Constitution

Malgré le récent amendement de 2011 qu’a connu la Constitution haïtienne, il a été présenté au grand public le 29 mars 2017 une commission spéciale sur l’amendement de la constitution au niveau de la Chambre des députés. Le but principal de ladite commission est de produire un rapport devant servir à justifier un amendement dont la procédure sera entamée à la dernière session ordinaire de la 50ème législature, soit entre juin et septembre 2019, conformément à l’article 282-1 de la Constitution. Si Pour certains, un amendement est nécessaire pour corriger certaines lacunes, pour d’autres, il faut une nouvelle constitution et non simplement un amendement. Ce dernier parait plus réaliste et justifié qu’un changement de Constitution. En effet, les lacunes que l’on peut reprocher au texte constitutionnel ne sont pas assez graves pour justifier l’adoption d’une nouvelle Constitution. Il suffit de faire une grande réforme constitutionnelle par le biais d’un amendement. Cependant, dans la mesure où en Haïti il y a une propension des gouvernants à ne pas appliquer la Constitution dans toute sa teneur, les dispositions résultant de l’amendement à venir risque de rester lettre morte. Sur ces entrefaites, il y a une urgente nécessité de résoudre le problème de l’inapplication de la Constitution. Sinon, Ce sera un vain travail de l’amender.

Ce mémoire étudie les rapports entre sciences et politiques institutionnelles au Burkina Faso. Il investit donc une problématique qui relève de l’ensemble plus vaste qu’est l’approche cognitive des politiques publiques. Mais, s’inspirant d’un écrit de J.-L Quermonne (Les politiques institutionnelles. Essai d’interprétation et de typologie, in M. Grawitz ET J Leca, Traité de science politique, Tome IV, Les politiques publiques. PUF 1985) ainsi que des travaux de penseurs comme, entre autres, J. Habermas (La technique et la science comme idéologie, Gallimard, 1990), il s’attache spécifiquement à démêler les rapports entre sciences et politiques institutionnelles à un niveau beaucoup plus restreint : le domaine des politiques constitutionnelles et des politiques réformatrices de la constitution au Burkina Faso. Il s’agit en effet d’une étude systématique des rapports entre les différentes formes scientifiques du savoir et les politiques institutionnelles d’élaboration et de réformes de la constitution sous la IVème République burkinabé (c’est-à-dire, la République en cours : 1990 à nos jours). Cette étude exploratoire, qui n’a pas posé d’hypothèses à l’avance, entendait surtout déterminer la nature des rapports entre les différentes formes de savoir et les politiques publiques en question. Plus précisément, elle a cherché ultimement à qualifier le modèle de rapports entre sciences et politique qui prévaut dans le contexte burkinabé : technocratie, décisionnisme ou pragmatisme ? Au terme des analyses effectuées, l’étude a révélé que les modèles technocratique et pragmatique sont quasi-inexistants. Le modèle de rapport dominant dans le domaine des politiques institutionnelles abordées est sans conteste le décisionnisme qui, en temps de crise, peut momentanément être remplacé par ce que nous avons appelé « modèle pragmatique provisoire réversible» ou « pragmatisme provisoire réversible» ou encore « pragmatisme provisoire » tout court. Ce nouveau concept désigne en effet une ruse des « groupes au pouvoir » qui, acculés par une crise, s’ouvrent dans un premier temps aux critiques et aux propositions de réformes portées par les autres acteurs politiques, et produites par les « groupes de savoir », avant de remettre en cause dans un deuxième temps, les résultats de cette ouverture une fois la crise terminée. Cette étude aboutit ainsi à la conclusion (déjà tirée par d’autres études effectuées dans des pays en développement concernant d’autres domaines de la science), que les voies de rapports entre sciences et société sont généralement obstruées dans les sociétés faiblement démocratiques, ce qui peut retarder leur entrée dans la modernité politique.

O objetivo do presente trabalho fora compreender de que modo se deu a tematização do racismo e das questões raciais no momento que inaugura as possibilidades de interlocução entre sociedade civil e instituições formais do Estado Brasileiro: a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) de 1987-1988. Por meio do estudo dos documentos que registram a participação do Movimento Negro ao longo do processo Constituinte buscou-se responder as seguintes questões: 1- Quais foram as demandas pleiteadas por organizações do Movimento Negro no contexto da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte? 2- Que tipos de argumentos são mobilizados por tais atores/atrizes para
sustentar a necessidade e viabilidade da inserção dos pleitos no texto constitucional? 3- Essas demandas foram incluídas na Constituição Federal? De que maneira? Para além da pesquisa documental, realizou-se pesquisa bibliográfica sobre o contexto
sociopolítico em questão bem como fez-se considerações sobre a mobilização antirracista entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980. Através do estudo da atuação do movimento social na ANC e do balanço das inclusões e exclusões de dispositivos na
Carta Constitucional aponto os desafios do tratamento da temática pelo Estado brasileiro, os avanços e a persistência de determinadas questões passadas quase três décadas do evento histórico estudado.

