Forestry policy and governance

1. La gobernanza forestal es necesaria para poder alcanzar una gobernanza más amplia que permita conservar los bosques en el paisaje. 2. Asegurar derechos de propiedad sobre la tierra y recursos forestales son la base para que funcionen los mercados de bosques y productos forestales (madera). 3. Resolver los derechos de propiedad del carbono, y definir las reglas del juego para el funcionamiento de los mercados de carbono. 4. Promover el acceso e intercambio de información, e impulsar mecanismos de coordinación entre las instituciones asociadas al manejo y conservación de los bosques en el paisaje. 5. La participación de los actores interesados relevantes, en especial los grupos más vulnerables, garantiza alcanzar acuerdos que fortalecen la gobernanza y la protección de los bosques, y permite alcanzar los objetivos de los procesos FLEGT y REDD+. 6. Se requiere que los Estados revisen los mandatos institucionales de sectores antagónicos a la conservación y manejo sostenible de los bosques 7. La legalidad forestal debe ser costo-efectiva y ayudar a garantizar que el bosque y las cadenas de valor de productos forestales sean alternativas económicas competitivas 8. Los incentivos de mayor impacto son aquellos que crean las condiciones favorables para desarrollar negocios forestales legales 9. Los costos de transacción para la conservación de los bosques deben transferirse a otros sectores causantes de la deforestación, para así reducir en alguna media las asimetrías de competitividad del sector forestal con otros sectores productivos del paisaje 10. Para garantizar efectividad y eficiencia, se deben alinear los procesos FLEGT y REDD+ en los países

Green Book on Participatory 3-D Modelling

Mapping and mapping tools, which consist of coordinates, geographical information systems (GIS), databases and software, enable the collection of standardised information (rivers, mountains, inventoried industrial concessions, deforestation rates, etc.). They cannot, however, fully convey the specificity of the geographic sites involved: their meaning, use and heterogeneity. Nevertheless, the latter remain characteristics of primary importance when one wishes to understand a territory in order to manage it in the most equitable and sustainable way possible.

3-D mapping offers new prospects aimed at facilitating the on-going process, while taking it a step further. The process used to transfer traditional indigenous knowledge to a map usually relies on technology. Indigenous and local communities are trained to use GPS and to chart geographical co-ordinates, and the information is collected, worked out and visualised by a qualified operator. As the Itombwe pilot exercise strikingly demonstrates, mapping in 3-D facilitates this transfer of information onto the map.

3-D mapping provides a visual representation on the scale of a dwarfed natural environment. Through the contours of its landforms it gives communities immediate cognitive reference marks. The advantage of the 3-D approach pertains first and foremost to its ability to mobilise participants in this way, as the model arouses people’s curiosity and presents a learning interest for all. As it involves the indigenous and local communities in the construction of the model itself, all the way through to its presentation, this approach allows them to create a final and physical product without any external intervention. This differs significantly from 2-D mapping, for which Itombwe communities would have to entrust the co-ordinates they have determined to map made by a GIS technician based in Bukavu. Moreover, by doing away with the technological aspect of GPS and the complexity of 2-D representation, 3-D participatory mapping places the various interlocutors and facilitators on the same level of understanding and perception of the territory. Consequently, this approach facilitates communication and the reaching of consensus in decisions relating to sustainable management, which can be made based upon the mapping exercise. Finally, the process legitimises the decisions made and makes them sustainable, owing to the fact that it allows an ownership of the process not only by the “elite” of the trained community cartographers, but also by all members of the community, including the youth and the elders, both men and women. Through the exercise, elders have the opportunity to transfer knowledge to the younger generation and to perpetuate lessons of the past, while all community members can be proud of having contributed to the creation of the map.

In recent years, there has been a rethinking of the role of disturbance regimes in nature conservation: from exceptional and destructive events to be controlled and/or avoided, to key ecological processes to be nurtured and choreographed. These regimes concern the spatiotemporal dynamics of ecological disturbances, understood here as events that disrupt the structure of an ecology, community or population, causing profound changes in an ecosystem. The rethinking of their role precedes but resonates with current enthusiasms for proactive and experimental modes of conservation, such as rewilding.
This thesis draws on three case studies (the New Forest, Knepp Castle Estate and Dundreggan Estate) to explore the ontological, epistemic and socio-political implications of rewilding for the governance of forest disturbance regimes in the UK, particularly through the use of large herbivores. Drawing upon relational understandings of nature, space and time, it develops an understanding of disturbance regimes as process and practice. It first examines how rewilding departs from orthodox biopolitical modes of governing life and the ontological politics at the interface between these various modes. To this end, it attends to the ways in which disturbances have been historically understood and how these understandings have come to shape their governance. Second, it explores the knowledge practices through which ecologists and forest managers know and enact disturbances, comparing a traditional ‘prescriptive’ approach with rewilding. It argues that in practice rewilding is multiple, in contrast to rewilding discourse. Finally, it maps the different and sometimes conflicting social, economic and cultural values associated with working with natural processes, exploring the political ecologies of governing disturbance regimes. It argues that controversies around forest management pertain to a large extent to contrasting perceptions of different types of ‘work’ within the idea of working landscape and how they are ‘naturalised’.
In the conclusion, the thesis explores three empirical and conceptual contributions of these findings for those seeking to understand the logics of rewilding and the processes, practices and dynamics by which nonhuman forms and processes are governed in a post-Natural and uncertain future. First, by deploying a relational approach to the governance of disturbance regimes and by focusing on a long-term disturbance, I draw out the relevance of temporality for thinking through and with disturbances as social and ecological processes. Second, by drawing attention to the intertwining of bio- and socio-political regimes, I propose a reframing of (European) rewilded landscapes as working landscapes. Finally, by attending to the intricacies of practice, I argue that rewilding praxis is multiple and hybrid. It often involves compromises and is shaped by past governance histories and the broader political and social context.

