Feminist Politics

Understanding the ways in which the discursive construction of gender allowed for the US-led attacks on Afghanistan to be considered a legitimate response to the attacks of 9/11 is vital to the study of international relations and for the reclaiming of a feminist politics of the attacks. Through the identification and exploration of various representations of identity in the period after 9/11 and before the attacks on Afghanistan, I will illustrate the centrality of narratives of gender to the production of a recognizable and legitimate narrative of war. I focus on the identities of ‘the nation’, ‘the enemy’ and ‘the intervention’, with each exploring not only the ways in which they are created and perpetuated, but also the ways in which they make certain responses, actions and attitudes permissible and censor others. In conclusion, I draw attention to the economic concerns of the USA that were marginalized within the discursive construction of identity post-9/11, and the ways in which the tensions created by this marginalization can be used as a critical tool to begin to unpick gendered constructions that were represented as seamless at the time.

peacekeeping operations has led many feminists to question the appropriateness of using soldiers to create peace. They argue that the problems stem from a particular form of military masculinity, hegemonic within Western militaries, associated with practices of strength, toughness, and aggressive heterosexuality. Masculinities, however, are multiple, dynamic, and contradictory. As they are constructed in relation to the contexts men find themselves in, involvement in peacekeeping may itself play a role in the construction of alternative military masculinities. Examining autobiographical accounts of soldiers involved in peacekeeping in Bosnia in the 1990s, I argue that there is evidence of an alternative discourse of 'peacekeeper masculinity', but question whether it fully challenges the hegemony of the warrior model. I acknowledge that peacekeeper masculinity is also problematic because although it disrupts elements of the traditional linkages between militarism and masculinity, it still relies on a feminized and racialized 'Other.' Yet, I suggest that this is not the only way in which peacekeeper masculinity can be viewed. It can alternatively be considered part of a 'regendered military' which may be a necessary component of successful conflict resolution.

To cite this article: Mona Lilja (she/her/hers), Mikael Baaz (he/him/his) & Filip Strandberg Hassellind (he/him/his) (2021): (Re)sketching the theorizing around "missing women": imageries of the future, resistance, and materializing aspects of gender, International Feminist Journal of Politics,

This paper focuses on the Anti-eviction Campaign (AEC) in Cape Town, South Africa, which is part of the larger Anti-privatization Movement, mobilized by disadvantaged township residents to assert their constitutional rights and resist evictions and service disconnections. It introduces the mutually constituted concepts of invited and invented spaces of citizenship and stresses the range of grassroots actions spanning those. The paper also sheds light on the gender dynamics of the Campaign and how its patriarchal order may be destabilizing. The AEC case study engages the feminist scholarship that has pioneered an inclusive conceptualization of citizenship embracing both formal and informal arenas of politics. The study points out the risk in constructing yet another binary relation within the informal arena of politics and a bifurcated civil society, by celebrating grassroots coping strategies (invited spaces) and demonizing resistance strategies (invented spaces). The paper calls for a refinement of feminists' extended notion of politics, recognizing the oppositional practices of the poor in order to construct an inclusive citizenship. It argues that doing so better reflects the practices of the grassroots and furthers a progressive feminist praxis. This paper examines the struggle of the poor in South Africa with respect to basic needs such as water and shelter. It presents the specific case of the Anti-eviction Campaign (AEC) in Cape Town, a movement by the poor to protect their shelter against eviction orders by the city council and the private banks. The case example of AEC, which is part of the larger Anti-Privatization Movement, is placed within the citizenship debate. The paper calls for a careful rethinking of the critique, first put forward by feminist scholars, that urges an expanded notion of politics: namely, the rejection of binary constructs of formal/informal and attention to the informal arena of community-based activism, where women and disadvantaged groups are most effective politically and as citizens.