Concerning political and social reform of Korean society after the ‘Candle revolution’ and impeachment of a president, the civil society and the political sphere show different approaches to the problem. The people (or citizens) assembled and marched with candles in their hands on the square longing for constitutional government and better society, and consequently, the head of government who lost the people’s trust was removed from the office. This brought our society an opportunity to discuss the new constitutional order – in other words, we encountered a ‘Constitutional momentum’. The Special Committee on the Constitution, which was constituted in the Parliament at the end of last year, tried to proceed a quick process of constitutional amendment whereas most citizens are not in agreement. So the history of ‘revolution by the people’ and ‘constitution-making without the people’ is about to repeat itself. Constitutions in democratic countries are people’s documents and therefore gain legitimacy by people’s participation in the constitution-making process. Moreover, constitution-making in accord with the constitutional momentum driven by the people should be accomplished by the people and for the people.
This paper introduces the Iceland’s constitution-making case after an economic crisis in 2008. Confronting unprecedented financial crisis and inefficient action by government, Icelandic people were deeply disappointed with political elites and looked back on the ground of the society, and then they decided to make a new constitution for re-establishment of social values. Many people participated in the process of constitution-making, from the very first step to decide what were the most important values in the country and should be included in a new constitution and then they participated also in the next step to produce a draft. The most innovative and revolutionary point in democratic perspective in the process was that the draft for a new constitution was written with direct participation of its people for the first time in history. The internet and social media made it possible to make a crowdsourced constitution. The Iceland’s constitutional experiment, which combines the trust of collective wisdom with internet communication technology for constitution-making, is full of suggestion concerning current discussion of constitutional amendment – without citizens – in Korea.

Una expresión que encierra múltiplas actividades, la Unidad del ordenamiento jurídico es tomada como una característica o axioma o postulado del Derecho. Hija del Derecho Natural de tradición racionalista, fue adoptada por el Derecho Positivo. En lo que toca la unidad como un todo y en cuanto unidad de la Constitución, el análisis presentado es conducido bajo los aspectos racionales, históricos y positivistas, así como bajo la orientación de la teoría estructurante del Derecho. La conclusión es que la Unidad del ordenamiento jurídico – como un dato o una meta inspiradora de la práctica jurídica – es ilusoria.

Pojęcie interregnum w symboliczny sposób oddaje istotę zagadnień podjętych w ramach niniejszej monografii. Jej przedmiot stanowi analiza XX-wiecznych transformacji ustrojowych, które dokonały się w kręgu euroatlantyckiej kultury prawnej. Celem badań było uchwycenie najistotniejszych elementów zmiany ustrojowej ujmowanej możliwie szeroko, a zatem obejmującej przekształcanie się reżimów monarchicznych w ustroje o charakterze republikańskim, procesy liberalizacji lub demokratyzacji reżimów autorytarnych czy wreszcie formowanie się całkowicie nowych bytów państwowych. Opisywane metamorfozy ustrojowe zostały uchwycone in statu nascendi, w perspektywie dynamicznej, w okresie kształtowania się nowych form ustrojowych, a zatem ścierania się starego porządku z nowym.

Monografia ma walor nie tylko informacyjny, przejawiający się w opisie biegu zdarzeń składających się na poszczególne procesy zmiany ustrojowej. Podejmuje także uniwersalne problemy związane z napięciem między legalnością a legitymizacją ustroju w warunkach doniosłej zmiany politycznej lub społecznej.

Kenya’s Vision 2030 and all its flagship projects are envisaged to spur rapid economic growth and steer the country into a middle income economy by the year 2030. The LAPSSET Corridor Projects (LCPs) which includes a port in Lamu, resort cities, the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) and upgrading of the Isiolo Airport to international standards among others, is part of the programme. This paper sought to examine the effects of project on economic and socio-cultural rights of the communities living along the corridor in Isiolo County.

A mixed approach was employed with multi-stage, snowball and purposive sampling techniques to generate both quantitative and qualitative data. Life experiences and issues of concern raised by the concerned respondents were raised by communities’ expressions. The communities along the North Eastern Transport Improvement Projects had not been sensitized about the projects. They were not informed about the impacts that the project would have on their lives.