HIGHLIGHTS • Database attractiveness is independent of data quality. • Global forest products databases have different levels of quality. • Since many data users are not data professionals or statisticians, the quality of a database is not the decisive factor. • A combination of technical, political and developmental factors can explain the increasing discrepancy between the African export and Chinese import forest products trade data. • Global forest statistics providers may be motivated to put more effort into improving database attractiveness and related incentives rather than quality. SUMMARY What drives discrepancies and inconsistencies in global forest statistics? The use of global statistics has influenced academic research and sectoral policies of forest ecosystems since the first global forest assessment was conducted in 1948 or even earlier. Very little work has been done to provide a comprehensive analysis of the governance structure and the quality of predominant international forest databases. Furthermore , very little is known about the attractiveness and/or repulsiveness of global forest statistics platforms to scholars, policy-makers and other users. To reduce knowledge gap, this article examines the governance structure and strategies of three major databases which provide data on global forest products trade including timber export/import flows data, namely FAOSTAT, the United Nations Comtrade, and Chatham House's Resource Trade Earth. This paper uses conceptual and theoretical frameworks of data governance and nudge theories are used to study the production, quality, attractiveness and repulsiveness of global forest statistics and the related platforms through research on a qualitative and quantitative methodological approach. The main findings show that among the above three data platforms, only Comtrade received first-hand data directly from UN producing member states' offices, while the other organisations depend on Comtrade, transform secondhand data. More importantly, the article reveals that the levels of quality and attractiveness of the forest databases in our study are unequal and that database attractiveness is not based on quality. As a result, global forest statistics providers may be motivated to put more effort into improving database attractiveness rather than quality, which is more challenging. Consequently, it is likely that the governance structure and strategies reported in these databases can substantially affect the reliability of numbers used in academic research and policy-decisions since they are generated from the related global forest statistics. Gouvernance des statistiques forestières globales: étude de cas du commerce des produits forestiers entre Afrique Sub-Saharienne et Chine Y. ZHAO, Y.M. KROTT et S. ONGOLO Quelles sont les causes des écarts et incohérences observées dans les données statistiques globales sur les forêts? l'utilisation des données statistiques globales exerce une influence sur les travaux de recherche académique et les politiques publiques sectorielles relatives aux écosys-tèmes forestiers, au moins depuis le premier rapport de l'état globale des forêts publié en 1948. Très peu d'études ont été conduites pour fournir une analyse approfondie sur le système de gouvernance et la qualité des bases de données majeures de production des statistiques globales forestières. De même, il existe assez peu de connaissance sur l'attractivité et/ou répulsivité des plateformes globales des données statistiques forestières pour les chercheurs, décideurs politiques et autres usagers de ces données dans la société. Afin de réduire ce manque de connaissance, cet article examine le système de gouvernance et les stratégies de trois bases de données majeures qui fournissent des données quantitatives sur le commerce global des produits forestiers y compris les flux d'exportation/importation des grumes de bois: il s'agit de FAOSTAT, la base de données Comtrade des Nations Unies et Resource Trade Earth de l'organisation Chatham House. Le cadre conceptuel et théorique de cet article mobilise la théorie de la gouvernance des données et la théorie du 'coup de pouce' afin de questionner les processus de production, la qualité, l'attractivité et/ou la répulsivité des données statistiques globales sur les produits forestiers et des plateformes qui y sont associées. L'approche

Full paper available here: https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/03/forest-sector-revenues-ghana-liberia-and-republic-congo/acknowledgments

Good fiscal management is of critical importance if the forest sector is to fulfil its potential to contribute to sustainable development. In recognition of this, fiscal management has been the focus of much attention from the international community, including through the EU’s Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Action Plan and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI).
This paper assesses whether fiscal management in the forest sector has improved as a result of these reform efforts, focusing on three African countries: Ghana, Liberia and the Republic of the Congo. Two questions are considered: whether the efficiency of forest revenue collection has improved over the last decade, and whether revenues are being disbursed to subnational governments and to forest communities as is legally required.
While some improvements have been seen over the last decade, neither governments nor rural communities in those three countries are receiving the amount of revenues they are entitled to from the forest sector.
With respect to the efficiency of forest sector revenue collection – the proportion of revenues collected compared to those invoiced – the available evidence in Ghana suggests that this is mostly good, while in Liberia and the Congo, efficiency is poor with arrears in the millions of dollars.
There are limited data in all three countries on the revenues that are being disbursed from central to subnational governments. More information is available on benefit-sharing arrangements with communities. In the Congo, compliance remains weak while in Ghana and Liberia there is some evidence of improvements in compliance on the part of both government and companies. However, communities are still owed significant revenues.
For all three countries, access to robust data on forest sector revenues remains inadequate. Given that enhanced transparency has been an important factor underlying the progress seen in fiscal management, further reforms in this area should be prioritized.

Au nord-est de la RDC le prix du bois scié est contrôlé par un puissant lobby formé des grands commerçants de Butembo qui en ont le monopole de l'exportation vers l'Ouganda et le Kenya. Ce lobby tend à maintenir le bois scié tiré de la RDC à son plus bas niveau possible pour maximiser leur profit. Pour tenter de maximiser leurs bénéfices, les exploitants ne se limitent pas seulement à la transformation pour une consommation locale mais ils s'engagent aussi à son exportation vers les pays voisins. Néanmoins, les exploitants se limitent généralement au marché créé dans la zone neutre entre la RDC et l'Ouganda car n'ayant pas le moyen d'entrer dans le marché intérieur de ce pays.

