Colonialism

Liberalism is a term employed in a dizzying variety of ways across the humanities and social sciences. This essay seeks to reframe how the liberal tradition is understood. I start by delineating different types of response – prescriptive, comprehensive, explanatory – that are frequently conflated in answering the question “what is liberalism?” I then discuss assorted methodological strategies employed in the existing literature: after rejecting “stipulative” and “canonical” approaches, I outline a contextualist alternative. On this (comprehensive) account, liberalism is best characterised as the sum of the arguments that have been classified as liberal, and recognised as such by other self-proclaimed liberals, over time. In the remainder of the article I present an historical analysis of shifts in the meaning of liberalism in Anglo-American political thought between 1850 and 1950, focusing in particular on how John Locke came to be seen as a liberal. I also explore the emergence of the category of "liberal democracy". I argue that the scope of the liberal tradition was massively expanded during the middle decades of the twentieth century, such that it came to be seen by many as the constitutive ideology of the West. This capacious (and deeply confusing) understanding of liberalism was produced by a conjunction of the ideological wars fought against “totalitarianism” and assorted developments in the social sciences. Today we both inherit and inhabit it.

This article demonstrates historically and statistically that conversionary Protestants (CPs) heavily influenced the rise and spread of stable democracy around the world. It argues that CPs were a crucial catalyst initiating the development and spread of religious liberty, mass education, mass printing, newspapers, voluntary organizations, and colonial reforms, thereby creating the conditions that made stable democracy more likely. Statistically, the historic prevalence of Protestant missionaries explains about half the variation in democracy in Africa, Asia, Latin America and Oceania and removes the impact of most variables that dominate current statistical research about democracy. The association between Protestant missions and democracy is consistent in different continents and subsamples, and it is robust to more than 50 controls and to instrumental variable analyses.

Violence is a confounding concept. It frequently defies explanation and lacks an agreed upon definition. Yet geographers are well positioned to bring greater conceptual clarity to violence by thinking through its intersections with space. In setting the tone for this special issue on Violence and Space we highlight some of the key lines of flight that have shaped geographical thinking on violence. While there are a significant number of geographers interested in the question of violence, the field of ‘geographies of violence’ remains an emerging area of research that deserves greater attention and a more rigorous examination. By emphasizing the spatiality of violence, this special issue aims to contribute to a more sustained conversation on the violent geographies that shape our daily lives, our encounters with institutions, and the various structures that configure our social organization. This introduction is but an initial sketch of what we believe needs to be a much larger and unfolding research agenda dedicated to understanding violence from a geographical perspective.

“The Invention of Race in the European Middle Ages”—a two-part article—questions the widely-held belief in critical race theory that “race” is a category without purchase before the modern era.

Surveying a variety of cultural documents from the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries—chronicles, hagiography, literature, stories, sculpture, maps, canon law, statuary, illustrations, religious commentary, and architectural features—the study considers racial thinking, racial law, racial formation, and racialized behaviors and phenomena in medieval Europe before the emergence of a recognizable vocabulary of race.

One focus is how a political hermeneutics of religion—so much in play again today—enabled the positing of fundamental human differences in biopolitical and culturalist ways to create strategic essentialisms demarcating human kinds and populations. Another focus is how race figures in the emergence of homo europaeus and the identity of Western Europe (beginning as Latin Christendom) in this time.

Part I—“Race Studies, Modernity, and the Middle Ages”—surveys the current state of race theory, and puts in conversation race studies and medieval studies, fields that exist on either side of a vast divide.

Part II—“Locations of Medieval Race”—identifies and analyzes specific concretions of medieval race, while continuing to develop the theoretical arguments of Part I.

This special issue addresses the possible connections and mutual benefits of examining together two analytic concepts – memory and periphery. These concepts receive much attention in various scholarly discussions, yet they have done so rather independently from each other. The potential applications and utilities of combining memory and periphery and the epistemic insights they provide for various disciplins are presented in the different contributions to this issue.

“The Invention of Race in the European Middle Ages”—a two-part article—questions the widely-held belief in critical race theory that “race” is a category without purchase before the modern era.

