Colour blindness

The rate of visual impairment has been on a steady increase with several implicating factors. This has led to a more detailed attention in the trend of occurrence of visual defects and diagnosis. Among several reports, it has been recorded that medical students tend to have the most reported visual defects among other professions. Medical schools at Singapore, Taiwan, Denmark and Norway showed prevalence of eye defects among their students at the rate of 89.8%, 90%, 50% and 50.3% respectively. This study therefore aimed at recognizing the prevalence of common eye defects such as myopia, hypermetropia, colour blindness (daltonism) and astigmatism as well as identifying various factors responsible for the occurrence of these visual defects. A total of 200 medical students (aged 14 to above 40 years) in Dominica were examined. Refractive error and colour blindness were checked by using standard rudimentary tests. Additional demographical data was obtained through self-administered questionnaire. Among the students tested, 49.5% presented with at least one eye

The contemporary gene-centric model of colour and colour blindness still owes much to John Dalton's (1794) standard framing of the topic. The contemporary model defines colour blindness as a defect or aberration or error of underlying 'pigments' in the retina of the eye. I shall suggest instead that networks of historical-technological constitution account for those features. That is, gene-centric colour and colour blindness belong to a particular grammar of reality. When Wittgenstein talks about colour and colour blindness he is also inadvertently caught in this self-same grammar. I shall be arguing instead that colour and colour blindness belong to a whole body of thought which has been crafted so as to avoid acknowledging the regimes that sustain its legitimacy and the legitimacy of the describers. In particular I shall concentrate on Dalton's role in establishing these regimes. Science transforms the phenomenal world into observable and measurable data. Its putative way of knowing comprises a dynamic interplay between four key elements: Observation and experiment, hypothesis, law and theory. All sciences claim to be descriptive as they aim to make accurate, objective observations and classify the results. Observation and experiment establish the facts of science's raw data. After observation and experiment have established the facts, the scientist creates a hypothesis, a general rule that describes the facts. A hypothesis is a kind of educated guess that must be tested further. If it passes testing – that is, if it continues to describe the facts coherently – then it's promoted to scientific law. A theory makes sense of and explains a vast body of scientific knowledge, including both laws and the facts dependent on the laws. Science can thus be described as an unending process of growth and mutation according to the framework of the discourse of a given time. Scientific evolution progresses in two distinct directions: On the one hand, due to technological innovations, new knowledge systems are added to the existing corpus. Scientific disciplines, however, also undergo profound changes within themselves. Kuhn describes this not as a gradual but an abrupt process propelled by shifting paradigms. A paradigm is defined as coherent system of values and norms that shape the scientific framework by which reality is analysed. In contrast to Kuhn, Lakatos argued that several theories exist simultaneously. His umbrella unit is not a paradigm but a research programme which is characterized by a hard core of solid scientific facts. Lakatos' research programme progresses on an empirical or theoretical growth-based evolution. Finally, Feyerabend specifies that universal standards are unnecessary in judging the scientific body: …an absence of 'objective' standards does not mean less work; it means that scientists have to check all ingredients of their trade and not only those which philosophers and establishment scientists regard as characteristically scientific. Scientists

Today, European societies are often described as superdiverse, in order to define the ethnic, cultural and religious pluralism that results from decades of immigration. Simultaneously, Europe appears to be evermore polarized in its approach to migration and diversity. Xenophobic currents in political and public debates gain presence across the continent, while anti-racist actors and critical
scholars increasingly focus on racialization as the producer of inequalities and injustice. The awareness that experiences of racism and discrimination seriously harm the sense of belonging of those affected by it, and also reduce the opportunities to enjoy social mobility and quality of life for many immigrants and minoritized people, is increasing in both academia and the civil society. However, there is also a persistent unwillingness to talk about the racial dimensions of the disadvantage and social exclusion that disproportionally affect immigrants, their descendants and other racialized groups. Race as a concept has been viable in Anglo-Saxon scholarship for a long time, but much less so in the European context, where it was largely replaced by the broader and less specific term “ethnicity” in the aftermath of the Second World War and the painful unravelling
of what barbarism Nazi racialization led to. However, as Alana Lentin has argued, the European silence about race has allowed European states to declare themselves officially non-racist, while, at the same time, continuing to imply an inherent European superiority in which Europeanness presupposes whiteness.
This volume enquires about how racialization shapes European societies and the lives of people affected by it in myriad ways. It provides a powerful collection of new publications by scholars who, through their empirical research, contribute to placing race and racialization studies at the forefront of European academia.

