale è il riconoscimento da parte del paziente della fama dello specialista, e soprattutto dell’obbligo di riconoscenza che egli ha nei suoi confronti: in questo contesto la remunerazione delle prestazioni fornite dallo specialista si chiama “onorario”.
Oggi però questo non è l’ambito contrattuale all’interno del quale opera la maggior parte di noi.
Oggi lo psicoterapeuta o è un libero professionista oppure un pubblico dipendente. Anche se all’interno di entrambi questi alvei, varie sono le sottospecie di contratto che è possibile mettere in piedi, e vari sono di conseguenza i ragionamenti che è possibile fare sulle sedute non effettuate.

This article discusses how energy exploitation impacts on indigenous peoples’ rights. The article argues that the current focus in the international arena and the literature on indigenous rights of participation and consultation and the special attention that the free, prior and informed consent attracts may minimise the importance that States and companies pay to the other rights that indigenous peoples have in these circumstances. After analysing the current standards relating to participation and consultation and looking closely to the free, prior and informed consent, the article uses international human rights law, and especially ILO Convention No. 169 and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, as well as jurisprudence coming from the Inter-American and the African system of human rights as well as the interpretation of United Nations bodies, in order to identify the specific other obligations that States have vis-à-vis indigenous peoples when they initiate or permit energy projects on or near the lands they live on.

Why and how do institutions strengthen? This article offers an explanation of institutional strength based on the study of participatory institutions. Combining the insights of historical institutionalism and participatory democracy literatures, the authors propose an endogenous theory of participation and argue that the strength of participatory institutions depends on the historic process of their creation and the subsequent political incorporation of the mobilized groups that bring them about. The authors comparatively study prior consultation in Bolivia and Ecuador since its inception in the 1990s. This institution is highly relevant in Latin America, particularly as countries in the region intensify the extraction of nonrenewable resources. The article shows that different paths of political incorporation of the groups mobilized for institutional adoption were consequential to the resulting institutional strength. The findings shed light on the tensions between participatory democracy and resource extraction in Latin America and have important implications for the study of participatory and political institutions worldwide.

Lethal conflicts to stop oil drilling and mineral mining on indigenous lands around the world have been on the rise now for decades. In Latin America since the late 1980s, international law has been codified guaranteeing Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) by indigenous peoples prior to the entry of extractive industries to their lands. However, these prior consultations before extraction resulted in every instance in approval of extractive projects. Contrary to the predictions of international institutions which have strongly endorsed FPIC, the willingness of indigenous communities in several countries to undertake these consultations did not lead to plebiscites on whether to extract, but only to a negotiation of benefits for indigenous communities once such extraction commenced. The transactional nature of the prior consultation process was confirmed in a nationwide survey in Ecuador, where different elements associated with prior consultation –namely, the awareness that this procedure existed, the inclusiveness of the participants, and the belief that the results should be binding– did not impact how likely respondents are to protest extraction. We conclude that rather than differentiated enforcement of multicultural rights, a full enforcement of basic plural human rights and civil liberties may better enable indigenous peoples to protect their rights, decide whether to allow extraction, and at what cost.

La consulta previa ha sido reconocida como uno de los instrumentos más emacipatorios en el marco del derecho internacional de los derechos huma- nos, con el que cuentan los pueblos indígenas y las comunidades étnicas para defender sus territorios en la actualidad. Sin embargo, la consulta previa también ha tenido en algunos casos un uso ambivalente por diversos actores que han acudido a este instrumento para fines diferentes a los contemplados en el Convenio 169 de la oit, uso que, lejos de proteger los derechos de los pueblos y comunidades, ha redundado en su afectación y en el detrimento de estos grupos. El propósito principal de este artículo es cuestionar el uso ambivalente de la consulta previa en Colombia desde la perspectiva del pensamiento decolonial, partiendo de la noción de la ‘colonialidad’. Espe- cíficamente se argumenta que el problema de las restricciones y limitaciones de la consulta que se explican en este artículo obedece a los sesgos coloniales que arrastra la consulta y que a su vez se encuentran imbuidos en la lógica liberal a la que responde dicha institución.