Commercial shrimp aquaculture began in coastal Bangladesh in the late 1970s and now represents the second-largest export sector after garments in the nation. Hailed as har-binger of a blue revolution that could lift the people out of poverty and food insecurity, shrimp aquaculture has exploded across the Sundarban of southwest Bangladesh. This rapid expansion threatens the natural mangrove ecosystem, particularly across the vulnerable coastal region. To ensure protection of the Sundarban, the government of Ban-gladesh devised two landmark policies: the Forest Act (1927) and the Forest Policy (1994). Envisioning shrimp as an important foundation of the country's economic growth, the government of Bangladesh also formulated the National Shrimp Policy in 2014. While, in the strictest sense, these policy instruments are designed to protect the Sundarban, multiple loopholes and sweeping approaches make it virtually impossible to attain the intended outcomes. This is further compounded by the country's focus on commercial shrimp farming. Our paper reveals the disconnect between the Forest Policy and Forest Act by showcasing the Chakaria case, where thousands of hectares of mangrove forests have been destroyed due to commercial shrimp farming despite the policy tools in place. We further discuss the existing sweeping approaches and loopholes in the Forest Policy

The Schedule Tribe and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 (FRA) was passed by the Indian Government to recognize rights of forest dwelling tribal communities. The Act aims to positively impact the livelihood of the forest dependent tribals, but due to the lack of clear understanding and irregular implementation this goals was not fully achieved. The present study was conducted in Tripura, where FRA was implemented to achieve sustainable land utilization and to strengthen the socioeconomic status of the tribals. This study attempts to throw light on the relevance and progress of implementation of FRA in Tripura along with initiatives and benefit schemes of the government agencies to provide sustainable livelihood option through convergence with FRA. The assessment of impact in terms of livelihood improvement and socioeconomic conditions was based on primary survey of 300 FRA beneficiary households in two tribal dominated districts, Gomati and Dhalai. There are indications of positive outcomes regarding, socioeconomic status, change in mindset towards sustainable farming, and impact on income but there are issue with decentralization of governance, implementation of land rights and benefit schemes, and sustainability in farming practices. There is no empirical study conducted on the implementation and impact of FRA in Tripura and therefore such field oriented, policy study would be useful for further implementation and research in regions where forest and tribals are co-existing.

This study evaluates the impact of state policies on forest cover in Costa Rica, focusing on the influence of public policies on private incentives for preserving forest cover. Three periods are analyzed: the "laissez-faire period" when high rates of deforestation were largely unrestrained; the "interventionist period" when state policies created protection for some wildlands, especially with the creation of parks and reserves, but when many regulatory policies produced mixed results at best; and the current "hybrid period" featuring major policy changes and mixing market-oriented and interventionist approaches but not always in a coherent design. Despite significant successes, current policies appear unlikely to provide sufficient incentive to maintain the desired amount of forest cover unless the international community compensates Costa Ricans for the benefits that their forests provide the world.

This paper recounts the historical evolution of the FVs in Assam, its impact on the traditional peasant economy of the state and the growing conflict between the FD and the forest dwellers. It critiques the approach of the state toward conservation and the forest dwelling communities in Assam as well as certain provisions of the FRA in addressing the specific nature of the relationship between the two.

En octobre 2014, à sa quarante et unième session, le Comité de la sécurité alimentaire mondiale (CSA) a demandé au Groupe d’experts de haut niveau sur la sécurité alimentaire et la nutrition (HLPE) d’entreprendre une étude sur le thème de la gestion durable des forêts au service de la sécurité alimentaire et de la nutrition, en vue d’éclairer les débats du Comité à sa quarante-quatrième session plénière (octobre 2017). La question porte essentiellement sur les contributions multiples des forêts et des arbres aux quatre dimensions de la sécurité alimentaire et de la nutrition1, et sur la façon d’optimiser ces contributions à diverses échelles spatiales et temporelles face à l’accroissement de demandes concurrentes exercées sur les terres, les forêts et les arbres (notamment le bois, les aliments, l’énergie et les services écosystémiques) et face au changement climatique.
Le présent rapport, qui repose sur des données factuelles, offre une analyse complète des contributions des forêts et des arbres à la sécurité alimentaire et à la nutrition. Le Chapitre premier examine les liens entre les forêts et la sécurité alimentaire et la nutrition et propose, aux fins du présent rapport, un cadre conceptuel et un classement des forêts par type, fondé sur des critères de gestion. Le chapitre 2 fournit une analyse approfondie des canaux par lesquels les forêts et les arbres contribuent à la sécurité alimentaire et à la nutrition. Le chapitre 3 examine l’état des forêts dans le monde et recense les défis et les possibilités en matière de gestion forestière, sous l’angle de la sécurité alimentaire et de la nutrition. Le Chapitre 4 est axé sur les solutions et examine la manière d’optimiser les contributions des forêts et des arbres à la sécurité alimentaire et à la nutrition d’une manière durable.

Scholars and advocates increasingly favor rights-based approaches over traditional exclusionary policies in conservation. Yet, national and international conservation policies and programs have often led to the exclusion of forest-dependent peoples. This article proposes and tests the hypothesis that the failures of rights-based approaches in conservation can be attributed in significant measure to the political economic interest of the state in the tropics. To this end, the article presents findings from the empirical analysis of the Forest Rights Act of 2006 in India. Two key recommendations emerge from this analysis. One, the proposals for operationalizing rights-based approaches will likely be far more effective if they protect the inalienability of a minimal set of rights critical to the subsistence and well-being of forest people, as opposed to promising the protection of an expansive set of rights subject to the instrumentality of conservation. Two, the proponents of rights-based approaches in conservation need to guard against their actions reinforcing the institutional status quo of the state control of forests. This, in turn, requires international conservation groups to join hands with national forest rights movements. Full text is available here <http://tiny.cc/i8df9w>

Over the centuries, governments and international agencies have developed a wide range of institutions to manage timber resources and conserve values provided by treed lands. Concerns regarding the sustainable supply of timber have provided opportunities for the development of substitute resources; however, bamboo and other non-timber forest resources have not been a part of the development of these institutions. Bamboo is a unique Non-Timber Forest Product, as it is often classified as forest or timber, and therefore must adhere to the same regulations as timber. Given the recent global expansion of bamboo, it is timely to examine the interplay between bamboo and the traditional institutions of forest governance. This paper aims to contribute to debates regarding cognitive institutional constraints on the development of substitute natural resources using bamboo as a case study, with specific focus on the applicability of Forest Stewardship Council certification, timber legality verification and Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation to bamboos.