Following the signing of Guatemala's 1996 Peace Accords, which brought an end to 36 years of conflict culminating in a genocide against Mayan communities, violences have persisted at alarming rates. Research has noted a high number of reports of violences against women and femicide, highlighting legal battles and challenges to address this issue. This article aims to make an empirical contribution, in that it explores the political economic dimensions of violences against women in predominantly Maya Q'eqchi' communities in Guatemala's development corridor, the Northern Transversal Strip region. Furthermore, the article emphasizes how women community leaders have linked violences against women in the contemporary context to the historical gendered violences of colonialism and armed conflict, as well the postwar extractivist development model and related ecological violences, particularly in relation to palm oil. Drawing on qualitative research and expanding on "continuum" theoretical approaches, the article concludes by suggesting that violences against women in postwar Guatemala can be understood as existing within an intersectional matrix, illustrating the dynamics of continuity and change. Violences against women are shaped by political, economic, historical, and social factors, which in turn shape how women organize to resist and address the violences against them in the Northern Transversal Strip region.

Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article maybe used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution , reselling , loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

Scientific discoveries increasingly rely on the ability to efficiently grind massive amounts of experimental data using database technologies. To bridge the gap between the needs of the Data-Intensive Research fields and the current DBMS technologies, we propose SciQL (pronounced as 'cycle'), the first SQL-based query language for scientific applications with both tables and arrays as first class citizens. It provides a seamless symbiosis of array-, set-and sequenceinterpretations. A key innovation is the extension of value-based grouping of SQL:2003 with structural grouping, i.e., fixed-sized and unbounded groups based on explicit relationships between elements positions. This leads to a generalisation of window-based query processing with wide applicability in science domains. This paper describes the main language features of SciQL and illustrates it using time-series concepts.

The growing awareness of violence against women has resulted in endorsement of various international codes and conventions relating to physical, psychological and sexual violence. Female genital mutilation is one form of violence against women that has polarized people within and across national borders. Here, I explore its popular representation, consider how activism against genital mutilation has been confounded by sex and race and how activism to eradicate the practice is understood by immigrant women in Australia. In doing this, I draw on research conducted with women immigrants to Australia from north Africa (the Sahel areas) and the Middle East, from countries where female genital mutilation is most common. These women are often frustrated by what they see as contradictions in hospital policy and practice that arise in response to their requests to be reinfibulated after childbirth. I tease out the dilemmas that emerge when refusal is contrasted with other permissible practices of the body, such as hymen reconstruction, and given the commodification of bodies and related issues of age and agency, the individual and the community. The perceived discrepancies suggest to these African women that rights discourse is discriminatory, racist and informed by sensational portrayals of traditional practices. I question the ethics, values and rights that inform public discourse about sexual and reproductive rights, when women's rights and values are so discrepant from our own ideals.

Objective: Why is low resting heart rate (HR) associated with antisocial behavior (ASB), i.e., aggression and rule breaking, in adolescence? Theory suggests that personality traits mediate this relationship but differently with age. In the present study this age-effect hypothesis is tested; we expected that the relationship between HR and aggression would be mediated in preadolescence by the personality trait behavioral inhibition, but not by sensation seeking. However, the relationship between HR and rule breaking in adolescence was predicted to be mediated by sensation seeking, but not by behavioral inhibition. Hypotheses were tested separately for boys and girls. Method: HR in supine position was assessed in repondents to the TRacking Adolescents' Individual Lives Survey (TRAILS) (N ϭ 1,752; 48.5% boys) at age 11 years. Rule breaking and aggression at age 16 were assessed with two subscales from the Youth Self Report (YSR) questionnaire. Personality (i.e., sensation seeking and behavioral inhibition) was measured at ages 11, 13.5, and 16 with the Early Adolescent Temperament Questionnaire-Revised (EATQ-R), Behavioral Inhibition System/ Behavioral Activation System (BIS/BAS) scales, or NEO Personality-Index Revised (NEO-PI-R). Results: In boys, lower HR was associated with aggression and rule breaking in adolescence. The association between HR and rule breaking was mediated by sensation seeking in adolescence but not in preadolescence. Girls' HR was not associated with ASB, and no mediating effects were found. Conclusions: Our findings support the age-effect hypothesis in boys' rule breaking behavior. This shows that the association between HR and ASB depends on age, gender, and subtype of ASB. J. Am. Acad. Child Adolesc. Psychiatry, 2010;49(5):493-502.