This paper proposes an examination of Philippine laws concerning the indigenous peoples, who had been managing their ancestral lands, through traditional knowledge and customary practices, before the creation of the Philippine State. Their present-day situation, as victims of land grabbing and other human rights violations, is a reflection of the series of legal enforcements that have continuously oppressed them for more than a century. Hence, the existing laws must be reviewed to attempt to reverse past injustices against them and their communal lands, to truly respect and implement concepts that uphold indigenous rights, and to further protect their community’s interests. The enactment of the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA) was an initiative that is ahead of most countries and a step in the right direction. However, the government must address its implementation problems, legal loopholes, and conflicts with other laws. After these, compliance with related international standards would fulfill the country’s obligation to ensure respect for and the protection of indigenous rights. Upholding inherent indigenous rights as of equal standing with other constitutional rights, instead of further oppressing cultural minorities, will help reduce the local wars and help achieve national harmony.

Lethal conflicts to stop oil drilling and mineral mining on indigenous lands around the world have been on the rise now for decades. In Latin America since the late 1980s, international law has been codified guaranteeing Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) by indigenous peoples prior to the entry of extractive industries to their lands. However, these prior consultations before extraction resulted in every instance in approval of extractive projects. Contrary to the predictions of international institutions which have strongly endorsed FPIC, the willingness of indigenous communities in several countries to undertake these consultations did not lead to plebiscites on whether to extract, but only to a negotiation of benefits for indigenous communities once such extraction commenced. The transactional nature of the prior consultation process was confirmed in a nationwide survey in Ecuador, where different elements associated with prior consultation –namely, the awareness that this procedure existed, the inclusiveness of the participants, and the belief that the results should be binding– did not impact how likely respondents are to protest extraction. We conclude that rather than differentiated enforcement of multicultural rights, a full enforcement of basic plural human rights and civil liberties may better enable indigenous peoples to protect their rights, decide whether to allow extraction, and at what cost.

Since December 2015, a set of twelve Ethical Principles for Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage enriches the paradigm of the 2003 UNESCO Convention. At the meeting of its Intergovernmental Committee at Windhoek where those principles were endorsed, and where a whole chapter of new operational directives was fine-tuned in order to respond to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UN General Assembly, 25 September 2015), the UNESCO Secretariat was
instructed to build an on-line platform with a toolkit about ethics and safeguarding intangible heritage. Accredited NGOs were also finally invited to collaborate and play a role in developing and updating the 2003 UNESCO Convention and its operational directives. This is a major breakthrough. In this article we trace and discuss this ‘hop’ (1999), ‘skip’ (2012-2015)
and ‘jump’ process (2016 onwards) in the emerging paradigm of safeguarding ICH. Why twelve principles and not a supermodel code of ethics for (safeguarding) intangible heritage? How do innovations like ‘sustained free and informed consent’ or ‘benefit sharing’ open new doors? What do anthropology, folklore studies and museology have to offer? Is the online platform a good idea, in the light of recent developments in international conventions on biodiversity, bioethics or the work
of WIPO and other organisations ?

En este artículo examinamos el reconocimiento de derechos indígenas en dos casos de estudio durante el desarrollo de proyectos de energía hidroeléctrica, los cuales ilustran distintos momentos en la implementación del Consentimiento Libre, Previo e Informado (CLPI) en Chile, en el marco de la ratificación del Convenio 169 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo en 2008. Si bien los casos muestran, al menos, victorias parciales en términos legales, sugerimos que la implementación del consentimiento informado en Chile resulta en una geografía legal de fragmentación en territorio Mapuche. En los dos casos, vemos que esta geografía legal opera a través de dos estrategias llevadas a cabo por los consultores privados involucrados en el desarrollo de los proyectos hidroeléctricos. Primero, en la manera como definen el área de afectación directa reducida en el marco del sistema de evaluación ambiental. Y segundo, en la mantención de negociaciones privadas y directas con determinadas comunidades. En el primer caso, los consultores interpretan la legislación ambiental de una forma limitada. Mientras que, en el último caso, crean sus propias estrategias en un contexto de incertidumbre legal y, paradójicamente, allí amplifican el territorio afectado para efectos de negociar. En general, crean las condiciones para que los derechos indígenas sean negociados, dando lugar a una forma mercantilizada del consentimiento informado. En esta brecha entre la codificación de derechos internacionales indígenas y la implementación de la ley en la práctica, la fragmentación social afecta profundamente a las costumbres Mapuche, la autoridad de los líderes ancestrales, la cohesión social y la práctica de ceremonias. Debido a la fragmentación social de esta geografía legal del consentimiento indígena, creemos necesario regular estas negociaciones.