After the Council for the Administration of Criminal Justice and Protection of Juveniles published its policy advice to the Dutch government to stop intercountry adoptions in late 2016, a new movement of adoptees emerged. In this thesis, I turn to queer theory to critically reflect upon this new adoptee movement on a primarily theoretical and conceptual level. Taking a Foucauldian biopolitical framework, I first conceptualize how the Dutch self-perception as a white nation—an imagined genetic community—informs a biopolitical discourse of social belonging based on origin. Based on previous scholarship, I then show how a discourse of neoliberal colour-blindness comes to facilitate the dynamics of this biopolitical discourse of social belonging, deploying mechanisms of assimilation and roots-essentialism. I subsequently apply this conceptual analysis to contemporary Dutch adoptee politics to show how certain activist aims and strategies tie into these normalizing mechanisms of assimilation and roots-essentialism. Then, I turn to the work of David Eng, to demonstrate how his concept of queer diaspora provides an answer to queer liberalism, which is very similar to neoliberal colour-blindness. I take up the psychoanalytical underpinnings of queer diaspora, most notably the concept of racial melancholia, to re-interpret contemporary Dutch adoptee politics. Subsequently, I re-interpret the concept of racial melancholia itself by considering the common conflation of race and ethnicity. I show that such a re-interpretation suggests a strategy that entails building communities to bridge the gap between adoptees of colour and non-adopted people of colour. Finally, I turn to the work of José Esteban Muñoz to show how John McLeod’s concept of adoptive being can be read as a strategy of disidentification, not least because disidentification and adoptive being build on racial melancholia in a similar fashion. I conclude by formulating several brief thoughts on how disidentification constitutes a promising strategy for an adoptee politics that aims to question the racial norms of neoliberal multiculturalism and colour-blindness.

This paper suggests that reference to phenomenal qualities is best understood as involving iconicity, that is, a passage from sign-vehicle to object that exploits a similarity between the two. This contrasts with a version of the ‘phenomenal concept strategy’ that takes indexicality to be central. However, since it is doubtful that phenomenal qualities are capable of causally interacting with anything, indexical reference seems inappropriate. While a theorist like David Papineau is independently coming to something akin to iconicity, I think some of the awkwardness that plagues his account would be remedied by transitioning to a more inclusive philosophy of signs.

Amidst the re-emergence of xenophobia and racial exclusion in Europe, one particular form of immigration from outside Europe is still widely accepted: transnational adoption. The lives and experiences of transnational adoptees in Europe are, however, not without any obstacles. In this paper, I will analyze how the lived experiences of transnational adoptees, and in particular adoptees who are also transracially adopted, are heavily influenced by the social and political structures of neoliberalism, political racelessness, and modernity in Northern and Western Europe. I will analyze how this connection is characterized by the forced assimilation of transracial adoptees as people of colour within an overwhelmingly white social environment, how the relatively recent discourse of multiculturalism ties into this, and how this takes away adoptees' political agency as adoptees. To start with, however, I will first briefly discuss the previous research on racialization and sexualization of adoptees of colour and provide an overview of the concepts that I will draw upon in this paper.