SUMMARY As forest products from Cameroon and DR Congo are commercialised, a value chain is created from harvesters, processors, and retailers to consumers worldwide. In contrast to dominant narratives focusing on regulations and customs, these chains are actually governed by dynamic, multiple arrangements regulating access to resources and markets. New institutions have been created, led by project-related civil society organisations and enterprises. These increasingly take on roles traditionally the reserve of governments. In some chains, the state performs its duties, in others not. Customary authorities, projects, non-government organisations and market institutions fill some voids. Often actors with little voice in formal governance create their own messy, bricolaged arrangements, and governance based on 'exclusiveness' produces some of the most sustainable chains and livelihoods in the long term. The different governance arrangements and combinations affect the livelihoods of those involved in chains, forests and their sustainability in different ways, both positively and negatively.

Changement des arrangements de gestion: chaînes de valeur des NTFP dans le bassin congolais Alors que les produits en provenance du Cameroun et de la République Démocratique du Congo sont commercialisés, une chaîne de valeurs est créée à l'échelle mondiale, depuis les agriculteurs récoltants, les processeurs et les commerçants, jusqu'aux consommateurs. En contraste avec les narrations dominantes se concentrant sur les règles et les taxes, ces chaînes sont gérées pratiquement par de arrangements multiples et dynamiques régularisant l'accès aux ressources et aux marchés. De nouvelles institutions ont été créées, conduites par des entreprises et des organisations de société civiles liées aux projets. Ces dernières prennent de plus en plus des rôles auparavant réservés aux gouvernements. Dans certaines chaînes, l'état remplit ses rôles, mais pas dans d'autres. Les autorités habituelles, les projets, les organisations non-gouvernementales et les institutions de marché parent à certaines des carences. Souvent, les acteurs ayant peu de portée dans la gestion formelle créent leur propres arrangements et gestion, souvent dissipés et bricolés à la va-vite, basés sur l'`exclusivité`de certains produits, résultant en certaines des chaines et des revenus les plus durables à long-terme. Les différents arrangements et combinaisons de gestion affectent les revenus des personnes impliquées dans les chaînes, les forêts et leur durabilité de diverses façons, positives et négatives.

Cambios en las reglas de gobernanza: cadenas de valor de PFNM en la cuenca del Congo
A medida que se comercializan los productos forestales del Camerún y de la República Democrática del Congo, se crean cadenas de valor entre los recolectores, procesadores, minoristas y los consumidores de todo el mundo. En contraste con las narrativas predominantes, centradas en las regulaciones y costumbres, estas cadenas están en realidad gobernadas por una variedad de reglas dinámicas que regulan el acceso a los recursos y los mercados. Se han creado nuevas instituciones, lideradas por organizaciones de la sociedad civil y empresas relacionadas con los proyectos. Éstas asumen cada vez más algunos de los roles que tradicionalmente estaban reservados a los gobiernos. En algunas cadenas, el Estado desempeña sus funciones, pero en otras no lo hace. En tales casos, las autoridades tradicionales, los proyectos, las organizaciones no gubernamentales y las instituciones del mercado suplen estas carencias. A menudo, los actores con poca presencia en la gobernanza formal crean por si mismos sus propias reglas no estructuradas, y la gobernanza basada en la 'exclusividad' produce algunas de las cadenas y medios de vida más sostenibles a largo plazo. Las diferentes reglas y combinaciones de gobernanza afectan de forma diferente los medios de vida de quienes participan en las cadenas y están involucrados en los bosques y su sostenibilidad, tanto de manera positiva como negativa.

Nas últimas décadas, novas formas de governança das florestas vêm se estabelecendo a partir da participação de diferentes atores sociais que interagem em arenas de ação para promover a gestão sustentável das florestas nativas na América do Sul. O objetivo deste estudo é apresentar uma discussão sobre os arranjos de Governança e Política Florestal que têm como desafios promover o uso sustentável das florestas nativas e solucionar problemas relacionados à degradação, exploração ilegal dos recursos florestais e ao desmatamento. O estudo foi realizado em dois países da América do Sul, onde novos desafios são apresentados para os atores envolvidos na implementação de novas leis, como a Lei de Bosques Nativos (no Chile) e a Lei de Gestão de Florestas Públicas (no Brasil). A partir da perspectiva teórica, se identificou a necessidade tanto da Análise Institucional (OSTROM, 1990; TUCKER; OSTROM, 2009) quanto da Abordagem da Análise com Base na Prática (ARTS et al., 2013; BEHAGEL et al., 2013), o que determina que o conjunto de instituições (legislações, normativas, regras em uso) nem sempre produzem os resultados desejados ou projetados, e que os atores envolvidos têm a capacidade de transformar e alterar os acordos e instituições (CLEAVER, 2012), modificando o percurso da implementação de políticas públicas, conforme seus interesses e com base em suas lógicas. Os métodos de análise qualitativa possibilitaram a interpretação dos dados coletados, a partir de entrevistas com atores envolvidos na agenda florestal em diversas escalas (internacional e doméstica). Os resultados evidenciam que, apesar de existir uma arena de ação com múltiplos atores, as mudanças institucionais nem sempre promovem mudanças na prática, pois a governança florestal deve promover novos padrões de gestão, onde se valoriza o múltiplo uso das florestas proporcionando a sustentabilidade no manejo e o desenvolvimento de comunidades inseridas no contexto das florestas nativas.