Surveying a variety of cultural documents from the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries—chronicles, hagiography, literature, stories, sculpture, maps, canon law, statuary, illustrations, religious commentary, and architectural features—the study considers racial thinking, racial law, racial formation, and racialized behaviors and phenomena in medieval Europe before the emergence of a recognizable vocabulary of race.

One focus is how a political hermeneutics of religion—so much in play again today—enabled the positing of fundamental human differences in biopolitical and culturalist ways to create strategic essentialisms demarcating human kinds and populations. Another focus is how race figures in the emergence of homo europaeus and the identity of Western Europe (beginning as Latin Christendom) in this time.

Part I—“Race Studies, Modernity, and the Middle Ages”—surveys the current state of race theory, and puts in conversation race studies and medieval studies, fields that exist on either side of a vast divide.

Part II—“Locations of Medieval Race”—identifies and analyzes specific concretions of medieval race, while continuing to develop the theoretical arguments of Part I.

* For a revised and expanded version of this paper, see "'In the Constant Flux of Its Incessant Renewal': The Social Reproduction of Racial Capitalism and Settler Colonial Entitlement" [Uncorrected Proofs]: https://www.academia.edu/75944463/_In_the_Constant_Flux_of_Its_Incessant_Renewal_The_Social_Reproduction_of_Racial_Capitalism_and_Settler_Colonial_Entitlement_Uncorrected_Proofs_

This paper focuses on the ways in which property relations and prevailing conceptions of ownership are key sites for the social reproduction of race, capitalism, and the particularities of U.S. settler colonialism. I begin with a consideration of racial capitalism in relation to reproduction. I then discuss how “so-called primitive accumulation” continues to serve as an important referent in debates on the relationship between colonialism and capitalism. In conclusion, I briefly consider the ongoing fractionation of Native American land in the wake of the 1887 allotment act and the attrition of African American land ownership through the partition of tenancy-in-common of heirs’ property. I use these examples to show how the racial, colonial, gendered, and generational making of property and the capacity for possession are both a consequence of particular historical conditions of dispossession and continue to be reproduced in new ways in the present. Inheritance in this sense is quite literally a matter of social reproduction and a site of struggle over power and history in the context of the current moment.

Welcome to the "Ways In" section of this Macat analysis. This is an introductory section, summarising the most important points of this work in one 10-minute read.

Macat's Analyses are definitive studies of the most important books and papers in the humanities and social sciences.

Each analysis is written by an academic specialist in the field. Each one harnesses the latest research to investigate the influences that led to the work being written, the ideas that make it important, and the impact that it has had in the world.

A powerful resource for students, teachers and lifelong learners everywhere, our analyses are proven by the University of Cambridge to improve critical thinking skills.

Read the whole of this analysis and explore our library at www.macat.com.

Bourdieu’s work provides a crucial resource for revitalizing the currently stagnant discussions around “state theory.” Bourdieu argues that that state is both a semi-autonomous field and one in which actors’ social properties, which are determined in large part outside the state field, play a key role. Bourdieu’s work evaporates the supposed division between sociologists who study “soft” topics like culture and those who study “hard” objects like the state.  The publication of Bourdieu’s lectures on the state from 1990-1991 allows us to watch him at work near the pinnacle of his lifelong theoretical and empirical research project.  We can see how Bourdieu’s thinking, which was always everything but static, continued to evolve over the course of these two years.

La Kabylie constitue une région très spéciale dans l'histoire de l'Algérie à la période coloniale, en tant que "le Berbère" (et surtout le Kabyle) fut perçu comme un individu démocrate, laïque, sédentaire et par conséquent plus assimilable que "l'Arabe". L'administration française y a renforcé des spécificités socio-économico-culturelles. Et contrairement à ce que disent nombre de textes sur le sujet, cette perception du Berbère a persisté bien au-delà du XIXe siècle, pour rester présente dans le discours des Français, mais surtout dans la perception que commencèrent à s'en faire les "Arabes" et enfin dans la manière qu'eurent de s'autopercevoir les "Berbères". Nous présentons dans ce travail de Master 1 en quoi l'administration française en Kabylie a nourri le "mythe kabyle", la définition qu'a eu la bibliographie de ce "mythe" depuis les années 1960 pour enfin introduire la perception du "Berbère" dans les discours kabyle, arabe et français.