A Constituição Política da Monarquia Espanhola, de 19 de março de 1812, seria conhecida na Espanha como a Constituição de Cádiz. Sua elaboração precoce fez da Espanha um dos primeiros países do mundo a ter sua Constituição escrita. Ela foi o resultado da luta organizada pela sociedade espanhola contra o Imperador Bonaparte e se tornaria o bastião do liberalismo durante a década de 1820 em todo o Ocidente, influenciando países europeus e americanos que lutavam pelo constitucionalismo e a limitação da monarquia. A França, longa aliada, havia coagido a dinastia reinante a entregar a coroa em 1808. A resposta da população foi a resistência organizada. O invasor estrangeiro seria recebido por uma população pronta para o enfrentamento – que resultaria, inclusive, na primeira derrota de Bonaparte em terra –, e por uma elite preparada para organizar um movimento político que culminaria no texto constitucional.
Influenciada pelas experiências francesas e americanas, a Constituição de Cádiz foi um texto liberal. Suas normas estabeleciam a democracia representativa por meio de um sufrágio de quatro graus. Ao contrário das tendências da época, poucos requisitos existiam quanto a rendas ou propriedades. Os espanhóis escolheriam seus representantes, e a eleição seria feita com mais liberdade do que as constituições antecedentes haviam permitido.
A influência sobre a Constituição, no entanto, não foi só a da ruptura e da separação em busca da liberdade. A Constituição de Cádiz também foi marcada pela experiência inglesa, pelo desejo de manter instituições estáveis, respeitando a história e a tradição. Não é por acaso que o seu preâmbulo enuncia que as cortes estavam restabelecendo as antigas leis fundamentais da monarquia, acompanhadas das mudanças oportunas – alterações muito amplas, influenciadas pelo liberalismo. Não seria esquecido o respeito às leis medievais e às tradições do povo. A norma não foi uma simples reação ao sistema anterior, não negaria as suas instituições históricas. Como proferiram os deputados espanhóis, havia séculos as antigas leis já eram a Constituição da Espanha, que agora seria escrita e modificada para atender às necessidades contemporâneas.
Sob os auspícios das ideias dessas três influências – invasão estrangeira, liberalismo francês e respeito ao passado – se reuniriam os deputados, cerca de trezentos. Quase um terço desse grupo era de membros do clero. Os advogados e os servidores públicos formavam um grupo de cerca de cinquenta membros cada, e os militares eram quase quarenta. Os demais grupos sociais eram fracamente representados. Os trabalhos foram conturbados. As discussões envolviam os principais temas do liberalismo, que precisavam ser adaptados para a realidade da Espanha. A Constituição de Cádiz precisaria reger um país sitiado, que manteria o sistema monárquico, era muito religioso, temia um caos como o criado pela Revolução Francesa e, no entanto, almejava criar uma das normas mais liberais e democráticas do seu tempo.
O produto dos trabalhos foi o estabelecimento de uma monarquia constitucional moderada, amplamente limitada pelo principal órgão de representação – as cortes. Esse legislativo, por sua vez, passaria a ser o centro de emanação das leis e das principais decisões da Espanha. Uma profunda igualdade entre os espanhóis foi estabelecida, e apesar de tantos membros do clero, a Igreja perdeu quase todos os seus privilégios, ao lado das demais classes distinguidas anteriormente. Muitos foram os avanços: a liberdade de imprensa, o fim dos tormentos, os direitos individuais à liberdade e à educação, a jurisdição unificada no Estado, o fim das corporações de ofício, a igualdade entre americanos e europeus, a representação proporcional à população, e por fim, a submissão igualitária de todos à Constituição e à lei.
Com a queda de Napoleão em 1814 e a formação da Santa Aliança, a restauração da monarquia teria lugar em toda a Europa, e também na Espanha. A Constituição de Cádiz cairia apenas dois anos depois de viger, com a volta do rei destituído. Os reis voltavam à política com poderes semelhantes aos do passado. Devido à guerra e ao curto período de vigência, especialistas afirmam terem existido poucos efeitos concretos das normas gaditanas sobre a sociedade nesses primeiros dois anos.
A história da norma espanhola não seria tão lembrada se tivesse vigido apenas esses dois anos iniciais. Através da vontade popular e do exército, a Constituição seria reposta em vigência para o chamado Triênio Liberal, entre 1820 e 1823. Nesse período a inspiração foi grande para todo o mundo ocidental: ela era a mais influente Constituição liberal vigendo na Europa. Os outros países haviam voltado a ser governados por monarcas centralizadores do poder político. O liberalismo que restava havia sido restringido na Europa. Na França, governava novamente um Bourbon, apesar das limitações impostas. Por sua história de criação e por ser um bastião de resistência liberal durante a restauração, o texto espanhol foi, então, admirado por outros revolucionários que buscavam os mesmos ideais. A Constituição de Cádiz, a partir desse momento, se tornaria um estandarte de liberdade e fonte de inspiração na busca por igualdade. Na Itália e em Portugal, ela seria mais do que um farol, seria proclamada Constituição, e foi fonte de influência profunda no início das vidas constitucionais desses países.
A influência da Constituição de Cádiz no Brasil foi motivada pela sua importância para o liberalismo durante o Triênio Liberal (1820 a 1823) – coincidente com os anos da independência e da elaboração da primeira Constituição no Brasil (1822 a 1824). A importância do texto espanhol para a história de Portugal e a Revolução de 1820 também foram fatores para que o texto fosse relevante nas origens da independência brasileira. Enquanto a ligação do Brasil com Portugal era forte, a enorme influência espanhola sobre os portugueses gerou efeitos também no Brasil.
Apesar da sua documentada história de influências sobre diversas nações ocidentais europeias e americanas, a Constituição de Cádiz é pouco estudada nos seus efeitos sobre a América Portuguesa. Esta é inspiração do presente trabalho: conhecer as normas liberais espanholas e analisar a extensão da sua influência sobre o Brasil. No primeiro capítulo é feito o estudo do contexto e do teor da Constituição de Cádiz. O escopo é apresentar de maneira sistemática todo o texto da Constituição – com seus trezentos e oitenta e quatro artigos, sendo os mais importantes transcritos nas referências para facilitar a consulta.
O método principal é a pesquisa qualitativa em fontes primárias históricas e em normas. Ao lado das fontes primárias, o acesso aos doutrinadores de Direito Constitucional e História do Direito são utilizados para contextualizar o ambiente e verificar os efeitos jurídicos sobre a norma na Europa.

Christopher Buck, “Plessy v. Ferguson.” Encyclopedia of African American History. Edited by Leslie Alexander & Walter Rucker. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2010. Pp. 959–963 (Vol. 3).

ABSRACT

In The Souls of Black Folk (1903), W. E. B. Du Bois wrote that the principle problem of the 20th century will be that of the color line. Being black was “strange” largely because of the estrangement between the races in America. The “color line” was drawn in bold by Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896). By keeping the Jim Crow status quo, Plessy deepened the racial divide. This is the notorious “separate but equal” case. Although not part of the decision verbatim, these three words, which accurately express the legal fiction of the Supreme Court’s ruling, gave legal sanction to Jim Crow segregation. Thus “separate but equal” equals “Jim Crow affirmed.”

This opinion is couched in legal language that requires an understanding of constitutional law to decode. The high court held that the separation of the races within states does not violate the Fourteenth Amendment, which had previously granted African Americans equal protection under the laws. The technical terms notwithstanding, the Court’s purport was patent. In black and white, Justice Henry Billings Brown kept blacks from whites. This bad result was “good law” for nearly six decades. It would take Brown v. the Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) to overrule Justice Brown. If, except for the Dred Scott case, Plessy was the worst Supreme Court ruling ever handed down, as Justice Harlan indicated in his dissent, then the Brown decision may rank as the greatest Supreme Court decision. To appreciate the greatness of Brown v. Board of Education, it is necessary to understand Plessy first.