è u n a b e n p o v e r a m e m o r i a q u e l l a c h e f u n z i o n a s o l o a l l ' i n d i e t r o q u e s t o v e l ' h o d e t to t r e v o l t e e p e r c i ò è v e r o s o n o s u u n a m o n t a g n a r u s s a c h e v a s o l o i n s a l i t a h a d e t t o e d è m i o p r i v i l e g i o e m i a r e s p o n s a b i l i t à s a l i r e f i n o i n c i m a c o n t e h o d e t t o i o c r e d i c h e s i a t o t a l m e n t e a s s u r d o c e r c a r e d i d a r s i u n p o' d a f a r e n o n c e r c h i a m o h o d e t t o f a c c i a m o e b a s t a q ui d e v i c o r r e r e p i ù c h e p u o i p e r r e s t a r e n e l l o s t e s s o p o s t o s e v u o i a n d a r e d a q u a l c h e a l t r a p a r t e d e v i c o r r e r e a l m e n o i l d o p p i o o g n i c o s a h a l a s u a m o r a l e s e s i s a t r o v a r l a p o v e r o m e p o v e r o m e a r r i v e r ò i n r i t a r d o u n o m a i o n o n v o g l i o a n d a r e f r a i m a t t i o s s e r v ò a l i c e b e' n o n h a i a l t r a s c e l t a d i s s e i l g a t t o q u i s i a m o t u t t i m a t t i i o s o n o m a t t o t u s e i m a t t a c o m e l o s a i c h e s o n o m a t t a d i s s e a l i c e p e r f o r z a d i s s e i l g a t t o a l t r i m e n t i n o n s a r e s t i v e n u t a q u i b a d a a l s e n s o e i s u o n i b a d e r a n n o a s é s t e s s i è u n a b e n p o v e r a m e m o r i a q u e l l a c h e f u n z i o n a s o l o a l l ' i n d i e t r o q u e s t o v e l ' h o d e t to t r e v o l t e e p e r c i ò è v e r o s o n o s u u n a m o n t a g n a r u s s a c h e v a s o l o i n s a l i t a h a d e t t o e d è m i o p r i v i l e g i o e m i a r e s p o n s a b i l i t à s a l i r e f i n o i n c i m a c o n t e h o d e t t o i o c r e d i c h e s i a t o t a l m e n t e a s s u r d o c e r c a r e d i d a r s i u n p o' d a f a r e n o n c e r c h i a m o h o d e t t o f a c c i a m o e b a s t a q ui d e v i c o r r e r e p i ù c h e p u o i p e r r e s t a r e n e l l o s t e s s o p o s t o s e v u o i a n d a r e d a q u a l c h e a l t r a p a r t e d e v i c o r r e r e a l m e n o i l d o p p i o o g n i c o s a h a l a s u a m o r a l e s e s i s a t r o v a r l a p o v e r o m e p o v e r o m e a r r i v e r ò i n r i t a r d o u n o m a i o n o n v o g l i o a n d a r e f r a i m a t t i o s s e r v ò a l i c e b e' n o n h a i a l t r a s c e l t a d i s s e i l g a t t o q u i s i a m o t u t t i m a t t i i o s o n o m a t t o t u s e i m a t t a c o m e l o s a i c h e s o n o m a t t a d i s s e a l i c e p e r f o r z a d i s s e i l g a t t o a l t r i m e n t i n o n s a r e s t i v e n u t a q u i b a d a a l s e n s o e i s u o n i b a d e r a n n o a s é s t e s s iè u n a b e n p o v e r a m e m o r i a q u e l l a c h e f u n z i o n a s o l o a l l ' i n d i e t r o q u e s t o v e l ' h o d e t to t r e v o l t e e p e r c i ò è v e r o s o n o s u u n a m o n t a g n a r u s s a c h e v a s o l o i n s a l i t a h a d e t t o e d è m i o p r i v i l e g i o e m i a r e s p o n s a b i l i t à s a l i r e f i n o i n c i m a c o n t e h o d e t t o i o c r e d i c h e s i a t o t a l m e n t e a s s u r d o c e r c a r e d i d a r s i u n p o' d a f a r e n o n c e r c h i a m o h o d e t t o f a c c i a m o e b a s t a q ui d e v i c o r r e r e p i ù c h e p u o i p e r r e s t a r e n e l l o s t e s s o p o s t o s e v u o i a n d a r e d a q u a l c h e a l t r a p a r t e d e v i c o r r e r e a l m e n o i l d o p p i o o g n i c o s a h a l a s u a m o r a l e s e s i s a t r o v a r l a p o v e r o m e p o v e r o m e a r r i v e r ò i n r i t u n o m a i o n o n v o g l i o a n d a r e f r a i m a t t i o s s e r v ò a l i c e b e' n o n h a i a l t r a s c e l t a d i s s e i l g a t t o q u i s i a m o t u t t i m a t t i i o s o n o m a t t o t u s e i m a t t a c o m e l o s a i c h e s o n o m a t t a d i s s e a l i c e p e r f o r z a d i s s e i l g a t t o a l t r i m e n t i n o n s a r e s t i v e n u t a q u i b a d a a l s e n s o e i s u o n i b a d e r a n n o a s é s t e s s iè u n a b e n p o v e r a m e m o r i a q u e l l a c h e f u n z i o n a s o l o a l l ' i n d i e t r o q u e s t o v e l ' h o d e t to t r e v o l t e e p e r c i ò è v e r o s o n o s u u n a m o n t a g n a r u s s a c h e v a s o l o i n s a l i t a h a d e t t o e d è m i o p r i v i l e g i o e m i a r e s p o n s a b i l i t à s a l i r e f i n o i n c i m a c o n t e h o d e t t o i o c r e d i c h e s i a t o t a l m e n t e a s s u r d o c e r c a r e d i d a r s i u n p o' d a f a r e n o n c e r c h i a m o h o d e t t o f a c c i a m o e b a s t a q ui d e v i c o r r e r e p i ù c h e p u o i p e r r e s t a r e n e l l o s t e s s o p o s t o s e v u o i a n d a r e d a q u a l c h e a l t r a p a r t e d e v i c o r r e r e a l m e n o i l d o p p i o o g n i c o s a h a l a s u a m o r a l e s e s i s a t r o v a r l a p o v e r o m e p o v e r o m e a r r i v e r ò i n r i t a r d o u n o m a i o n o n v o g l i o a n d a r e f r a i m a t t i o s s e r v ò a l i c e b e' n o n h a i a l t r a s c e l t a d i s s e i l g a t t o q u i s i a m o t u t t i m a t t i i o s o n o m a t t o t u s e i m a t t a c o m e l o s a i c h e s o n o m a t t a d i s