Walter Mignolo argumenta y se apoya en la idea de la colonialidad, como contrapartida histórica y no reconocida de la modernidad y de la colonización del Nuevo Mundo, que va desde la función de control ejercida por la escritura alfabética en la población colonizada, cuyas costumbres y cultura no empleaban la misma codificación textual o competencia lingüística (literacy), hasta la noción de la «diferencia colonial» y una nueva  forma de conocimiento, «posoccidental» en su opinión –el «pensamiento fronterizo» –, que ha ampliado el horizonte del discurso  sobre el futuro de América del Sur.  Las voces subalternas que emergen en ese territorio del  pensamiento fronterizo, contrarrestan la tendencia occidental o imperial a dominar y limitar el conocimiento.

This essay, in two parts, argues for the centrality of historical thinking in coming to grips with capitalism’s planetary crises of the twenty-first century. Against the Anthropocene’s shallow historicization, I argue for the Capitalocene, understood as a system of power, profit and re/production in the web of life. In Part I, I pursue two arguments. First, I situate the Anthropocene discourse within Green Thought’s uneasy relationship to the Human/Nature binary, and its reluctance to consider human organizations – like capitalism – as part of nature. Next, I highlight the Anthropocene’s dominant periodization, which meets up with a longstanding environmentalist argument about the Industrial Revolution as the origin of ecological crisis. This ignores early capitalism’s environment-making revolution, greater than any watershed since the rise of agriculture and the first cities. While there is no question that environmental change accelerated sharply after 1850, and especially after 1945, it seems equally fruitless to explain these transformations without identifying how they fit into patterns of power, capital and nature established four centuries earlier.

During the final quarter of the twentieth century, the democratic peace thesis - the idea that democracies do not fight one another - moved to the centre of scholarly and political debate throughout the Western world. Much of this work traces its origins to the European Enlightenment, and especially on Immanuel Kant. However, this historical narrative misses much of the subsequent discourse about democracy and war. In this essay I focus on some prominent, though now largely forgotten, strands of political thinking in the United States and Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In particular, I dissect fin de siècle debates about democracy, empire, race, and interstate conflict. Section I delineates four popular visions of peace that circulated during the nineteenth century: structural-liberal, radical-liberal, socialist, and republican. Section II introduces what I call the ‘democratic war thesis’ and the ‘democratic empire thesis.’ The former identified the linkages between democratic political structures and inter-state conflict, the latter suggested that vast empires could co-operatively govern the world and abolish war.  Section III anatomises the racial peace thesis, which was propounded by a range of prominent figures,  including Andrew Carnegie, Cecil Rhodes and H. G. Wells. They argued, from different points on the political spectrum, that the 'Anglo-Saxon race' held the key to perpetual peace.

This paper decomposes global inequality in redistribution, using data from the World Development Indicators data set of the World Bank. It finds that per capita income has a modest, yet persistent effect on redistribution. More provocatively, the paper also demonstrates that, over and beyond the impact of per capita GDP, global inequalities in redistribution over the last generation or so strongly reflect the double legacies of colonialism (improving the likelihood of redistribution in former-colonizer societies and sharply reducing it in erstwhile-colonized, recently independent societies). In addition, it also finds that the history of recent exposure to state socialism increases the presence of redistributive institutions, partly counterbalancing the effects of lower national incomes. The data have been obtained from the World Bank's online open-access data site World Development Indicators, http://data.worldbank.org.