While populism has been subject to growing scholarly interest, its relationship to feminist politics has remained conspicuously understudied. This article investigates this relationship by analysing two cases of European populism: left populism in Spain (Podemos), and right populism in Finland (the Finns Party). The questions asked, and the challenges posed to feminist politics from populist political forces are intriguing: How is feminist politics articulated in both left and right populism? What differences can be discerned between left and right populism for feminist politics? To explore this, the article analyses three core dimensions: (1) political representation: descriptive representation (numbers of women, men and minority positions) and substantive representation (policy content in relation to gender equality); (2) populist parties' formal and informal gender institutions such as internal quotas, gender equality plans and institutional culture; and (3) dedicated spaces for feminist politics such as women's sections or feminist groups. It is argued that political ideology matters for feminist politics, and while left parties are more responsive to feminist concerns and populism poses specific problems for feminist politics, it is the gendered culture of political parties that ensures both left and right parties are problematic for feminist politics.

This article examines the infamous Land Rover ' Himba' advertisement (2000) that shocked South Africans because of its racism and sexism. The South African Advertising Standards Authority ruled that the advertisement constituted a violation of human dignity that perpetuated gender and cultural inequality. This article takes the position that the Himba advertisement builds on the colonial notions of adventure, exploration and discovery of the African continent by the western male. The mystique of travel and discovery during the nineteenth century inscribed the control of the African landscape and its people; colonial explorers and travellers consequently feminized Africa to signify conquest and control. It is proposed that these ideas are re-inscribed in the deeply embedded cultural connotations attached to the Land Rover and Africa as its so-called spiritual home. An investigation into some of the myths and ideologies in the Himba advertisement reveals that a set of binary oppositions operates that draw attention to the distinctions between culture/nature, power/powerlessness, male/female, technology/primitivism and West/Africa. An interrogation of this advertisement is important because of the contentious nature of its content, and because fantasy adventure is a significant tendency in tourism and leisure activities in South Africa.

Social movement scholars credit feminist transnational advocacy networks with putting violence against women on the United Nations (UN) security agenda, as evidenced by Resolution 1325 and numerous other UN Security Council statements on gender, peace, and security. Such accounts neglect the significance of superpower politics for shaping the aims of women's bureaucracies and non-governmental organizations in the UN system. This article highlights how the fall of the Soviet Union transformed the delineation of 'women's issues' at the United Nations and calls attention to the extent that the new focus upon 'violence against women' has been shaped by post-Cold War US global policing practices.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sublicensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

This essay offers a critical analysis of the Feminist Majority Foundation's Campaign to Stop Gender Apartheid in Afghanistan in terms of its synchronicity with US imperialism and militarism. While the FMF's Campaign draws public attention to the discrimination and violence facing Afghan women under the Taliban, its discourse is embedded in an ahistorical and Orientalist framework that assumes the benevolence and superiority of the US in establishing gender equality. Thus, the FMF reproduces an imperial feminism tied to US state interests in empire building – a feminism that evades accountability for the consequences of US militarism while it establishes its own power and authority in determining the future of Afghanistan. The imperial feminism of the FMF is an example of how actions taken to challenge hegemony can in fact support and reify the hegemonic projects of the state. In effect, the FMF draws upon the same imperialist and problematic ideas about women as those expressed by the Bush administration to protect Afghan women in the name of empire.

In this article we discuss the ways in which a feminist ethos of care and the associated practice of mentoring allows feminist geography to flourish in teaching, working and learning spaces. We argue that our working relationship – based on care, mentoring and friendship – is crucial in order to survive and deflect structural inequalities. Our working relationship spans across undergraduate, graduate, postgraduate and early career stages at a single university. We offer our personal stories as examples of establishing and maintaining collaborative mentoring and caring work relationships. Further, our commitment to a feminist ethos of care and mentoring is vital for our selfcare and causes trouble for structural power differentials. First, we share stories about how our working relationship began and developed within the critical, caring and fragile spaces of the Geography Programme at the University of Waikato and other feminist geography networks. Second, literature on care, mentoring and collaboration is discussed, with a focus on feminist politics of mentoring and collaboration. Third, we return to our own experiences to illustrate the ways embodied and emotional subjectivities and associated power dynamics shape mentoring and care relationships. Examples of joint supervision and research are offered to illustrate complex sets of spatially significant emotions, feelings and subjectivities. Finally, we highlight the ways in which place matters if feminist geography is to flourish.