Reviews of modern productions of Marlowe’s Tamburlaine often note a three-hundred-year hiatus between a recorded performance in 1641, just before the closing of the theatres, and Tyrone Guthrie’s revival at the Old Vic in 1951. While the statement is mostly true with respect to Marlowe’s play, Tamerlane or Timūr Lenk and the Ottoman emperor Bayazid I (Marlowe’s Bajazeth) had important theatrical incarnations in the 1700s before they declined into parody in the 1800s. When Marlowe’s play was revived in the modern era, the main characters reclaimed their dignity, but they also acquired markers of racial, ethnic, or religious otherness that had not been prominent earlier. Timūr’s (and Bayazid’s) varied theatrical representations illustrate the malleability of iconic cultural figures, the sometimes problematic emphasis on ethnic difference in modern theatrical practice, and the challenges and opportunities of cross-racial casting.

The early promises of a unified South Africa as a rainbow nation after its first democratic election in 1994 and a breakaway from minority rule, has certainly in its delivery, in the main, been forgotten, side-lined, faded or adjusted, 27 years on. A major part of the country’s centuries-old colonial history, Apartheid history and post-Apartheid/democratic
history have always been intertwined with race. In 1994, the democratically-elected tripartite alliance – the African National Congress (ANC), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) – introduced
legislative measures to eradicate racism. One research participant for this book chapter (P4, Camissa, identifying as female) reflected on the promise:

“I was so excited that I was finally going to be considered a full human… at work, in the shops, on the road, when travelling… without the accompanying filters through which other people viewed me. I believed that there would be no more racism… I could get any job, if I was qualified for it. I could live anywhere, if I could afford it. I could go to
museums and restaurants with other people, if I paid for it. I could openly date and marry people from other races, if I was in love and inclined to do so. The stares would stop. The suspicion would stop. I could stop pretending… I could be me and be accepted for being me”.