Anarchism and geography have a long and disjointed history, characterized by towering peaks of intensive intellectual engagement and low troughs of ambivalence and disregard. This paper traces a genealogy of anarchist geographies back to the modern development of anarchism into a distinct political philosophy following the Enlightenment. The initial rise of geographers’ engagement with anarchism occurred at the end of the nineteenth-century, owing to Élisée Reclus and Peter Kropotkin, who developed an emancipatory vision for geography in spite of the discipline’s enchantment with imperialism at that time. The realpolitik of the war years in the first half of the twentieth-century and the subsequent quantitative revolution in geography represent a nadir for anarchist geographies. Yet anarchism was never entirely abandoned by geographical thought and the counterculture movement of the 1970s gave rise to radical geography, which included significant interest in anarchist ideas. Unfortunately another low occurred during the surge of neoliberal politics in the 1980s and early 1990s, but hope springs eternal, and from the late 1990s onward the anti-globalization movement and DIY culture have pushed anarchist geographies into more widespread currency. In reviewing the literature, I hope to alert readers to the ongoing and manifold potential for anarchist geographies to inform both geographical theory and importantly, to give rise to more practice-based imperatives where building solidarities, embracing reciprocity, and engaging in mutual aid with actors and communities beyond the academy speaks to the ‘freedom of geography’ and its latent capacity to shatter its own disciplinary circumscriptions.

El texto nos acerca a distintos episodios de la obra de Aníbal Quijano en los cuales da una valoración de la obra de Arguedas y nos muestra cómo al sociólogo peruano le sirve tanto la novela como un autor como José Maria Arguedas, para dar una imagen del conflicto cultural, social y político del Perú

Paul has been regarded as being uncritical of the Roman Empire for a long time, not least because of his apparent call to obey the state in Rom 13:1-7. However, recent scholarship has questioned this assumption by pointing to "hidden criticism" in the letters of the apostle. But how can we decide, in a methodologically sound way, whether such a counter-imperial message lies beneath the surface of the text? On the basis of insights from the philosophy of science, Christoph Heilig suggests several analytical steps for examining this paradigm. He concludes that the hypothesis that we can identify critical "echoes" of the Roman Empire in Paul's letters needs to be modified for it to be maintained. In particular, concern over the danger of overt criticism and subsequent persecution do not sufficiently justify this interpretative hypothesis. Nevertheless, Heilig concludes that the search for a counter-imperial subtext in Paul could turn out to be heuristically fruitful so long as the limitations of the approach are heeded. Hence, a re-evaluation of Pauline passages in light of Paul's engagement with ideas from his Roman environment is encouraged.

Through imaginative geographies that erase the interconnectedness of the places where violence occurs, the notion that violence is 'irrational' marks particular cultures as ‘other’. Neoliberalism exploits such imaginative geographies in constructing itself as the sole providence of nonviolence and the lone bearer of reason. Proceeding as a ‘civilizing’ project, neoliberalism positions the market as salvationary to putatively ‘irrational’ and ‘violent’ peoples. This theology of neoliberalism produces a discourse that binds violence in place. But while violence sits in places in terms of the way in which we perceive its manifestation as a localized and embodied experience, this very idea is challenged when place is reconsidered as a relational assemblage. What this re-theorization does is open up the supposed fixity, separation, and immutability of place to instead recognize it as always co-constituted by, mediated through, and integrated within the wider experiences of space. Such a radical rethinking of place fundamentally transforms the way we understand violence. No longer confined to its material expression as an isolated and localized event, violence can more appropriately be understood as an unfolding process, derived from the broader geographical phenomena and temporal patterns of the social world.

This paper sets out an ambitious critique of contemporary political scientists, political historians and others concerned with the history of democracy. It argues that overwhelmingly the history of democracy relies on an overtly Eurocentric narrative that emphasizes the keystone moments of Western civilization. According to this narrative, democracy has a clear trajectory that can be traced from ancient experiments with participatory government in Greece and to a lesser extent in Rome, through the development of the British parliament, the American Declaration of Independence and the French Revolution, and then finally onto the triumphant march of the liberal model of democracy across the globe over the last 200 years, particularly under Western tutelage. Histories of democracy that focus exclusively on these events not only privilege Europe and its successful colonies, but also miss the broader human story of the struggle for and achievement of democracy.

This presents us with a distinct challenge. For those whose heritage does not include a direct link to Greek assemblies, the American Congress or the French Revolution, the 'standard history of democracy' provides a distant and exclusive narrative, which limits one's ability to embrace democracy. This paper concludes by noting that, as democracy spreads out across the world today, political scientists not only need to break down the intellectual orthodoxy that democracy has exclusively Western roots, but also to embrace a more global view of democracy as a political practise that has been present at various times and in sometimes unfamiliar ways in the complex histories and rich cultural traditions of most of the people of the earth.