In this article we examine the recognition of Indigenous rights in two case studies with hydroelectric development. These cases demonstrate two moments in the implementation of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) in Chile, which is regulated by the International Labour Organization's Convention 169 treaty ratified in 2008. While the cases demonstrate at least partial victories in legal terms, we suggest that the implementation of informed consent in Chile results in a legal geography of fragmentation in Mapuche territory. In both cases, we find that this legal geography operates through two strategies employed by private consultancy groups involved in the development of hydropower. First, by how they define and spatially reduce the concept of "direct affected area", which is regulated by the system for evaluating environmental impacts. Second, in how they maintain direct and private negotiations with certain communities. In the first case, consultors interpret the environmental legislation in a limited way. While in the second case, they create their own strategies in a context of legal uncertainty, and paradoxically, they increase the area of affected territory for the purposes of negotiation. Broadly, these actions create the conditions for Indigenous rights to be negotiated, leading to the marketization of informed consent. In this gap between the codification of international Indigenous rights and the implementation of law in practice, social fragmentation profoundly affects Mapuche customs, authority of traditional leaders, social cohesion, and the practice of ceremonies. Considering the social fragmentation provoked by this legal geography of Indigenous consent, we conclude it is necessary to regulate these negotiations.

This chapter addresses two pressing issues in the Inter-American Human Rights System (IAHRS): the responsibilities of corporations to respect human rights, and the right of indigenous peoples to give or withhold free, prior, and informed consent for the use of their lands and resources (FPIC).

It begins by explaining the development of FPIC in the IAHRS, and concludes that this regional system restricts itself to the state obligation to protect FPIC, rather than being also open to corporate responsibility.

After examining the role of corporations in the IAHRS jurisprudence, in order to determine whether they must comply with any human rights standards regarding indigenous peoples, this chapter finds that there exist in fact some implicit corporate responsibilities. These arise from the state due diligence standard, and are identified here as “indirect” corporate responsibilities.

Next, the chapter explores whether Inter-American law could give rise to any “direct” responsibilities of corporations regarding FPIC. For that purpose, it addresses in particular the issue of the delegation of the duty to consult by the state to private corporations. The argument is that if this kind of delegation is permitted in the IAHRS, it could give rise to a direct responsibility of corporations.

The chapter proposes a way in which direct corporate responsibilities can be framed using the existing Inter-American human rights framework, and some suggestions are made on how the organs of the IAHRS can promote these responsibilities.

Finally, it argues that with these direct and explicit corporate responsibilities the focus shifts from an exclusive duty-bearer (the state) to shared duty-bearers (the state and corporations), resulting in better protection for rights-holders.

This research presents an example of transformative case law from the InterAmerican Court of Human Rights and the Constitutional Court of Colombia. Due to the fact that these Courts had seriously contemplated the right to free, prior and informed consultation of indigenous peoples and afro-descendants, this study explains the standards and statistics produced for 25 years on the topic. It focuses on the principal outcomes of the interamerican case Saramaka v. Suriname (2007) and the Colombian Decision T-129 of 2011, which nowadays encompass the most plausible and balanced standard of protection on the matter. However, the progressive outcomes are at risk of being regressively changed. For that reason, this study analyses the relevance of “binding consent” as an alternative to the problematic category or wrongly so-called “veto power”.

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En esta investigación se expone un ejemplo de diálogo judicial y transformador entre la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos y la Corte Constitucional de Colombia. En la medida en que estos dos tribunales se han tomado en serio los derechos a la consulta previa, libre e informada de los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes, se presentan detalladas tablas con los casos y las estadísticas producidas durante 25 años sobre el tema. La investigación se centra en el histórico precedente de la Corte Interamericana Saramaka v. Suriname (2007) y la sentencia T-129 de 2011 de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia por medio de la cual se profundizó el diálogo judicial y de donde quizá ha surgido el estándar de protección más plausible y equilibrado en la materia, aunque en riesgo de ser modificado regresivamente. De ahí que se puntualice la relevancia del “consentimiento vinculante” como alternativa al mal denominado “poder de veto”.

Since December 2015, a set of twelve Ethical Principles for Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage enriches the paradigm of the 2003 UNESCO Convention. At the meeting of its Intergovernmental Committee at Windhoek where those principles were endorsed, and where a whole chapter of new operational directives was fine-tuned in order to respond to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UN General Assembly, 25 September 2015), the UNESCO Secretariat was instructed to build an on-line platform with a toolkit about ethics and safeguarding intangible heritage. Accredited NGOs were also finally invited to collaborate and play a role in developing and updating the 2003 UNESCO Convention and its operational directives. This is a major breakthrough. In this article we trace and discuss this ‘hop’ (1999), ‘skip’ (2012-2015) and ‘jump’ process (2016 onwards) in the emerging paradigm of safeguarding ICH. Why twelve principles and not a supermodel code of ethics for (safeguarding) intangib...