Democracy is a process of progressive equalizing. It is a matter of degree. Mollified by democratic language and reasoning, nevertheless Plessy is a harsh and fundamentally undemocratic decision. More than undemocratic, it was antidemocratic because Plessy may be characterized as an antidemocratic reaction to the then-recent democratic reforms of Reconstruction (1865–1877).

Reconstruction was the nation’s first experiment in economic emancipation and interracial democracy. The three Reconstruction Amendments (the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments (1865, 1868, and 1870, respectively) established (legally but not factually) civil rights for all Americans. But the experiment failed; or rather, America failed the experiment. The reforms in- troduced by Reconstruction were being systematically dismantled in the South. For instance, the promise of “forty acres and a mule” was proclaimed by General William T. Sherman but never delivered by Congress. Reconstruction was progressive; Plessy was regressive. Plessy, in fact, was the ultimate deconstruction of Reconstruction—the final judicial nail in its historical coffin. Far worse were its social and historical consequences, for the decision legitimized legal segregation. Plessy was a pact with the devil of Jim Crow, and it legitimatized the American apartheid of systemic segregation.

Plessy’s “separate but equal” doctrine was an oxymoron. Yet, as the supreme law of the law, it held sway for well over a half-century. It would take the Brown decision to successfully overturn it. Brown v. Board of Edu- cation exposed the Plessy decision as a contradiction, ruling that “separate but equal” is inherently unequal.

The development of technology has become inevitable in almost every sphere. Over the years technology has permeated even in the defence technology. A dramatic transformation of war took place in the year 1945 with the development of nuclear weapons. Since then, there was no looking back. The nation states have come a long way with the development of gunpowder, nuclear weapons and now with the consideration of developing Lethal Autonomous Weapons System it has moved towards fourth phase of Industrial Revolution. The Lethal Autonomous Weapons System is considered to be such a system which is in the phase of an ongoing development in the field of military technology. However, the transformation in the conduct of wars is not without its detrimental effects. Also, the development of weapons takes place not because the nations are interested to develop, but because of the prestige and the deterrent theory. The development of such technologically advanced weapons which can identify, attack and destroy targets without human intervention is beyond the permissible limits of International Human Rights Law and the Constitutional Standards of Domestic Law. The paper condemns the development of such technologically advanced lethal autonomous weapons system as a conduct of war methodology. The author further emphasizes the limits of the International Law vis-à-vis the Constitutional limits of Domestic Law specifically, India.

This paper is intended to explain the South Korea legislation process and its comparative with Indonesian legislation process. Obtained from an interview conducted by the author with the political function of the Korean Embassy in Jakarta on December 2019.

Аннотация. Автором рассматривается вопрос правовой природы российской Конституции. Прово-дится диалектический анализ понятия «Основной закон» в действующей доктрине конституционного права, на основании чего делается вывод об отсутствии единого подхода к природе исследуемого объек-та. В процессе общетеоретического анализа системы законодательства Российской Федерации авто-ром выделяется ряд критериев, по которым понятие конституции отлично от понятий «закон» и «под-законный акт». Исходя из изложенного, делается вывод о несовершенстве теоретического осмысления правовой природы конституции в современной России, а также дается альтернативное определение этого понятия и его место в системе российского законодательства. Ключевые слова: Конституция, Основной закон, система российского законодательства, изменения Конституции, международные договоры, общественный договор, виды нормативных правовых актов. Abstract. The Author discusses the legal nature of the Russian Constitution. A dialectical analysis is made of the concept of " main law " in the current doctrine of constitutional law, based on which concludes that there is no single approach to the nature of the object. During the general theoretical analysis of the legal system of the Russian Federation, the Author identifies a number of criteria, which differ the concept of a constitution from the concepts of "law" and " sub-legislative act". Based on the above, a conclusion is made about the imperfection of theoretical understanding of the legal nature of the constitution in modern Russia, an alternative definition of this concept and its place in the system of Russian legislation is given.

Статья подготовлена на основании мониторинга решений, вынесенных судами общей
юрисдикции и арбитражными судами РФ в 2010–2012 гг., в которых суды ссылались на нормы Конституции
РФ. В статье обобщены и проанализированы ситуации непосредственного применения конституционных
норм и предложено решение ряда теоретических вопросов, связанных с прямым действием Конституции в
правовой системе Российской Федерации.
ГОСУДАРСТВО И ПРАВО, 2014, № 1, с. 45–55

Resumen: El resultado tangible de la primavera árabe en Marruecos es la reciente reforma constitucional de 1 de julio de 2011 cuyo alcance es limitado. El propósito de este artículo es analizar las demandas y propuestas de reforma de la Constitución sobre las cuestiones identitarias y regionales de algunos actores políticos marroquíes en este contexto autoritario: algunos de los partidos políticos más representativos, más otros partidos minoritarios, y diferentes movimientos sociales. El objetivo es ofrecer algunas claves explicativas del limitado alcance de la reforma constitucional desde la debilidad de algunos actores, y la moderación y autocontención de otros para poder incidir en la redefinición del nuevo pacto político.

Indian working women have treaded difficult paths to make a place of their own in their workplaces. Today, there are women achievers in each field. The social reformers of the past had played an important role in spreading education to empower women. The Constitution of India has provided positive discriminations for women. The Indian State has passed several laws and implemented policies to improve their condition. But, still, Indian women today face visible and invisible discriminations in their path. Working women even today have problems regarding inadequate and unclean toilets, sexual harassment in the workplace, unsafe roads, etc. This paper tries to paint a picture about the steps taken to improve the condition of women in the pre-independence period, international situation, role of the Indian State and the judiciary and the recommendations which may ease some of the problems faced by working women. Affirmative measures have attempted to narrow the gap between the two gender...