La superficie hondureña con bosques es de 5.96 millones de hectáreas ocupando las áreas protegidas 3.96 millones de ha. El área de bosque latifoliado es de 3.53 millones de has; los pinares son 1.68 millones de has y las restantes 550,000 son de bosque mixto y manglares.  Honduras cuenta con 91  Áreas Protegidas que ocupan una extensión aproximada de 3.9 millones Has (34% del territorio Nacional) donde se incluyen ecosistemas terrestres, acuáticos y marino costeros.
Honduras cuenta con una serie de planes de largo y mediano plazo, socializados a diferentes niveles y plasmados en documentos tales como la Visión de País (2010-2038), el Plan de Nación (20102022), el Programa Nacional Forestal (PRONAFOR) (2010-2030) y el Plan Estratégico Institucional del ICF (2010-2015) que definen su posición, prioridades y estrategias de mediano y largo plazo en relación al sector forestal y al abordaje del cambio climático.  Se identifican las Partes Interesadas Relevantes (PIR) para el proceso REDD+: los dueños de tierras de vocación forestal sin bosque; los dueños de bosques; los usufructuarios del bosque nacional; los pueblos indígenas según la definición de la OIT en su Convenio 169, sus organizaciones locales, regionales y nacionales; y los instrumentos financieros existentes y por crearse específicamente para la Estrategia REDD+.  Se propone una estructura de funcionamiento para la implementación de la Estrategia Nacional para la Preparación de REDD+.

With the long history of scientific forest management based on the Burmese customs of timber extraction, forest policies and its development supported the economy of country and livelihoods of the people until the 21 th century. Forests provide not only tangible benefits such as timbers, foods, fodder and shelters for the people and biodiversity but also intangible benefits such as water storage, soil formation, air purification, etc. Using the forests in sustainable manner is particularly contributes well life support system to all living things. Forest policy formulation and legislation in one country tell how people behave on their own scarce resources in order to achieve from their minimum subsistence economy to the goal of national economy as well. Good governance to forest policy and laws always reflect to sound forest management system and that leads to sustainability of forests and well beings of the people in the country. Due to growing population and changing conditions of natural forest ecosystems, every country in the world emphasizes on land use policies and tries to reform to adapt with varying attributes of forests and other political sectors. Security of forest Land tenure system is one of the most important issues and its changes has dynamic effects on people in the country. This paper tries to find out briefly on how forest policy affected to the people and sustainability of forests from 17 th century to 21 th century in Myanmar. Although country's economy mostly depended on the raw timber production throughout the several decades, forest policy, land tenure patterns and its reform are still needed to reflect the real changing conditions of environment.

This chapter examines forest and agricultural land-use changes in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region of Bangladesh. The CHT region contains more than 40% of the total forest cover of the country. Although forest resources in the region have been historically important for the well-being of the local population and the national economy, their sustainable use and management remains challenging. As part of the Agrarian Change Project led by CIFOR, we conducted a pilot study to examine land-use practices, livelihood patterns, resource tenure and ownership, institutional settings and conservation practices in three districts in the CHT region. We identified three land-use zones in this landscape for further research. The information was collected mainly through semi-structured interviews with key informants from government and NGOs, and with elected people's representatives. We also conducted FGDs with local community people and gathered participant observations. Gray literature (i.e. published government documents and annual statistical pocketbooks) and peer-reviewed articles and books on CHT and Bangladesh were reviewed.

El Proyecto VERIFOR trabaja sobre opciones institucionales para mejorar la aplicabilidad de la legislación forestal. Nuestro principal problema en Costa Rica es el cambio del uso de la tierra y la deforestación: ahí es donde deberíamos prácticamente enfocar nuestros esfuerzos, sin embargo creo que el enfoque de gobernanza es una buena estrategia para entender el problema de institucionalidad que tenemos en nuestros países. VERIFOR está coordinado por el Instituto de Desarrollo de UltraMar del Reino Unido, liderado en sur y Centroamérica por CATIE , en África por CIFOR y en Asia por RECORF. Es financiado por la Unión Europea en un 80% y un 20% por el gobierno de Holanda. VERIFOR trata de combatir la tala ilegal a través de la construcción de sistemas creíbles de verificación de la legalidad forestal, tanto a nivel nacional como internacional. Leapostamosadesarrollaropcionesinstitucionalesparaelmonitoreoylasupervisióndelsectorforestal,tanto para fortalecer el uso del aprovechamiento como el comercio legal de la madera, y esto lo queremos hacer con un enfoque de Gobernanza, a partir de que el manejo forestal tiene que ser socialmente justo, sin dañar los intereses de los más pobres y sobre todo que este sector tiene que contribuir y garantizar un desarrollo forestal sostenible en nuestros países.

Un análisis de los orígenes de este problema puede revelar que, a la vez que los modelos económicos de desarrollo han sido extractivos de los recursos naturales, han sido las políticas de otros sectores las que más  han influido en generar esta complicación, primordialmente porque el marco de políticas forestales no ha sido compatibilizado con el marco general de políticas del país y viceversa. Por primera vez en Honduras, se ha adoptado una Visión de País 2010-2038 y un Plan de Nación 2010-2022 que entrega una dirección hacia dónde el país va a orientar su desarrollo, bajo qué principios se va a sustentar y qué objetivos pretenderá lograr en el futuro.  Este marco general permite hacer un análisis de compatibilización de políticas sectoriales que aseguren un desarrollo armónico y holístico.  Este es el propósito de este proceso.

The Philippines is one of the many countries that currently acknowledge the presence of indigenous peoples (IPs) within their territories. This acknowledgment often comes with a formal recognition of the rights of IPs, including the right to practice their customary laws. Because of the equal existence of overarching state laws, this formally leads to a situation of legal pluralism for IPs. For many forest conservation advocates, legal pluralism for IPs, particularly with regard to land ownership and forest management, is expected to help conserve forests. This expectation, however, is founded on the erroneous assumption that the traditional land use of IPs is nondestructive and that traditional land ownership is communal. Using a relatively long historical perspective, this article demonstrates that these assumptions do not apply to the Kalanguya of Tinoc, the Philippines. In contrast to the notion of IPs being market-averse, this article further demonstrates that many Kalanguya have been and remain “capitalists”. The article favors the inclusion of a market-based forest conservation policy, which is arguably consistent with the reality of value pluralism.