In addition to scrapping the Apartheid legislation, an extensive policy and legal framework was developed to promote affirmative action in education, employment, sport and other areas of life, including a far-reaching programme of Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE). B-BBEE has attempted to move diversity from being a political ideal to a practical business mandate. The belief in the end of racism in the nation, as well as the promise of a non-racial society, have endured in the minds of many citizens, however researchers and writers have, over the years, highlighted some of the enduring social, political and economic obstacles to the development of a mature, non-racial democracy in South Africa. These include low levels of industrialisation; poor public service delivery; ailing state-owned enterprises; widespread poverty; high levels of unemployment; violence; homelessness; weakened governance structures, particularly at municipality levels; considerable inequality in the distribution of wealth; skewed land
ownership; low skills levels of the majority of the population; and a low educational level of large segments of the population. These latter issues are not the substantive focus of this chapter however, as they have been extensively explored and written about in relation to race, and are still being written about by researchers and journalists alike. Instead, this chapter will seek to shine a light on the less-mentioned aspects of racism in South Africa, specifically the changing narratives and therefore outworking of racism, and the resulting psychological and behavioural effects on those who reside in the country.

This article argues that judicial compassion is descriptively and analytically useful in thinking about the relationship between courts and disability rights in India. Against the tendency to dismiss judicial compassion as either opposed to the rule of law, or demeaning of the disabled, the article suggests, that we assess it more favourably, for two reasons. First, compassion, on some philosophical and legal theoretical accounts, improves the quality of legal reasoning. Second, compassion allows judges to address gaps in the statutory framework for disability rights. These interventions are executed through the category of colour blindness, which is both a metaphor for the law's presumed dispassionate objectivity and an embodied state capable of evoking emotions in legal actors.

This research is a Practice led research. It is made of two parts. First some experimental art paintings were made by the artist, based on abstract style, and using colors expressing various emotional feelings. These art paintings are made with power of human feelings and with the spiritual concentration to express these feelings especially into colors. These art paintings are made with the intention to express and also to transfer the spiritual mood of the concept in each case, to the viewers of art and the users of the final product. Next, these art paintings are being used to design textile prints that will keep, and even exaggerate these human emotional factors, that would provide emotional semantics to the users of the product. The designer of the textile prints will consider the slight differences between the colors on the canvas of the paintings, and the colors on the computer screens, and also the final colors on the output fabric material. The designer and the artist will also consider in the computer stage of design the differences of perception of colors between humans in order to avoid any wrong interpret of color that might lead to expressing a different mood, semantic massage, to the user. This experiment will include a final comparison between the colors in the art paintings and the colors on the final textile print products to measure how accurate the stages of production.

What is the experience of someone who is “colour-blind” like? This paper presents the results of a study that uses qualitative research methods to better understand the lived experience of colour blindness. Participants were asked to describe their experiences of a variety of coloured stimuli, both with and without EnChroma glasses—glasses which, the manufacturers claim, enhance the experience of people with common forms of colour blindness. More generally, the paper provides a case study in the nascent field of experimental philosophy of experience.

What color were the favorite by the Incas?
The Incas combine colors?
Will we be able to decipher the signs tokapu if we know about the color?
What colors did not see the Spaniards?
Pedro de Cieza de Leon and Pachakuti Yamki Yupanqui were color-blind?
Why was used a color naranjado by Guaman Poma de Ayala and nobody others?

coming soon... ;)

The table of color perception by the Incas according to historical documents (in Russian) - https://www.academia.edu/11813431/The_table_of_color_perception_by_the_Incas_according_to_historical_documents_in_Russian_

Summary Background To contribute to the WHO initiative, VISION 2020: The Right to Sight, an assessment of global vision impairment in 2020 and temporal change is needed. We aimed to extensively update estimates of global vision loss burden, presenting estimates for 2020, temporal change over three decades between 1990–2020, and forecasts for 2050. Methods We did a systematic review and meta-analysis of population-based surveys of eye disease from January, 1980, to October, 2018. Only studies with samples representative of the population and with clearly defined visual acuity testing protocols were included. We fitted hierarchical models to estimate 2020 prevalence (with 95% uncertainty intervals [UIs]) of mild vision impairment (presenting visual acuity ≥6/18 and <6/12), moderate and severe vision impairment (<6/18 to 3/60), and blindness (<3/60 or less than 10° visual field around central fixation); and vision impairment from uncorrected presbyopia (presenting near vision ...