Si suole dire, con formula ispirata ad Aristotele, che lo Stato di diritto è quello in cui governano le leggi e non gli uomini, è lo stato limitato dal diritto. La formula è suggestiva ma, come si dirà, insufficiente di per sé a catturare la complessità di questa nozione e le controversie teoriche ed eticopolitiche che la contornano. Invero, non è affatto pacifico quali siano le caratteristiche che un'organizzazione statale deve possedere per essere considerata uno Stato di diritto e quali rapporti intercorrano tra questo ed altri modelli di Stato, in particolare lo Stato liberale, quello democratico e quello costituzionale. Per questa ragione nessuna trattazione del tema può essere neutrale, e neppure questa lo sarà.

Monografia dotyczy problemu legitymizacji działań władzy publicznej podejmowanych w obliczu zagrożenia, którego skala oraz szybkość eskalacji pozwala na stwierdzenie wystąpienia sytuacji nadzwyczajnej (public emergency). Praca ma odpowiedzieć na pytanie czy aktywność podejmowana w celu jej opanowania powinna zawsze znajdować podstawę w prawie pozytywnym, czy, przynajmniej w niektórych przypadkach, może opierać się na sytuacyjnej konieczności? Dogmatyczne nauki prawne nie dostarczają pełnej odpowiedzi na to pytanie. Traktują one zjawisko public emergency przede wszystkim jako tło dla analiz norm prawa pozytywnego. Niniejsza praca ma wyjaśnić, w jaki sposób reakcja organów państwa na sytuację nadzwyczajną wpisuje się w określoną filozofię prawa, warunkującą procesy jego tworzenia, stosowania i obowiązywania. Autor porusza szereg kwestii o charakterze metaprawnym. Szczególnym zagrożeniom publicznym towarzyszyć mogą kontrowersyjne działania legislacyjne, jak również rozwój aktywizmu sędziowskiego – stanowiącego wyraz współdziałania wymiaru sprawiedliwości z władzą wykonawczą lub, przeciwnie, zmierzającego do zapobieżenia nadużyciom tej władzy w szczególnych okolicznościach. Zmianie ulega sposób argumentacji prawniczej i metody wykładni. Zwiększa się skala występowania tzw. zdarzeń granicznych, które filozofia prawa zna i rozpatruje pod nazwą trudnych przypadków.

People with disabilities in Swaziland have over the years been at the receiving end of government developmental processes and service delivery, hence it is necessary that persons with disabilities be emancipated enough to be agents of their own course.

In Indian economic history, the GST is the biggest tax reform. As government revenues increase in terms of increased tax compliance and reduced tax evasion, the spillover outcomes of GST are immense, enabling tighter control and encouraging more precise monitoring than the conventional tax system. Increased government tax collections will provide scope for increased public spending in numerous social and physical development programmes, providing additional scope for the generation of jobs. Despite GST's tremendous potential for a higher growth trajectory of the Indian economy, however, numerous companies, sectors and exporters are currently facing enormous problems because of the same. “More than half of the respondents revealed that their post-GST adoption of company revenue has decreased, according to the report. With respect to the overall accountability situation within the GST network, the majority of respondents suggested that the system is less transparent. The process for compensation and the availability of laws and regulations was less straightforward. In the global consumer/indirect tax reforms, VAT/GST was a major breakthrough. GST is a value added tax which applies to the use of goods and services. Different indirect taxes, such as CST, VAT, service tax, etc., were levied prior to GST. All these taxes were clubbed under one GST head, as one nation with unified tax system.” The 122nd Indian Constitution amendment approved GST on 1 July 2017. The main reason for incorporation is expanding the tax base by reducing the tax rate pressure. In India, GST is categorised at two levels:-state (SGST) and federal taxation combination (CGST).

لقد جاء هذا المؤلف بمبادرة شخصية من الفقيد الأستاذ الدكتور محمد بوسلطان بدعوته لصفوة الأساتذة المختصين والخبراء في المجال الدستوري للتعليق على مواد القانون المشار إليه أعلاه مادة بمادة إيمانا منه أن الصلاحية الجديدة التي أنيط بها المجلس الدستوري لن تتحقق إلا بفهم وتبني آليات قانونية سليمة تحافظ على اختصاص وصلاحيات كل من الجهات القضائية التي يثار أمامها الدفع بعدم الدستورية والمجلس الدستوري من جهة، وتضمن من جهة أخرى حق الأفراد في حماية حقوقهم وحرياتهم. ولن أفيض هنا بالحديث عن هذه الآلية ذلك أن المؤلف كله هو بمثابة ميدان جرت فيه أقلام الأساتذة الباحثين والخبراء في هذا المجال.

The 18th Amendment to the constitution devolved education to the provinces and also inserted Article 25-A declaring it a fundamental right.  The provinces were now expected to impart universal education to all children between the ages of five and fifteen as it had now become obligatory under the constitution. There were seething debates in parliament between those who thought that this move would weaken the federation and undermine the sense of national identity rooted in religion and those who believed in the right of the people to choose the knowledge, ideas and understanding of the social universe they wanted to impart to their children. There was so much opposition to the decentralization of education that a Central Ministry was created in the name of vocational education and training to appease those who believed that the very basis of Pakistan would collapse with the devolution of education.

Par sa décision du 16 juillet 1971, le Conseil constitutionnel reconnaît la pleine valeur constitutionnelle de la liberté d’association et estime que le texte qui lui est déféré méconnaît cette liberté constitutionnelle. Ce faisant, il reconnaît que les principes fondamentaux reconnus par les lois de la République et plus largement les textes auxquels fait référence le Préambule de la Constitution de 1958 font partie du « bloc de constitutionnalité », ce qui accroît considérablement le nombre et la nature des normes de référence du contrôle de constitutionnalité. Déclarant l’inconstitutionnalité au fond d’une disposition législative ordinaire, il affirme son rôle de protecteur des droits fondamentaux et son indépendance à l’égard des pouvoirs exécutif et législatif. C’est dire le caractère fondateur de cette décision pour l’ensemble du contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois en France. À telle enseigne que certains la comparent à la décision historique de la Cour suprême américaine Marbury v. Madison de 1803, par laquelle a été institué le contrôle de la constitutionnalité des lois aux États-Unis. Si la comparaison paraît quelque peu excessive, il n’en demeure pas moins que la décision contient deux apports majeurs : l’extension des normes de référence du contrôle de constitutionnalité et la transformation du rôle du Conseil constitutionnel.