This article is a manifesto for anarchist geographies, which are understood as kaleidoscopic spatialities that allow for multiple, non-hierarchical, and protean connections between autonomous entities, wherein solidarities, bonds, and affinities are voluntarily assembled in opposition to and free from the presence of sovereign violence, predetermined norms, and assigned categories of belonging. In its rejection of such multivariate apparatuses of domination, this article is a proverbial call to nonviolent arms for those geographers and non-geographers alike who seek to put an end to the seemingly endless series of tragedies, misfortunes, and catastrophes that characterize the miasma and malevolence of the current neoliberal moment. But this is not simply a demand for the end of neoliberalism and its replacement with a more moderate and humane version of capitalism, nor does it merely insist upon a more egalitarian version of the state. It is instead the resurrection of a prosecution within geography that dates back to the discipline’s earliest days: anarchism!

Mainstream historical accounts of the development of capitalism describe a process which is fundamentally European - a system that was born in the mills and factories of England or under the guillotines of the French Revolution. In this groundbreaking book, a very different story is told.

How the West Came to Rule offers a unique interdisciplinary and international historical account of the origins of capitalism. It argues that contrary to the dominant wisdom, capitalism’s origins should not be understood as a development confined to the geographically and culturally sealed borders of Europe, but the outcome of a wider array of global processes in which non-European societies played a decisive role. Through an examination of the uneven histories of Mongolian expansion, New World discoveries, Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry, the development of the Asian colonies and bourgeois revolutions, Alexander Anievas and Kerem Nisancioglu provide an account of how these diverse events and processes came together to produce capitalism.

Table of Contents

Introduction

The Problem of Eurocentrism

Confronting the Problematic of Sociohistorical Difference

What is Capitalism?

What Is Geopolitics? 

Chapter 1 The Transition Debate: Theories and Critique

Introduction

The ‘Commercialization Model’ Revisited: World- Systems Analysis and the Transition to Capitalism
The Making of the Modern World- System: The Wallerstein Thesis
The Problem of Eurocentrism
The Problem of Historical Specificity

The Spatio-Temporal Limits of Political Marxism
The Brenner Thesis: Explanation and Critique
The Geopolitical in the Making of Capitalism
The Political Marxist Conception of Capitalism

The Problematic of Sociohistorical Difference: Postcolonial Studies Engaging Capital
The Eurocentrism of Historicism
The Violence of Abstraction
The Lacuna of Postcolonial Theory

Conclusion

Chapter 2 Rethinking the Origins of Capitalism: The Theory of Uneven and Combined Development

Introduction

The Theory of Uneven and Combined Development: Exposition and Critiques
Unevenness
Combination
Seeing Through a Prism Darkly? Uneven and Combined Development beyond the Eurocentric Gaze

Trotsky beyond Trotsky? Uneven and Combined Development before Capitalism
More Questions than Answers: Method, Abstraction, and Historicity in Marx’s Thought
Modes of Production Versus Uneven and Combined Development? A False Antithesis

Conclusion: Towards an ‘Internationalist Historiography’ of Capitalism

Chapter 3 The Long Thirteenth Century: Structural Crisis, Conjunctural Catastrophe

Introduction

Pax Mongolica as a Vector of Uneven and Combined Development
The Nomadic Mode of Production and Uneven and Combined Development
The World-Historical Significance of the Mongol Empire
Trade, Commerce, and Socio-Economic Development under the Pax Mongolica

Apocalypse Then: The Black Death and the Crisis of Feudalism
Class Struggle and the Changing Balance of Class Forces in Europe
Peasant Differentiation in the Age of the Black Death
Development of the Productive Forces

Conclusion

Chapter 4 The Ottoman-Habsburg Rivalry over the Long 16th Sixteenth  Century

Introduction

Unevenness: A Clash of Social Reproduction
Ottoman–European Relations
The Tributary and Feudal Modes of Production: Unevenness Combined
Ottoman ‘Penalties of Progressiveness’ – European ‘Privileges of Backwardness’