The aim of this study is to investigate the distribution and excitation of the methanol gas around Cep A and to describe the physical conditions of the region. In addition the large scale abundance distribution is determined in order to understand the morphology and kinematics of star forming regions in which methanol masers occur. The spatial distribution of the methanol is studied by mapping line emission, as well as the column density and excitation temperature, which are estimated using rotation diagrams. For a limited number of positions the parameters are checked with non-LTE models. Furthermore, the distribution of the methanol abundance is derived in comparison with archival dust continuum maps. Methanol is detected over a 0.3x0.15 pc area centred on the Cep A HW2 source, showing an outflow signature. Most of the gas can be characterized by a moderately warm rotation temperature (30-60K). At the central position two velocity components are detected with different excitation characteristics, the first related to the large-scale outflow. The second component, uniquely detected at the central location, is probably associated with the maser emission on much smaller scales of 2". Detailed analysis reveals that the highest densities and temperatures occur for these inner components. In the inner region the dust and gas are shown to have different physical parameters. Abundances of methanol in the range 10E-9 - 10E-7 are inferred, with the abundance peaking at the maser position. The geometry of the large-scale methanol is in accordance with previous determinations of the Cep A geometry, in particular those from methanol masers. The dynamical and chemical time-scales are consistent with the methanol originating from a single driving source associated with the HW2 object and the masers in its equatorial region.

This paper aims to uncover Turkish Cypriot women's war experiences and integrate that knowledge into the public discourse. We argue that the omission of women's war experiences thus far has served to sustain the mutually reinforcing alliance between patriarchy and nationalism, which we call patriarchal nationalism. Building on feminist standpoint theory, deconstruction of the official and hegemonic 'his'tory of war poses challenges to the stronghold of patriarchy and ethnic nationalism in society by engaging women in the reconstruction of history. Narratives of twenty women from different regions and backgrounds revealed common experiences that have been systematically silenced, memories that have been socially forgotten but could not be erased despite the dominant discourse that has denied their existence for decades. These experiences defy images of the ethno-national Glorious Self, protected by heroic and righteous men, and the Villainous Other. They also identify types of insecurity and victimization that have been excluded from traditional, gendered definitions of security. As these narratives contest fundamental tenets of patriarchy and nationalism, their contributions to the reconstruction of 'reality' and history carry prospects for the transformation of both gender and ethnic relations.

A ‘curious feminist’ analysis, according to Enloe, starts in the lives of women and values all women's lives regardless of their status, identity, location or access to power. In this article I use this perspective to highlight the intersections of international development and patriarchy in the lives of three women of different generations and class status as they are affected

Public protest against the Persian Gulf War in 1990-1 was only part of the story of US American women's resistance to war in general and to that war specifically. Although the gendering of war is seldom discussed outside feminist scholarship, the events of 11 September 2001 and its aftermath as well as all events and processes having to do with war are gendered events and processes. Both women and men participate in war in various ways, some of which, particularly in the case of women, are either not noticed, are deliberately ignored or made invisible. In this essay, the stories of some women who protested the Persian Gulf War are represented alongside questions that their narratives prompted about what constitutes anti-war work, and what the ramifications of such work are in the present international context.

... of Turpin and Kurtz's (1997) classic question concerning the relationship of wife-beating and war, but to underscore the degree to which the quest for political ... Power without visibility; pro t without sanctions: shadow institutions. ... Carolyn Nordstrom/Visible wars and invisible girls ...

This article considers the impact of electoral quotas for women. Most studies have either focused on whether particular policies increase the numbers of women elected or assessed the extent to which a greater number of women in the legislature produces more gender-sensitive legislation. However, little attention has been paid to the cultural changes that can result from adopting gender quotas. This article argues that, although increasing the number of women in legislatures may improve the attention to gender issues, broader processes are involved. Latin American women's activism and alliances have been critical in ensuring the expansion of women's rights and increasing the number of women elected. Quotas, and the debate surrounding their adoption, have provided an incentive for women's collective action and fostered the politicization of gender issues. An analysis of the impact of quotas, therefore, must recognize these broader impacts.