Sommaire:

I. L’extension des normes de référence du contrôle de constitutionnalité

A. Le Conseil constitutionnel, par la décision du 16 juillet 1971, inclut le Préambule de 1958 dans les normes de référence du contrôle de constitutionnalité.
B. En incluant le Préambule de 1958 dans les normes de référence du contrôle de constitutionnalité, le Conseil constitutionnel, par la décision du 16 juillet 1971, incorpore dans ces normes l’ensemble des normes auxquelles ce Préambule renvoie.

II. La transformation du rôle du Conseil constitutionnel

A. Le Conseil constitutionnel apparaît désormais comme un défenseur des droits et libertés.
B. La décision du 16 juillet 1971 accroît le rôle du Conseil constitutionnel dans les institutions.

Тази статия е посветена на конституционната аксиология разгледана като теория за конституционните ценности и конституционните принципи, като правна институционализация на ценностния конституционен консенсус и като практическо прилагане на конституционализирания морал.  Конституционната аксиология се представя като отворена и неавтономна система. Тя е отворена към метаюридически нормативни системи и е зависима от техните нормативни концепции и парадигми. Мрежовите отношения между основните конституционни ценности и принципи са отграничени от  йерархичните отношения между тях и секторните конституционни ценности и принципи. Изследвано е също отношението между аксиологията на националното конституционно право и аксиологията на наднационалния конституционализъм.

Статията е публикувана в сборник от конференция, организирана от НБУ с наименование "Законът на правото или правото на закона", С., 2017.

There is growing resentment of people against government which is visible from the ever growing number of litigations filed against government and government actions. This also indicates the mistrust of the people on the government's actions. It has caused due to lack of functional link between the ideology and functional policy of respective government. Articulation of cherished ideology and its circumferences will assist the functionaries to lay such functional policies in tune with the accepted policy of a State ( not of a Government). The political concept of 'Republic' is one of the one of the oldest political ideology, but its practice is eroding due to inconsistent understanding on it. To make 'Republicanism' as civic virtue, it is sine qua non to understand the same in existing Constitutional structure. People of India have declared to establish a Republic and Republicanism for themselves. This article is an endeavour towards that from Indian Constitutional law perspective. Concentration is on reading the modern perception of 'Republic' and linking the same with Indian Constitutional structure. In the present deliberation, the author candidly admits that he has refrained to examine the modern perception of 'Republic of India' from functional perspective of Indian Republic.

This article presents an introduction to constitutionalism which is regarded as the highest governing regulations and is the core of modern states. This article presents the development of the concept of constitutionalism through Western political changes in the 17th-20th centuries and showing the relationship of the concept of separation of powers in defining roles and limiting government power. There are 4 suggestions which are (1) The power of the government must be used through government officials. (2) The concept of separation of power requires rights and duties to government agencies by law enforcement (3) Dividing personal power to what extent government officials have the power and how to perform their duties, and (4) Allow the public to participate in the monitoring of the government powers.

In many European countries are being held constitutional debates. The search for a broader form of participation of all social forces with a new, so-called governance, the struggle for autonomy, regionalism and federalism, they all have different organizational models, but all follow - each in its way - a common goal: citizens want to be able to identify with their community better, they want to find – in an increasing globalized world - a new identity and the ability to participate, at the regional level, on the decision making process, or - to illustrate it in an emotionally loaded term - find a new home.
Also in Italy are held debates on a constitutional reform for years. After the war the Italian Constitution has been inspired by a great democratic and social challenge. But the structure of the state is very centralized. There exist regions but their competences have always been poor in the past. The five special regions with an autonomous statute play a particular role - they enjoy far-reaching autonomies. They are exceptions in this system and have to struggle for their authority.  South Tyrol in particular had to fight a long time for its autonomy.
Since the early eighties Italy has worked hard on its system to improve the role of the regions. In 2001 the parliament succeeded in creating a constitutional reform. Its improvements are projected directly onto the special statutes. Further reforms are under way. The constitutional court takes up a rather centralized standpoint. Nevertheless, the new constitution has increased the autonomies in Italy. A lot of that has, however, not been achieved in South Tyrol's long-lasting struggle for autonomy. Italy is still a long way from being a federal state, but it has taken an important step in that direction. The beginnings of federalism in Italy have also improved the autonomy of the special regions and the autonomy of South Tyrol and Trentino.