La iniciativa Puembo II intercede a favor de aumentar el compromiso para el manejo sostenible de los bosques facilitando el dialogo y la formulación de recomendaciones para la futura acción a nivel de país, subregional y toda América Latina. Este documento analiza el caso de Honduras de cara a estos temas y al proceso del su pfn, el Programa Nacional Forestal (PRONAFOR). El tema de la gobernabilidad incluye cuestiones sobre la descentralización, la participación y el manejo de conflictos. En el rubro de la intersectoralidad las preguntas esenciales se refieren a la interacción entre los diferentes sectores. Partiendo de una estimación de la contribución del sector forestal al desarrollo nacional, se analizaron las mayores incidencias de otros sectores sobre el manejo forestal sostenible. En el tema de la implementación de acuerdos internacionales se investigaron el funcionamiento de la participación de los países en los foros internacionales con relevancia para bosques y la accesibilidad de la información adecuada a nivel nacional, regional y local.Los mecanismos financieros se analizaron a través de la política y estrategia financiera que los países siguen con relación al bosque y los instrumentos de financiamiento para el manejo forestal sostenible que tome en cuenta la multifuncionalidad del bosque.

As if under a magnifying glass, the COVID-19 pandemic renders global inequalities, as well as conflicts within societies, more visible. It is particularly the marginalized, weak and vulnerable groups in societies—as well as poorer countries in general—that most bear the burden of the pandemic. Therefore, more often than not societies become more polarized in this situation. At the same time, the crisis might create increased attention and, therefore, opportunities for more solidarity and social cohesion. This first edition of PEACE PERSPECTIVES takes this observation as a starting point to look at the consequences of the
Coronavirus pandemic from the perspective of Peace and Conflict studies. It gives a broad survey of how the pandemic is affecting social polarization and cohesion.

Participatory mapping is an essential tool
towards legitimate, consensual, stable and
sustainable land-use planning and exploitation
of natural resources. This document
presents excerpts from the support and
advocacy work provided to communities by
Réseau Ressources Naturelles (RRN) from
2005 to date. It materialises RRN’s vision to
promote rational and sustainable management
of natural resources in order to
increase their contribution towards the
socioeconomic and cultural development of
local communities and indigenous peoples,
while preserving ecosystems and biodiversity
for the benefit of future generations.
The Congolese government has taken
the political decision to boost economic
growth through the different extractive
activities in order to combat poverty, which
currently affects more than half of its
population in a country that is paradoxically
rich in natural resources. Unfortunately,
this political will has been hampered
by a blatant lack of sectoral and common
policies amongst the extractive sectors that
would be needed for harmonised and
comprehensive land-use planning. The
overview of land use given in the introduction
to this document shows what seems to
be a large-scale campaign of anarchic land
allocations at a cross-sectoral level: a
virtually generalized overlap of different
uses of space (map of Mpole-Mpaha; map of
Teturi), breaches of community rights (map
of Mbuku-Kimongo and neighbouring
villages), land conflicts (map of Nyamusisi)
which often result in communities being
dispossessed as they are the most vulnerable
link in a context of weak governance
(map of Ikala).
With the aim of protecting rights,
“participatory mapping” is put forward
here as a systematic approach and tool for
documentation and advocacy. It facilitates
the involvement and ownership of communities
in all decision-making processes
affecting their land and the resources it
contains. This approach puts communities
at the core: participatory mapping cannot
exist without large-scale community
consultation processes through which they
express their Free, Prior and Informed Consent
(FPIC) on issues affecting the status of
their tenure rights, the management of
customary spaces and the resources they
contain. FPIC also guides the methodology:
acceptation of the process, implementation,
validation of end products and their use for
advocacy purposes; participatory mapping
belongs to communities.
As such, it has been implemented in
different contexts and as an illustration of
the different issues linked either to the
concerns of local communities and indigenous
peoples, or to the very methodology
and feasibility of participatory mapping
(map of Inongo; map of Nkaw; map of
Botwali). An analysis of the nine maps
presented in this catalogue has shown that
the Congolese government will not meet its
development goals unless it gives priority to
effective reforms in land-use planning
based on the legitimate rights of forest
communities, and puts in place cross-sectoral
planning that takes into account the
prospective needs of communities. Specific
attention should be given to the participation
of marginalised populations in the
country’s development.
To this end, the “participatory mapping”
instrument turns out to be a genuine
solution for decision makers to ensure prior
identification of rights over spaces, the
respect of traditional rights and the participatory
character and ownership of land-use
planning processes by the communities.
Moreover, it can be implemented within the
framework of a methodology validated in
the field, and at an affordable cost of
USD 0,85/hectare.

The Forest Rights Act, 2006 has the potential to democratise forest governance by recognising community forest resource rights over an estimated 85.6 million acres of India’s forests, thereby empowering over 200 million forest dwellers in over 1,70,000 villages. However, till date, only 3% of this potential area has been realised.

The ecosystem services of urban forests are under threat in Ghana due to continuous conversion of urban green spaces into other land uses. The loss of urban forests is contributing to decreases in resilience and increases in vulnerability of urban dwellings to flooding and windstorms. Investing in management of urban forests and including them in urban development planning is critical and can only be pursued if economic value of urban forest services are properly assessed and appreciated. In this paper the Contingent Valuation Method is used to estimate the economic value of non-market benefits of an urban forest in Ghana. Using Cost–Benefit Analysis, the monetary value of the urban forest in the course of time was estimated. The stated monetary value of the urban forest was found to be US$694,765.50. The Net Present Value of the urban green space was US$2,786,620.65. The estimated economic value covered nine times the 10-year maintenance cost of the urban green space. As a seminal work on economic valuation of a standing urban forest in Ghana, it is envisaged that the results will inspire further research in this field, and demonstrate the need for investment in creation and management of urban forests.

Since the 2000s, facing the increasing globalization and commodification of common-pool resources, community-based organizations managing water and forests at the local level started to create transnational networks. Their main goal is to get direct representation in global governance arenas and to transform languages of expertise around governance norms and the scales at which they operate. The international involvement of grassroots organizations raises several interrogations: who are grassroots experts and to what extent are they different from technical experts dominating international arenas? At what scale and in what field is grassroots expertise constructed as legitimate? Finally, is transnational grassroots expertise based on a harmonization or a diversification of knowledge and practices?