Summary
Background To contribute to the WHO initiative, VISION 2020: The Right to Sight, an assessment of global vision
impairment in 2020 and temporal change is needed. We aimed to extensively update estimates of global vision loss
burden, presenting estimates for 2020, temporal change over three decades between 1990–2020, and forecasts
for 2050.
Methods We did a systematic review and meta-analysis of population-based surveys of eye disease from January, 1980,
to October, 2018. Only studies with samples representative of the population and with clearly defined visual acuity
testing protocols were included. We fitted hierarchical models to estimate 2020 prevalence (with 95% uncertainty
intervals [UIs]) of mild vision impairment (presenting visual acuity ≥6/18 and <6/12), moderate and severe vision
impairment (<6/18 to 3/60), and blindness (<3/60 or less than 10° visual field around central fixation); and vision
impairment from uncorrected presbyopia (presenting near vision <N6 or <N8 at 40 cm where best-corrected distance
visual acuity is ≥6/12). We forecast estimates of vision loss up to 2050.
Findings In 2020, an estimated 43·3 million (95% UI 37·6–48·4) people were blind, of whom 23·9 million (55%;
20·8–26·8) were estimated to be female. We estimated 295 million (267–325) people to have moderate and severe
vision impairment, of whom 163 million (55%; 147–179) were female; 258 million (233–285) to have mild vision
impairment, of whom 142 million (55%; 128–157) were female; and 510 million (371–667) to have visual impairment
from uncorrected presbyopia, of whom 280 million (55%; 205–365) were female. Globally, between 1990 and 2020,
among adults aged 50 years or older, age-standardised prevalence of blindness decreased by 28·5% (–29·4 to –27·7)
and prevalence of mild vision impairment decreased slightly (–0·3%, –0·8 to –0·2), whereas prevalence of moderate
and severe vision impairment increased slightly (2·5%, 1·9 to 3·2; insufficient data were available to calculate this
statistic for vision impairment from uncorrected presbyopia). In this period, the number of people who were blind
increased by 50·6% (47·8 to 53·4) and the number with moderate and severe vision impairment increased by 91·7%
(87·6 to 95·8). By 2050, we predict 61·0 million (52·9 to 69·3) people will be blind, 474 million (428 to 518) will have
moderate and severe vision impairment, 360 million (322 to 400) will have mild vision impairment, and 866 million
(629 to 1150) will have uncorrected presbyopia.
Interpretation Age-adjusted prevalence of blindness has reduced over the past three decades, yet due to population
growth, progress is not keeping pace with needs. We face enormous challenges in avoiding vision impairment as the
global population grows and ages.

When color is a vibranting string: finding operational invariants used by blind students in a interation between physical objects Resumo O presente trabalho apresenta os resultados de uma entrevista clínica realizada com uma estudante adolescente cega. Utilizamos, como instrumento de mediação, uma maquete que simulava a dispersão da luz branca por meio do uso de cordas de guitarra de diferentes densidades lineares. A estudante pode interagir com a maquete durante todo o tempo, o que contribuiu para que ela construísse uma representação do fenômeno a partir das diferentes vibrações das cordas. Nosso quadro teórico para a análise foi a Teoria dos Campos Conceituais e, por meio dela, buscamos os invariantes operatórios utilizados pela estudante durante a sua interação com a maquete. Nosso principal achado foi a identificação feita pela estudante de que cada cor pode ser compreendida por uma vibração específica em uma corda de guitarra. Abstract This paper presents the results of a clinical interview with a blind teenage student. We used, as a mediating instrument, a model that simulates the dispersion of white light through different linear densities guitar strings. The student can interact with the model all the time, which contributed to her constructing a representation of the phenomenon from the different vibrations of the strings. Our theoretical framework for the analysis was the Conceptual Fields Theory and, through it, we looked for the operational invariants used by the student during his interaction with the model. Our main finding was the identification made by the student that each color can be modeled by a specific vibration in a guitar string.