Deutsche Zusammenfassung
Die Verf-Diskussionen um neue Forme n demokratischer Teilhabe, der lange Weg Italiens vom Zentralstaat zu zaghaften föderalen Ansätzen, die direkten Eingriffe in das formal unveränderte Autonomiestatut: In vielen Ländern Europas finden Verf-Diskussionen statt. Die Suche nach einer breiteren Form der Beteiligung aller gesellschaftlichen Kräfte mittels einer neuen, sogenannten Governance, das Ringen um Autonomie, um Regionalismus und Föderalismus, sie alle stellen unterschiedliche Organisationsmodelle dar. Sie verfolgen aber alle – jedes auf seine Art - ein gemeinsames Ziel: Die Bürger wollen sich mit ihrem Gemeinwesen besser identifizieren können, sie wollen in einer immer größeren, globalisierten Welt, eine neue Identität und Entfaltungsmöglichkeit auf regionaler Ebene finden, mitwirken und mitentscheiden können, oder  - um es mit einem gefühlsbeladenen Ausdruck zu verdeutlichen - eine neue Heimat finden.
Auch in Italien finden seit Jahrzehnten Debatten um eine Reform der Verf statt. Die italienische Verf ist von einem großen demokratischen und sozialen Auftrag beseelt. Der Staatsaufbau allerdings ist zentralistisch. Es sind Regionen vorgesehen. Diese hatten aber wenige Zuständigkeiten. Eine Sonderrolle nehmen die fünf Regionen mit Sonderstatut ein. Sie verfügen über weitreichende Autonomien. Sie sind Ausnahmen vom System und müssen um ihren Wirkungsbereich kämpfen. Besonders lange dauerte das Ringen um die Autonomie in Südtirol.
Seit Beginn der 80er Jahre bemüht sich Italien um mehr Föderalismus. Im Jahre 2001 gelang eine Verf-Reform. Diese projiziert die Besserstellungen auch in die Sonderstatute. Weitere Reformen sind im Gang. Der VfGH nimmt mit seinen Auslegungen eine eher zentralistische Haltung ein. Trotzdem hat die neue Verf-Ordnung für die Autonomien wesentliche Erweiterungen gebracht. In den schwierigen Verhandlungen um die Südtiroler Autonomie konnte vieles davon nicht erreicht werden. Italien ist zwar noch weit davon entfernt, ein Bundesstaat zu sein, hat aber einen wichtigen Schritt in diese Richtung gesetzt. Damit hat der föderalistische Ansatz, der sich in Italien durchsetzen konnte, auch die Autonomie der Sonderregionen und die Autonomie Südtirols und des Trentino wesentlich erweitert.
In seinem Buch „Südtirols Autonomie und die Verfassungsreformen Italiens“ analysiert Peterlini die Auswirkungen der Verfassungsreformen auf die Südtirol Autonomie und beschreibt die bisher ungeschriebenen, aber in der Tat erfolgten Änderungen am Südtiroler Autonomiestatut. Wenn wir heute das Büchlein „Das neue Autonomiestatut“ in die Hand nehmen, das das Landespresseamt herausgibt, ist der Inhalt zwar formal das Statut von 1972, entspricht aber nicht mehr der realen Autonomie – betonten die Redner bei der Buchvorstellung. Peterlini hat nun, wie mit einem Projektor die Verfassungsreform von 2001 und die Verfassungsurteile in das Statut hinein projiziert, die neuen Zuständigkeiten herauskristallisiert und ergänzt, genauso wie die neuen Verfahren für die Gesetzgebung des Südtiroler Landtages. Wer also das Autonomiestatut in seiner neuesten Fassung lesen will, auch das was nicht geschrieben steht, aber gültig ist, was praktisch hineinprojiziert  werden muss, findet im Buch Peterlinis die neueste Fassung der Autonomie, betonte Durnwalder.


Sintesi in Italiano
Il libro esamina il lungo cammino istituzionale e le riforme costituzionali in Italia e i loro riflessi sugli Statuti speciali e in particolare sull'autonomia dell'Alto Adige. Analizza le tappe più importanti dell’Italia da un assetto centralista verso un approccio con principi federali, gli effetti e le modifiche non scritte inserite di riflesso nello Statuto speciale del Trentino Alto Adige.
La Costituzione Italiana nell’enunciazione delle libertà fondamentali, dei diritti e doveri dei cittadini, nei rapporti etici - sociali, economici e politici e nella partecipazione agli organi istituzionali è ispirata da una grande missione democratica e sociale. Al contrario invece l’assetto istituzionale dello Stato come previsto dai Padri Costituenti nel 1948 aveva e ha bisogno di una modernizzazione per tenere il passo con gli Stati più avanzati. L’assetto era fortemente centralistico. Erano bensì previste le Regioni, però con poche attribuzioni e per lungo tempo non furono attuate.  Una posizione particolare rivestono le cinque Regioni a statuto speciale. Esse dispongono di un’ampia autonomia, ma rappresentano comunque un’eccezione all’interno del sistema e si trovano pertanto in una permanente situazione di conflitto con lo Stato centrale per la conservazione delle proprie competenze. Nel caso dell’Alto Adige/Südtirol questo conflitto è durato particolarmente a lungo.

Nel suo libro „Südtirols Autonomie und die Verfassungsreformen Italiens“ (L‘Autonomia dell‘Alto Adige e le riforme costituzionali in Italia) Peterlini illustra l'impatto delle riforme costituzionali sull'autonomia del Trentino Alto Adige e descrive le innovazioni nello Statuto, non ancora scritte, ma in realtà in vigore in base alle riforme costituzionali.0
“Se prendiamo in mano l’opuscolo “Il nuovo Statuto di autonomia”, edito dalla Provincia, troviamo che il contenuto rispecchia formalmente il testo dello Statuto del 1972, ma in verità non corrisponde all’autonomia reale” – sottolineò il Presidente Durnwalder. Peterlini pertanto irradiò come con un proiettore le innovazioni costituzionali e le sentenze della Corte nello Statuto, cristallizzando e aggiungendo le nuove competenze e procedure per la legislazione del Consiglio regionale e provinciale. Chi vuole leggere lo Statuto nella sua versione più attuale, anche quello che non è scritto ma è in vigore, trova nel libro di Peterlini lo Statuto in forma aggiornata, aggiunse Durnwalder.