Internationally funded carbon forestry projects have become a central concern of scholars and policy makers working on global climate change mitigation. The anticipated impacts of carbon forestry projects on forest-dependent communities have been debated in terms of normative concerns of equity and justice. We offer a positive and arguably more robust theoretical argument supported by case-study evidence to demonstrate that for effective emission reductions, the stakes of local communities must be built into carbon forestry projects. We also contribute new insights and suggest specific institutional mechanisms to restructure the monitoring arrangements for effective and efficient carbon forestry."

Il testo dimostra come la politica forestale italiana, a partire dall'Unità (1861), sia stata sempre subordinata ad altri interessi e non finalizzata alla selvicoltura e al miglioramento delle condizioni ecologiche e produttive dei boschi.  Il progetto "Codice forestale camaldolese" affonda le radici nel rapporto quasi millenario fra i monaci Camaldolesi e la loro foresta e ne trae ispirazione per costruire le fondamenta di una nuova politica forestale italiana.

This paper studies the experience of foreign-funded programmes aimed at establishing participatory forest management (PFM), primarily in the walnut-fruit forests, in Kyrgyzstan. Having reviewed programme reports, NGO evidence and legislation, we argue that the poor performance of these programmes is largely due to incorrect starting assumptions about the feasibility of PFM in the Kyrgyz context and a lack of analysis about locally appropriate forestry regimes. We show that there have been no significant preconditions for realization of PFM mechanisms in the history of Kyrgyz forestry, and their realization has been hampered by the Soviet legacy, strong informal institutions, and poverty. We argue that PFM has been introduced without a clear understanding of how it fits in the overall vision of country's development. Moreover, PFM is not fit for purpose in the Kyrgyz case, as it does not address the root macro-economic and environmental causes of existing forestry problems. The capacity of local communities should not be over-emphasized where cross-sectoral national or even cross-border efforts are required. Mutual, joint learning of Western donors with local experts is key, and should not be replaced by automatic adoption of imported concepts.

This study analyses the extent to which the Romanian National Plan Against Illegal Logging (Planul Național de Combatere a Tăierilor Ilegale de Arbori (PNCTIA) fulfils the conditions of a functional public policy proposal; the degree of knowledge specialists (forestry staff, policemen, prosecutors); and the general public have about it; what efficiency they attribute to it; and the need for a new strategy. The main limitations of PNCTIA with respect to defining and formulating the public policy issue were identified using the document analysis technique. Moreover, the questionnaire technique was employed to evaluate the specialists and the public view towards the plan. Over 40% of the interviewees consider PNCTIA to be inefficient, while 33% were undecided. 77% wished for the adoption of a new public policy; 85% highlighted the matter as urgent. The low level of efficiency of PNCTIA was correlated with the need to have another intervention plan and with high urgency to implement the measures. The perspective of having a new programme correlates positively both with institutional involvement and with urgency level of the actions. The study highlights the importance of participatory processes in the development of public policies.

Illegal logging. About the getting of the problem in the institutional agenda

The study, focused on the problem of illegal logging, aimed to identify prospectively what were the main social problems associated with the field of forestry activity before Romania's accession to the EU and which was the document that represented the first Public Policy Proposal formulated in order to solve the problem. Methodologically, the content analysis and the documentary analysis of a sample from the written press of 2006 and of some programmatic documents elaborated in the organizational practice were used. The conditions were verified that the problem of illegal logging could qualify from the public agenda to the formal agenda and the main stakeholders who intended to include public policy on the Government's working agenda were identified. The position of the media regarding social problems and the competent authorities in the forestry field was quantified and the main limits of the National Plan for Combating Illegal Logging were noted.

Keywords: forestry policies, content analysis, documentary analysis, media, illegal logging.

La problemática de la tala -y comercio- ilegal es un tema complejo que ha cambiado a través del tiempo, influenciada por diversas corrientes de pensamiento y tendencias institucionales, económicas y sociales (Campos et al, 2001). En el informe “Situación de los bosques del mundo 2005” de la FAO (FAO, 2005a) se señala que en Centroamérica, durante la década de 1990 al 2000, se perdieron en promedio 341,000 hectáreas por año, es decir, la cobertura forestal se redujo en un 1.91% anual. La mayor pérdida se presentó en Nicaragua con 117,000 hectáreas por año y la menor tasa de deforestación fue para El Salvador, pero esto debido a que este país ya ha perdido su mayor riqueza forestal (FAO, 1994). Estudios (Richards et al, 2003) señalan a la tala ilegal como una de las causas de la deforestación y degradación de bosques en la Región.
En este sentido algunos países desarrollan esfuerzos para combatir la tala ilegal, por ejemplo en Costa Rica, el Sistema Nacional de Áreas de Conservación (SINAC) desarrolla la Estrategia Contra la Tala Ilegal (ECTI). No obstante, Del Gatto (Del Gatto, 2003) explica la importancia de desarrollar una estrategia de combate de tala ilegal conjunta entre los países de Centroamérica: “Es evidente que esfuerzos aislados de parte de un solo país corren el riesgo de tener efectos limitados. La reducción de la tala ilegal a lo interno del mismo pudiera significar un incremento en las importaciones (licitas e ilícitas) de los países vecinos”. Por ejemplo, la reducción de la tala ilegal en Costa Rica y Guatemala ha tenido aparente consecuencias de aumento de la tala y comercio ilegal en Nicaragua.
Es por eso que, en los últimos años ha habido un creciente reconocimiento de la dimensión transnacional y regional de la gobernanza forestal, siendo que un aspecto clave es el comercio de madera. La demanda de madera de parte de un país importador puede tener muchos beneficios para el país exportador (empleo, generación de divisas, recaudación de impuestos, etc.), pero también puede causar un incremento de la producción forestal ilícita, especialmente si el nivel de gobernanza forestal es algo bajo. Al mismo tiempo, los esfuerzos de manejo forestal en el país importador pueden ser gravemente debilitados si hay importación de madera de origen ilegal que se vende a precios más bajos de la madera nacional. En ambos casos el resultado puede ser una espiral hacia abajo de la gobernanza forestal, reduciendo la posibilidad de aplicar políticas para fomentar el manejo forestal ordenado.
Por otro lado, la existencia de un comercio clandestino es también una señal de un potencial económico. El desafío no es cómo apagar dicho ‘motor económico’, sino como promover o manejar los aspectos sociales y ambientales.