In the early phase of its rule in Turkey (2002-4), the pro-Islamic government of the AKP (Justice and Development party) and various branches of the state collaborated in a series of political and economic reforms. The democratization process has gradually moderated and integrated Islamic actors into the secular Turkish Republic. However, it has also had polarizing effects on social groups. Among many, the polarization of two groups of women, 'pious' and 'secularist', deserves particular attention. Instead of bringing Turkish women together, gender reforms, particularly the issue of the headscarf ban in universities, have divided women and created disarray and confrontation in society. This article reveals and compares the two dramatically different patterns of political engagement by pious and secularist women in leadership positions in contemporary Turkey. On the one hand, it explains the apprehension of secularist women about the increasing visibility in public spaces of pious women who veil. On the other hand, it examines how pious women, who see the tumult their religious observance in the public space is creating, are increasingly turning to a non-confrontational mode of non-response. What is the prognosis for the future of a democratic Turkey?

Research on women's political action too often passes over women's organizations that do not officially adopt a feminist ideology and do not explicitly set out to change gender power relations. Based on implicit notions that such women's organizations are nonpolitical (or less interesting), the research often supports a false dichotomy between feminist and nonfeminist organizations rather than illuminates women's common political ground. This study addresses women's collective action, politics and change by focusing on the case of Nicaraguan Mothers of Heroes and Martyrswomen who lost a son or daughter in the revolution or Contra War. Although some members in Matagalpa critiqued male domination, the organization itself did not set out to challenge the gendered division of labor; indeed, their collective demands relied upon and in many ways reinforced traditional gender identities.

This article explores the aims, activities and challenges of women's movements in the Middle East. It demonstrates the similarities among movements, which are related to both the historical emergence of women's movements, and in particular their close affiliation to nationalist struggles, as well as contemporary circumstances such as ambiguous government policies, repression of civil societies and prevailing authoritarian political cultures. This contribution also looks to the specific factors and conditions that shape women's movements in particular countries differently, thereby highlighting the great degree of heterogeneity among women's organizations in the Middle East. An analysis of the actual goals and activities of women's groups in various countries, such as Jordan, Egypt and Palestine reveals that women activists tend to get mobilized around issues related to modernization and development. Issues such as women's rights to education, work and political participation have traditionally been both the accepted demands of women activists as well as part of the discourses of male modernizers and reformers. However, the more sensitive issues of women's reproductive rights and violence against women, for example, have been taken up by only a few women's organizations in recent years. The relationship of women's organizations to the state is key to the analysis of women's movements in the region. Varying levels of dependence and autonomy can be detected not only in the comparison of one country with another but also within given country contexts.

This essay presents a detailed ethnographic account of the struggles of two Peruvian women to gain access and control over water and land after having separated from their husbands. From these accounts, it becomes clear that strategies for feminist action cannot and should not solely be aimed at formal laws and policies. Important water powers also reside in day-to-day water management and control practices that are embedded in culture and partly manifested in customary norms and laws, and that occur in social domains that are not normally associated with water management such as the household. The authors argue that identifying and understanding such nonformal water powers provides an important additional entry-point for devising feminist water strategies. It helps to see day-to-day 'bottle-necks' that hinder more gender equity in access to and control of water and land, and that stand in the way of a more equitable and democratic water management. At the same time, a focus on everyday water politics can also reveal important sources of agency for women, resources that they can mobilize in support of their attempts to access and control land and water. ---GENDER AND WATER: TRACING THE CONNECTIONS Water constitutes one important area of feminist struggle: access and control over water and (irrigated) land are central in the livelihoods of rural households, and key to determining one's bargaining power in different social RFJP260654 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 ---------------------J u a n a V e r a D e l g a d o a n d M a r g r e e t Z w a r t e v e e n /Water power in the Andes 3 95 100 105 110 115 120 125

... Niamh Moore takes on an important issue within ecofeminism and feminist theory generally – the relationship between maternalism, pacifism, ecofeminism and essentialism – arguing for new ways of reading 'eco/feminist' activism. ...