La Ley de la Industria Eléctrica de 2014 incorpora la obligatoriedad de consultar a comunidades donde se ubiquen los proyectos de generación eléctrica. La consulta y el consentimiento previo, libre e informado están relacionados con el respeto y observancia de derechos humanos; sin embargo, la consulta es un proceso  eminentemente político en el que se encuentran actores diversos, con intereses disímiles y a menudo en un contexto de alta conflictividad. En este trabajo se hará una breve reflexión sobre la dimensión política de la consulta a partir del análisis de algunos elementos del proceso de consulta  en Juchitán durante 2014-2015.

This article explores the challenges of ethnic-based participation and its potential for creating inclusive and effective forms of decision-making for marginalized social groups. Empirically, it examines a recent attempt to establish more participative forms of resource and development governance for indigenous communities in Bolivia through Free Prior and Informed Consent/Consultation (FPIC). Rooted in international human rights law, FPIC aims at achieving more effective bottom-up participation by establishing an obligation to consult – or obtain the consent of – indigenous peoples before large development projects and legal reforms that would affect them can proceed. Interest in FPIC initiatives has been growing for reasons that range from efforts to build more equitable management of natural resources to attempts to introduce more effective local-scale practices of participation and active citizenship. We argue that the idea of prior consultation and FPIC itself are not neutral instruments; they will not automatically lead to better or more democratic governance and a more equal society. The way in which FPIC is currently being implemented and framed in Bolivia is in tension with broader ideas of representation and legitimacy, inclusiveness, and management of public and common goods because there is no real clarity as to who is entitled to participation, why they do, and whether they are doing so as a corrective to exclusion, a promotion of citizenship, or as a mechanism for redistribution. As we show here, FPIC implementation can have unintended consequences and consultation can sometimes embed existing social, cultural, and economic tensions. The paper offers some broader reflections on participatory governance and collective rights especially in relation to the tensions between inclusive participation and exclusive rights or – put differently – the challenges for building cultures of participation and inclusion in complex and ethnic diverse democracies.

The given article deals with the Canadian legacy of civil actions on negligence and technical assault or battery involving an unauthorized medical interference to plaintiff. In modern doctrine and case-law, the given concept is named “informed consent”, upon which
the patient is not a mere subject of medical treatment, but has a substantial set of patient rights, involving the informational ones, which
includes his right to be informed on further invasive treatment and thus to be able to assent or decline it. The doctrine of informed consent, arising from actions on unauthorized medical treatment in both common law and civil law jurisdictions, has a centuryfold history
in the jurisprudence. In the common-law world, it was bred in the end of the 19th century primarily in the jurisprudence of American
courts, but still has its distinct peculiarities in the common law of Canada throughout the twentieth century. The span on the researched
jurisprudence embraces the time period of 1899 (judgment of Parnell, which was the first case to deal with the subject) to 1980 (case
of Reibl v. Hughes), where the Canadian Supreme Court has firmly recognized the principle of informed consent in the acting common
law. In the 1990s, the principles of informed consent had been codified. The author has investigated on the evolvement of the concept
of patient’s right to autonomy in the state from the very beginning to the judgment of Reibl v. Hughes in 1980, and has researched the
roots of the “right to autonomy” as an extension of the right to privacy, which has penumbrally existed in Canadian jurisprudence for
over a century, despite having been recognized as such relatively recently, despite an existence of various early case-law legacy. Apart
from the abovesaid, the author aimed to define the authorities used by Canadian courts in the earlier cases dealing with unconsented
surgery, which involves judgments from other jurisdictions as well as professional legal and medical textbooks.

Key words: Canadian common law, right to autonomy, right to privacy, tort law, medical negligence, informed consent.

Resumen
La consulta previa en México es un derecho que se encuentra en proceso de desarrollo. Se ha constituido en un derecho que tiene un sustento legal no armonizado, y en el que sólo existe una guía metodológica de aplicación.
En este artículo se diserta sobre los diversos
sustentos legales que tiene este derecho y se realiza una reflexión teórica sobre los límites, alcances teóricos
y metodológicos de la consulta previa.
Abstract: The prior consultation in Mexico is a right that is still in process of development. It’s a right with a dubious nonarticulated legal support with just a methodological guide for application.
Here it’s discussed how the prior consultation has been shape in Mexico through various legal basis this right
owns. At the end, a final theoretical reflection is made on the theoretical and methodological development of
the prior consultation.