�En este contexto, el presente estudio representa un intento de analizar el comercio de productos forestales en Centroamérica y sus posibles implicaciones para la gobernanza forestal regional. Es un estudio exploratorio que se realizó durante los meses de octubre, noviembre y diciembre de 2006 y enero de 2007, tomando tres países centroamericanos como base para analizar las dinámicas de comercio con sus vecinos, estos países fueron: Honduras, Nicaragua y Costa Rica. En cada uno de ellos también se realizaron estudios de caso de puntos fronterizos en donde el trasiego de productos forestales se realiza con mayor intensidad, estos estudios se presentan en la sexta parte de este documento.
Dada la complejidad del tema, así como la limitación de los recursos financieros disponibles, el método utilizado fue tratar de tipificar y analizar el comercio transfronterizo de productos forestales con un enfoque de sistema, tratando de entender las causas por las que los actores deciden utilizar las vías legales o ilegales. Al final, se pudo documentar el problema pero se debe tomar en cuenta que, para profundizar aún mas en materia de volúmenes, especies y tipos de productos trasegados ilegalemente, se requiere de un monitoreo sistemático que recopile datos previamente escogidos y utilizando una metodología que permita realizar comparaciones cruzadas entre las naciones estudiadas.
El presente documento está conformado por 10 partes, considerando esta introducción, y una sección de anexos. La segunda parte trata sobre aspectos conceptuales de los sistemas de verificación de la legalidad y sobre la ilegalidad en el comercio de productos forestales, la tercera comenta generalidades sobre el contexto y la institucionalidad del comercio de productos forestales en Centroamérica. La cuarta parte toca el tema de los estándares de legalidad para el comercio transfronterizo de madera y la administración necesaria para el comercio transfronterizo legal de madera para Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Honduras. La quinta parte trata de las estadísticas de comercio transfronterizo de productos forestales de Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Honduras. La sexta parte presenta 9 estudios de casos de dinámicas fronterizas de comercio entre países. La sétima analiza el desempeño de los sistemas estudiados con base en los temas de apropiación, diseño, estándares de legalidad e impactos. La octava y novena secciones tienen que ver con las conclusiones y recomendaciones y la décima parte se trata de un anexo de importaciones y exportaciones oficiales de productos forestales entre los países y una lista de las personas entrevistadas y contactadas durante el estudio

Inclusion of marginalized sections and minorities remains one of the most vexing problems for democratic politics. This article discusses the enactment of a recent Indian law, ‘The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Rights) Act, 2006’, as exemplifying the possibilities of inclusion of marginalized groups in democratic processes. The law was enacted in response to a nationwide mobilization of marginalized forest dwellers and their advocates demanding rights over forests. Grassroots-level formations representing forest dwellers came together across scales and spaces to form a network that successfully negotiated India's democratic politics to achieve the passage of the law. The case illustrates the role of grassroots mobilizations in creating alternate discourses of legitimacy, networking across scales and locations, and using spaces provided by representative democracy to include the voices and demands of the marginalized in democracies.

7 to 10 billion dollars are invested each year in nature conservation, funding the creation of protected areas to keep biodiversity out of man’s destructive power. As protecting the nature has become a priority on the international agenda to combat climate change, our European leaders, UN representatives and conservation NGOs are meeting this September in Hawaii at the World Conservation Congress to discuss the best ways to preserve the wilderness and save endangered species. But the rainforest, the taiga or the desert, do not only host pristine fauna and flora. They are also home to millions of indigenous peoples who have been living there for millennia, protecting and depending on it for their survival. What happens to them when a protected area is created on their lands?

From the Dukhas in Mongolia, to the Bambuti in the Democratic Republic of Congo, through the Lickan Antai in Chile, indigenous tribes have managed their environment throughout the years and suddenly saw their lands grabbed for conserving it. Some are suffering from it, others rebelled, and some started negociating their share in those projects…

Through 7 case studies, "Reserved!" sheds new light on conservation: giving voice to the unspoken, hearing conservation’s choices, illustrating new ways of protecting both bio- and cultural diversity.

Sustainable management of forest depends on effective participation of primary stakeholders-the local people. This paper focuses on the assessment of factors that affect participation of local people in four key aspects of forest management-planning, implementation, monitoring and benefit-sharing-in Ghana using a case study of Krokosua Hills Forest Reserve (KHFR). Data collected from 407 households living around the forest reserve were analyzed to determine the factors affecting participation in reserve management. Socio-demographic actors were found to have mixed effects on reserve management, with reserve planning associated with gender and educational status of the respondents while benefit-sharing was associated with respondents' educational status and the awareness of collaborative forest management policy. These results imply that for sustainable management of KHFR and similar forest areas in Ghana through collaborative arrangements, policy-makers and forest managers should consider socio-demographic attributes of primary stakeholders.

This article investigates forest policies and institutions surrounding REDD+ in three heavily-forested countries: India, Tanzania, and Mexico. The comparative analysis leads to three key insights. First, each of the case study countries has multiple land tenure statutes that result in different distributions of the costs and benefits of forest protection for key stakeholders. Second, land tenure regimes that offer local communities the most secure forest rights are not necessarily the same as those associated with benefit-sharing mechanisms outlined in national REDD+ policy proposals. Third, an analysis of policy documents show that whether governments credibly commit to share REDD+ benefits with forest-dependent people are contingent on the interests of key actors involved in the policy process. Political and administrative structures that limit the power and authority of forest government bodies lead to more responsive and accountable policy outcomes.