Combination: Pax Ottomana and European Trade
The Ottoman ‘Whip of External Necessity’
The Breakdown of Christendom
The Ottoman Blockade and the Emergence of the Atlantic
The Ottoman Buffer and English Primitive Accumulation

Conclusion: The Ottoman Empire as a Vector of Uneven and Combined Development

Chapter 5 The Atlantic Sources of European Capitalism, Territorial Sovereignty and the Modern Self

Introduction

Imagining Europe in the Atlantic Mirror: Rethinking the Territorialised Sovereign, Self and Other
Tearing Down the Ideological Walls of Christendom: From Sacred to Secular Universalism in the Construction of the European Self and non-European Other
Legitimising Colonialism: The Historical Sociological Foundations of Eurocentrism
Culture Wars in the Americas
The Colonial Origins of the Modern Territorialised States Systems

1492 in the History of Uneven and Combined Development
The Smithian Moment: American Treasures and So-Called Primitive Accumulation
Sublating the Smithian Moment: From Smith to Marx via ‘the International’
Primitive Accumulation Proper: From ‘Simple’ to ‘Expanded’ Reproduction

The Uneven and Combined Development of Plantation Slavery
The Sociological Unevenness of the Atlantic
Sociological Combination in the Plantation System

New World Slavery and the Rise of Industrial Capitalism
Contributions to the Sphere of Circulation
Contributions to the Sphere of Production

Conclusion: Colonies, Merchants and the Transition to Capitalism

Chapter 6 The ‘Classical’ Bourgeois Revolutions in the History of Uneven and Combined Development

Introduction

The Concept of Bourgeois Revolution
Reconceptualising Bourgeois Revolutions: A Consequentialist Approach
Reconstructing Consequentialism through Uneven and Combined Development

The Origins of Capitalism and the Bourgeois Revolution in the Low Countries
The Rise of Dutch Capitalism: An International Perspective
The Making of the Dutch Revolt

The English Revolution in the History of Uneven and Combined Development
Rediscovering the British Revolution
Social Forces in the Making of the British Revolution

1789 in the History of Uneven and Combined Development
Peculiarities of the French Revolution?
Capitalism and the Absolutist State in France
The Origins of the Capitalist Revolution in France
Capitalist Consequences of the French Revolution

Conclusion

Chapter 7 Combined Encounters: Dutch Colonisation in South-East Asia and the Contradictions of ‘Free Labour’

Introduction

The Specificity and Limits of Dutch Capitalism
Dutch Institutional Innovations
The Limits of Dutch ‘Domestic’ Capitalism

Unevenness and Combination in the Pre-Colonial Indian Ocean Littoral
The Intersocietal System of the Indian Ocean
South Asia beyond the Eurocentric Gaze

The Dutch Encounter: A Policy of Combination
The Specificities and ‘Success’ of Dutch Strategies of Integration and Domination in
South-East Asia
The Moluccas
The Banda Islands
Indian Textiles

Conclusion

Chapter 8 Origins of the Great Divergence over the Longue Durée: Rethinking the ‘Rise of the West’

Introduction

Rethinking the ‘Rise of the West’: Advances and Impasses in the Revisionist Challenge
Points of Agreement: European ‘Backwardness’ and the Role of the Colonies
Late and Lucky: Contingences, the Eurasian Homogeneity Thesis, and the Great Divergence

Structure and Conjuncture in the ‘Rise of the West’
The Geopolitical Competition Model and Its Limits
Feudalism, Merchants, and the European States System in the Transition to Capitalism
Unevenness Combined: North-South Interactions in the ‘Rise of the West’

The Conjunctural Moment of ‘Overtaking’: Britain’s Colonisation of India
The Significance of India’s Colonisation to the ‘Rise of the West’
The Mughal Empire and the Tributary Mode of Production
The Imperial Revenue System and Agricultural Decline in the Mughal Empire
European Trade and Colonial Conquest: Towards 1757