European Union (EU) policies are a good case to explore with regard to the extent to which intersectionality has been institutionalized, given that the EU has broadened its equality agenda from the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty onwards and can be expected to impact on the trajectories of institutionalization in member states. Situated in an analysis of the EU legal framework and machinery on gender and anti-discrimination, this article explores the interface between European institutions and civil society in relation to the treatment of intersectionality by analysing alliances and competition between groups representing different inequalities and the positioning of institutions in the debate. It also investigates whether the EU's current institutionalization may encompass positive developments in the treatment of previously neglected inequalities and thus promote more inclusive equality policies, or may create barriers between and exclude different inequalities. The article concludes that the EU legal framework is merely juxtaposing inequalities rather than intersecting them, and is not giving equal importance to the different inequalities. Debates on the creation of recent institutions, such as the European Institute for Gender Equality and the Fundamental Rights Agency, show that tensions exist between different positions and groups. Dynamics of interaction within European civil society reveal evidence of both contestations and alliances.

in May 2016 and is the theme of this special issue arising from it. The continuing annual conferences of this journal seek to identify and coalesce research on emergent and major currents in feminist International Relations (IR) and transnational feminist thought and action. The theme of the 2016 conference and this special issue refers to both sighting decolonizing knowledges already present in feminist world politics inquiry and seeking ways to further decolonize it. Although the "decolonial turn" (Maldonado-Torres 2008) in critical thinking has a long history, embedded in centuries of resistances to colonization and settler colonialism, it is only recently that IR, as a discipline, has been recognized as a fundamentally colonial project. Eurocentric (and later US-centric) colonialism and imperialism both founded and remain constitutive of IR (Barkawi and Laffey 2002; Jones 2006; Tickner 2014). Past and continuing stories of Westphalian "sovereignty and liberal democracy" as the history and foundations of the discipline cover up "the authoritarianism, theft, racism, and in significant cases, massacre and genocide" at the heart of the "colonial state and political economy" that IR represents and legitimizes (Jones 2006, 3-4). Moreover, the structure of contemporary IR knowledge production has been likened to a colonial household in which perspectives of colonized peoples and post-colonial critiques are either consigned to servitude in it or kept outside of it altogether (Agathangelou and Ling 2004). Also relatively recently, feminist studies have been challenged for still present colonial legacies and colonizing moves within it, particularly in the US but also elsewhere. Although gender, ethnic and queer studies have importantly exposed the hegemonies and costs of gendered, racialized, and heteronormative ideologies and structures, without a central interrogation of colonization and particularly settler colonialism, such studies can devolve into "liberal multicultural discourses" that champion "inclusion and equality" within the nation (Arvin, Tuck, and Morrill 2013, 10). These can play into "the expansion of the settler state" by increasing the "opportunity" of previously excluded majorities and minorities to take part in the settling processes that dispossess" Indigenous peoples (Arvin, Tuck, and Morrill 2013, 10). "Indigenous communities' concerns are often not about achieving formal equality and civil rights within a nationstate, but instead achieving substantial independence from a Western nation-stateindependence decided on their own terms" (Arvin, Tuck, and Morrill 2013, 10). Moreover, a neglect of colonialism can mean inattention to the appropriation and destruction of

... O'Malley has referred to it as the acting out of a centuries old mythical republican ideal of martyrdom.7 Feldman, on the other hand, views ... Mairead Farrell who was the leader of the prisoners at the time and who was herself executed in Gibraltar several years later by the Special ...

Robustness of database systems under stress is hard to quantify, because there are many factors involved, most notably the user expectation to perform a job within certain bounds of the user requirements. Nevertheless, robustness of database system is very important to end users. In this paper we develop a database benchmark suite, inspired by tractor pulling, where robustness is measured as a system's ability to process data despite a continuous increase in system load, as defined in terms of data volume, query volume and complexity. A functional evaluation is performed against several systems to highlight the benchmark capabilities.