Keywords:

Autonomie / Autonomiestatut / Föderalismus / Governance / Italien / Regionalismus / Regionen / Sonderstatut / Südtirol / Südtirol Paket / Trentino / Verf / Verfassungsreform / Zentralismus / Zuständigkeiten / Steuerföderalismus

Alto Adige / Autonomy / Autonomy Statute / Centralism / Competences / Constitution / Constitutional Reform / Federalism / Fiscal Federalism / Governance / Italy / Package for South Tyrol / Region / Regionalism / Special Statute / Special Autonomy / South-Tyrol / Trentino

Autonomia / Statuto di Autonomia / Statuto speciale / Federalismo / Governance / Italia / Regionalismo / Regionalismo / Statuto speciale Trentino Alto Adige / Alto Adige / Südtirol / Pacchetto / Trentino / Costituzione / Riforma costituzionale / Centralismo / Sussidiarietà / Federalismo fiscale

A omissão inconstitucional é um tema desafiador. Este trabalho é dedicado a revisar os pressupostos de sua configuração, buscando explicar a possibilidade de a omissão implicar um estado de coisas inconstitucional. Presente violação massiva de direitos fundamentais decorrente de omissões caracterizadas como falhas estruturais, a Corte Constitucional colombiana declara a vigência de um estado de coisas inconstitucional. Ao assim decidir, a Corte passa a adotar remédios estruturais dirigidos a superar esse quadro negativo. Defendo aqui essa proposta como uma possibilidade para o Brasil e a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Trata-se, sem dúvida, de exemplo de ativismo judicial em sua dimensão estrutural. Todavia, esse comportamento judicial pode ser legítimo se presentes os pressupostos próprios do estado de coisas inconstitucional e o Tribunal formular decisões flexíveis, determinando a formulação e implementação de políticas públicas, mas deixando aos poderes políticos a tarefa de definir o conteúdo e os meios dessas políticas. O sistema carcerário brasileiro é exemplo de um estado de coisas inconstitucional que requer intervenção judicial da espécie.

There is growing resentment of people against government which is visible from the ever growing number of litigations filed against government and government actions. This also indicates the mistrust of the people on the government's actions. It has caused due to lack of functional link between the ideology and functional policy of respective government. Articulation of cherished ideology and its circumferences will assist the functionaries to lay such functional policies in tune with the accepted policy of a State ( not of a Government). The political concept of 'Republic' is one of the one of the oldest political ideology, but its practice is eroding due to inconsistent understanding on it. To make 'Republicanism' as civic virtue, it is sine qua non to understand the same in existing Constitutional structure. People of India have declared to establish a Republic and Republicanism for themselves. This article is an endeavour towards that from Indian Constitution...

In 2008, Ecuador became the first country in history to guarantee rights to nature, in its new constitution. This article tells the story of this extraordinary moment in constitutional history, presenting a detailed description of how these rights came about, why they appeared when and where they did, and what they mean to those concerned with this innovation.

社科法學乃蘇永欽教授所提出「法學的想像」中的四個道標之一，並倡議一種社
科法學與法釋（教）義學相輔相成的「輔助命題」。然此命題對法釋（教）義學
外的其他法學思維則似未提及。而致力社科法學此一研究取徑的張永健教授，則
以吾人最為熟知的比例原則為目標，提出一「取代命題」：以成本效益分析取代
比例原則。

為反對「取代命題」，本文試圖指出作為法學思維的比例原則肩負了正確性與拘
束性的雙重任務，並從一虛擬案例出發，指出「純粹」的成本效益分析似未對拘
束性任務與以承受。藉當代英美分析法理學的論述展示拘束性之意義後，本文進
而將之以形式原則理解，並探討比例原則以何種可能方式安置了拘束性此一特性。

Ky punim ka si qëllim të analizojë kontrollin gjyqësor të amendamenteve kushtetuese në Republikën e Shqipërisë, duke u bazuar jo vetëm në parashikimet e së drejtës, jurisprudencës dhe qëndrimeve të studiuesve të brendshëm, por duke marrë në konsideratë edhe parashikimet kryesore të sistemeve të ndryshme ndërkombëtare të së drejtës, duke paraqitur tendecat kryesore që evidentohen ndërkombëtarisht lidhur me kontrollin gjyqësor të amendamenteve kushtetuese, në funksion të analizimit sa më të plotë të kontrollit gjyqësor të amendamenteve kushtetuese në vendin tonë. Nëpërmjet kësaj analize evidentohen kompetencat e Gjykatës Kushtetuese të Shqipërisë lidhur me kontrollin e amendamenteve kushtetuese gjatë periudhave të ndryshme të zhvillimit të së drejtës, duke filluar nga viti 1992.

El texto "Los derechos humanos en el marxismo jurídico. Análisis crítico para una revisión de las concepciones teóricas de los derechos humanos en Cuba" hace una revisión teórica de cómo se conciben los ddhh en el marxismo jurídico, sobre todo en el iusmarxismo ortodoxo ecléctico, teorías elaboradas a partir de los años sesenta del siglo XX en el socialismo real. Estos son los aparatos teóricos que arriban a Cuba desde los años sesenta y condicionan la elaboración de toda su institucionalidad jurídica en los años setenta (Constitución de 1976). El iusmarxismo ortodoxo, que he denominado ecléctico permea la elaboración teórica, regulaciones y conformación de toda la estructura institucional cubana. El trabajo ilustra estos conceptos, pensando las regulaciones cubanas actuales (2016) y realizando una crítica de lo que se debe modificar y de lo que es rescatable en las mismas.

Final point:
"Although the constitutional bill did not survive opposition from political and academic elites, theoretically it can still be used as the basis for a new Icelandic constitution by any future government that chooses to do so. If this happens, its novelty should not be underestimated. Even if changes are made in individual chapters and articles, the fact remains that the draft submitted to the Icelandic Parliament by the CC was the result of audacious and original thinking, which should inspire and influence the way we think about constitutions and how they should be written."