Conclusion

Conclusion

Notes
Index

* Aus rechtlichen Gründen befindet sich hier nur die Abgabe-Version vor dem Satz. Die Aussagen haben sich aber nicht mehr geändert. Ziemlich vollständig auf google books: https://books.google.at/books?id=7Ql-DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA37&lpg=PA37&dq=tamara+scheer+pieter+judson&source=bl&ots=RT3u7g5UBa&sig=B2x9v1lAKFcmwTJG0kjemrderXY&hl=de&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjYoeDsu5_fAhXlkIsKHaC4BLcQ6AEwDnoECAEQAQ#v=onepage&q&f=false

* Vollzitat: Tamara Scheer, „Kolonie“ – „Neu-Österreich“ – „Reichsland(e)“. Zu begrifflichen Zuschreibungen Bosnien-Herzegowinas im österreichisch-ungarischen Staatsverband, 1878–1918, in: Clemens Ruthner & Tamara Scheer (Hg.), Bosnien-Herzegowina und Österreich-Ungarn: Annäherungen an eine Kolonie, Tübingen: Francke, 2018 (= Kultur – Herrschaft – Differenz 24), 45-57.

* Zum Inhaltsverzeichnis/Vorwort des Gesamtbandes siehe unter Punkt "Editing" auf meinem Academia edu Account

ISBN: 978-3-7720-8604-5

https://www.narr.de/bosnien-herzegowina-und-osterreich-ungarn-1878-1918-38604

Paperback available via Routledge and elsewhere: https://www.routledge.com/China-and-Orientalism-Western-Knowledge-Production-and-the-PRC/Vukovich/p/book/9780415592208

You can see some reviews in section listed on left. https://hku-hk.academia.edu/DanielVukovich/reviews-of-%22China-and-Orientalism%22-(selected)

'It is a pointed and spirited book that incorporates a remarkably transdisciplinary range of approaches and texts.'

Carla Nappi, East Asian Studies, July 2012

'A book of startling honesty and conviction. Writing from Hong Kong but not as a Sinologist, Vukovich presents an erudite case for re-thinking the lessons of Tiananmen, reassessing the legacy of Mao, and questioning the idea that China needs to be saved by becoming like "us." As a revisionist reading of post-war China, the book brims with antinomian vignettes on everything from Chinese cinema to the novels of De Lillo and the philosophy of Arendt.Vukovich blasts the new Orientalism that seeks to free China from its supposedly Borg-like past. A rare voice, and a welcome one.'

Timothy Brennan, University of Minnesota, USA

'This is a unique critique of orientalism in contemporary Chinese studies. Daniel Vukovich argues that there is a new form of orientalism, which does not project China as an ‘'other'’ as many traditional Sinologists did, but emphasizes ‘'sameness'’ or general equivalence of China to the US-West. From this basic observation, the author highlights the cultural logic of capitalism in the new Orientalistic interpretation of China. A sharp, inspiring and timely book!'

Wang Hui, Tsinghua University, author of The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought, China's New Order, and The Politics of Imagining Asia.

‘Vukovich's tenacious critique of the China Studies field is by itself worth the price of admission. But the bonus for readers is his remarkable history of the complexities of post-liberation China. As timely as could be, and guaranteed to spark debate.’

Andrew Ross, New York University, USA, author of Fast Boat to China: Corporate Flight and the Consequences of Free Trade; Lessons from Shanghai.

‘An important intervention into the battle for China's past and present . At its heart is a wide ranging, strong critique of the bulk of China studies scholarship on the P.R.C since the 1980s. But it also draws extensively on revisionist, new leftist, and other Chinese scholarship to argue for what is being erased by Sinological-orientalism." Its framing of this knowledge as orientalist and 'post-colonial' should cause a sensation. It may even finally trigger a sorely needed debate in the field.’

Mobo Gao, Chair of Chinese Studies & Director, Confucius Institute, University of Adelaide, Australia.

'This slim, sharply-argued volume should be a mandatory reading for all of us who work on post-1949 China. China and Orientalism is a refreshing and often eye-opening analysis on how knowledge of the object called "China" has been constructed in the West since the end of Maoism…China and Orientalism is an essential contribution to our self-awareness as producers of knowledge and offers a welcome and indispensable criticism of the field.'