El daltonismo es una alteración en la visión cromática en la que se da una pérdida de sensibilidad o una ausencia de determinados tipos de conos, que son las células fotosensibles de la retina responsables de la visión del color. La ausencia de uno de los tres tipos de fotorreceptores se denomina protanopsia (falta el cono rojo), deuteranopsia (falta el verde) o tritanopsia (falta el azul). La incidencia del daltonismo en la población varía considerablemente por sexos: en los hombres es un 8%, mientras que en las mujeres es un 0,5%. 
La prevalencia de esta modalidad de visión hace que sea un tema ineludible en el campo de la enseñanza universitaria de Bellas Artes, en especial en el ámbito de la pintura, donde el manejo del color resulta esencial en muchas asignaturas. Si se pretenden una enseñanza inclusiva y un enfoque que tenga en cuenta las particularidades individuales que condicionan el proceso de aprendizaje, es necesario tomar en cuenta este especial modo de percibir el color. Sin embargo, tanto entre el alumnado como entre el profesorado, no hay una clara consciencia de este problema y de las necesidades que acarrea.
Por ello resulta de utilidad estudiar el impacto de este tipo de percepción en la enseñanza-aprendizaje universitario de Bellas Artes y realizar una guía docente que pueda orientar tanto al profesorado como al alumnado para optimizar la comunicación cromática entre el profesorado y el alumnado y para que sean tenidas en cuenta las particularidades de la percepción daltónica en el diseño de las tareas y en su evaluación. En particular, no se trata de intentar que el alumnado daltónico ‘pinte normal’ (lo que sería incoherente con su modo de ver) sino de comprender por diversas vías (por ejemplo, apps) cómo es la fenomenología cromática de cada alumno/a con daltonismo.

Analysing online threads, we show how nativist extremist forum participants use the term “race card” within their anti-illegal immigration rhetoric in three ways. First, they employ abstract liberalism to argue that immigrants use the race card to gain undeserved access to resources. Secondly, participants disassociate the issue of immigration as a racial issue. Both tactics are cloaked within a colour-blind framework. Third, they use a White injury narrative casting themselves as victims and immigrants as villains/perpetrators, paradoxically highlighting race while arguing for colourblindness. We conclude with a discussion on how “new racism” and “new nativism” among our participants represent a transition in the rise of ethnonationalist populism among Western democracies.

Sculpture as an educational and therapeutic medium for students with disabilities

The article addresses the problem of therapeutic and cognitive functions of art, seen in the context of sculpture as an artistic medium accessible simultaneously through various perception channels (polysensory, or multisensory perception), which makes it particularly useful in art therapy aimed at diverse disabled and nondisabled audience. A sculpture is a spatial object, which renders it more accessible than other artworks to people with a range of dysfunctions, e.g. eyesight dysfunction; at the same time it encourages to appreciate it through other senses: touch, hearing, smell and sometimes even taste. This polysensory experience presents a cognitive advantage, compensating the blind for the dysfunctional sense, but also has a therapeutic value as it allows for an intensified aesthetic experience and offers the audience a completely new dimension of artistic experiences, which in turn benefits mental health.
The article discusses sculptures made using diverse materials in an attempt to show how the polysensory perception of figurative art may influence the audience, either nondisabled or disa-bled (particularly with vision impairment). These critical considerations allow to offer possible use of a sculptural works in education or art therapy, of both nondisabled and disabled students, with the aim of fostering social integration. I will provide selected examples of art museum whose sculpture exhibition and education programmes may inspire similar solutions in academic teaching.

Keywords: sculpture, polisensory experience, art therapy, disfunction, accessibillity

The purpose of this study was to investigate whether 3D Master or VitaLumin shade guides could improve colour selection in individuals with normal and defective colour vision. First, colour perception of 260 dental students was evaluated. Afterwards, 9 colour blind and 9 matched normal subjects tried to detect colours of 10 randomly selected tabs from each kit and the correct/false answers were counted. Of the colour-defective subjects, 47.8% and 33.3% correctly detected the shade using 3D Master and VitaLumin, respectively. These statistics were 62.2% and 42.2% in normal subjects. In normal participants, but not in colour blind ones, 3D Master significantly improved shade matching accuracy compared to VitaLumin.