Fabio Lanza, The China Beat, Twentieth Century China.


***************************************************************************

TABLE OF CONTENTS:

Preface and Acknowledgments


Chapter 1: Sinological-Orientalism Now: ‘China’ and the New  Era


Chapter 2: Uncivil Society, or, Orientalism and Tiananmen,  1989


Chapter 3: Maoist Discourse and Its Demonization


Chapter 4: Accounting for the Great Leap Forward: Missing  Millions, Excess Deaths, And A Crisis of  Chinese Proportions

Chapter 5: DeLillo, Warhol, and the Specter of Mao:  The ‘Sinologization’ of Global Thought


Chapter 6: Screening Sinology: On the Western Study of  Chinese Film


Chapter 7: The China-Reference And Orientalism in the  Global Economy


Bibliography & Index

This paper represents an attempt to study African history on its own terms. I argue that existence of states in the pre-colonial period should not be dismissed based on Eurocentric ideas about state theory and state formation. Additionally, I assert that the study of state formation in precolonial sub-Saharan Africa can help the understanding of the root causes of problems that abound in the continent today. In order to substantiate these claims, I trace Asante and Buganda state formation in the last thousand years and identify numerous examples of successful ways of state maintenance, as well as recent trends that see African states turn to the past for solutions for present problems. I find that both case study states experienced surprisingly similar paths to statehood, and I attempt to create a preliminary description of a typical sub-Saharan African state for the benefit of future research.

isis-enshrinesa-theology-of-rape.html), exposing the group's attempt to provide a religious rationalization for its pervasive use of rape in its ongoing grotesque war in Iraq and Syria, is disturbing on many fronts. Most disturbing is ISIS's attempt to codify "sex slavery in conquered regions of Iraq and Syria" into some type of legal reasoning by using classical Islamic sources-an attempt that is then deployed "as a recruiting tool." The article's distressing details certainly point to a case of compounded ignorance, but I am sure such crimes do not deserve to be referred to as theology. Placing the terms theology and rape in the same sentence provides legitimacy to a criminal enterprise-which ISIS certainly is-and grants it the respectability it so much desires. A criminal citing any reason or religious text for his or her crime does not make that atrocious act less criminal, nor does it make those who take the classical sources and tradition seriously somehow implicitly connected to what is being done.

This chapter places Eastern Europe into a broader history of decolonization. It shows how the region’s own experience of the end of Empire after the World War I led its new states to consider their relationships with both European colonialism and those were struggling for their future liberation outside their continent. Following World War II, as Communist regimes took power in Eastern Europe, and overseas European Empires dissolved in Africa and Asia, newly powerful relationships developed. Analogies between the end of empire in Eastern Europe and the Global South, though sometimes tortured and riddled with their own blind spots, were nonetheless potent rhetorical idioms, enabling imagined solidarities and facilitating material connections in the era of the Cold War and nonalignment.
After the demise of the so-called “evil empire” of the Soviet Union, analogies
between the postcolonial and the postcommunist condition allowed for further novel
equivalencies between these regions to develop.

This essay attempts to elaborate a political theory of capital’s violence. Recent
analyses have adopted Karl Marx’s notion of the “primitive accumulation of
capital” for investigating the forcible methods by which the conditions of capital
accumulation are reproduced in the present. I argue that the current scholarship
is limited by a certain functionalism in its theorization of ongoing primitive
accumulation. The analytic function accorded to primitive accumulation, I
contend, can be better performed by the concepts of “capital-positing violence”
and “capital-preserving violence.” In coining these new concepts, I first refine the
conceptual core of primitive accumulation as the coercive capitalization of social
relations of reproduction, which falls into sharpest relief in the violent history
of colonial capitalism. I then elucidate this conceptual core with reference to
Carl Schmitt’s account of European colonial expansion and Walter Benjamin’s
reflections on law-making and law-preserving violence. The resultant concepts
of capital-positing and capital-preserving violence, I conclude, can illuminate both
the historical and the quotidian operations of the politico-juridical force that has
been constitutive of capitalism down to our present moment.