Chemical Biological Weapons

Producto de mi análisis de inteligencia de fuentes abiertas (Open Sources Intelligence Analysis), he llegado a la hipótesis de que Corea del Norte pudo haber sido la responsable de desarrollar en un laboratorio al nuevo coronavirus Covid-19, y de haberlo contagiado en Wuhan probablemente en octubre de 2019 durante el evento deportivo internacional llamado los VII CISM Juegos Mundiales Militares, celebrados en la ciudad de Wuhan del 18 al 27 de octubre pasados.

Bioloji silahlar digər canlılar üzərində zərərli təsirlər yaratmaq məqsədi ilə istifadə edilən bakteriya, virus və s. yoluxucu agentlərdir. Bu tərif ümumiyyətlə bioloji olaraq əldə edilən toksinləri və zəhərləri də əhatə edəcək şəkildə genişləndirilir. Bioloji döyüş vasitələri, yaşayan mikroorqanizmləri (bakteriya, protozoa, riketsia, virus və göbələk) ehtiva etdiyi kimi bitkilər və heyvanlar tərəfindən çıxarılan toksinləri (kimyəvilər) də əhatə edir. Bəzi mütəxəssislər toksinləri kimyəvi olaraq qəbul edərkən, əksəriyyəti 1972 Bioloji Silahlar Konvensiyasında (Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockilling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons on Their Destruction) da ifadə edildiyi kimi bioloji agent kimi qəbul edir.

In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States and the subsequent war against the Taleban and al-Qaeda in Afganistan, United States leaders turned their attention toward Iraq, specifically its dictatorial leader, Saddam Hussein. Although Iraq was not as powerful a military threat as it was during the Persian Gulf War of 1990-1991, U.S. officials asserted that Iraq's proven development and use of weapons of mass destruction made Iraq a potential source of those weapons for terrorists who could then use them against U.S. or other Western targets.

During the 1980s Iran-Iraq War, Hussein ordered the use of chemical weapons against Iranian forces, and additionally used chemical weapons against civilians in rebellious areas of Iraq.

After Iraqi forces were expelled by U.S. led western coalition forces during the Persian Gulf War, as a part of the agreements that prevented the occupation of Iraq and allowed Hussein to remain in power, Hussein agreed to destroy all weapons of mass destruction and forsake the future development of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons.

Over a period of twelve years, 17 specific United Nations Security Council resolutions, weapons inspection programs, and economic sanctions against Iraq failed to secure Hussein's full compliance with U.N. resolutions and assure the international community that Iraq had indeed disposed of weapons of mass destruction and abandoned programs to develop new weapons of mass destruction.

Hussein, in an effort to bolster his strong-man image that helped maintain his power in Iraq and influence in the region, played cat and mouse with international inspection teams. Fearing it would make him weak and vulnerable, Hussein refused to give up the appearance that his regime still might control weapons of mass destruction.
 
Despite U.N. resolutions, in 1998 Iraq expelled U.N. weapons inspectors and no meaningful inspections took place between 1998 and 2002.

Hussein's obstruction, pretense, and posturing resulted in highly polarized Western intelligence assessments of his warfare capacity and willingness to use WMD's.  Especially in light of the barrage of bellicose threats issued by Hussein and his official spokesman, intelligence agencies in the West scrambled to make an accurate assessment of Hussein's warfare --and specifically WMD -- capacity.

Iraqi defiance of U.N. resolutions continued throughout the 1990s. Confounding the threats from Hussein was the fact that while older weapons were subsequently discovered and destroyed by U.N. inspection teams in Iraq, there was no direct evidence -- and only weak or conflicting evidence --  that Hussein's threats were backed by the acquisition or development of either replacement or new weapons of mass destruction.

Hussein played a dangerous bluff -- bet on the lives of the Iraqi people -- that was ultimately called when the United States invaded and deposed him from power.

As of July 2003, no new weapons of mass destruction -- or significant infrastructure to indicate programs to build same -- had been found by U.S. or other Coalition forces in control of Iraq.  By the end of May 2003, both British and American intelligence agencies began to downplay the possibility of finding large stores of such weapons. Although both U.S. and British officials continued to assert prior claims about the extent of Iraq's arsenal, questions arose as to whether the weapons had been removed, destroyed, or whether intelligence reports regarding the weapons had been mishandled, exaggerated, or falsified.

Although some seized upon the growing controversy regarding the lack of WMD finds as a partisan political issue, the record was clear that all Western intelligence agencies, including those of war dissenter nations France and Germany, agreed before the war that Hussein's regime possessed weapons of mass destruction.

At the end of July 2003, several inquires were underway into the formulation and use by Coalition governments of intelligence related to Iraqi possession development of weapons of mass destruction.

Author's note: This article contains two Addendum sections:

Addendum I: U.K. Prime Minister Tony Blair's "Iraq War speech" to Parliament that resulted in the government voting to use 'all means necessary to ensure the disarmament of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction" on March 18, 2003.

ADDENDUM II:  A brief overview of the immediate aftermath of the invasion of Iraq.
(Author's note subsequently edited in August 2003 to be a separate article in EEIS.)
(download to read more)

This manuscript presents an introduction to the phenomenon of viral bio-spiritual weaponization and warfare that describes the crux of the present and many other retroviruses launched against us during the course of our history by a nefarious group of energetically parasitic beings that is collectively referred to as 'negative aliens.' This is a new age of enlightenment and humanity is only beginning to awaken from slumber and unconsciousness to realize that, indeed, we are all energetic beings comprised of quanta of energy that when is congealed, forms the dark matter essence of our core manifestation body that, in turn, is arranged in a multidimensional configuration that is referred to as our 'morphogenetic field.' Accordingly, what you have not been taught is that your 'genetic' essence or body is comprised of the same quanta of energy that function via your bioenergetics in the form of your Light Body or Aura, an ovoid contour of energy that defines your 'consciousness space.' Indeed, we all thrive within a consciousness 'field' comprised of countless Light as well as 'dark' beings that either share the space-time we thrive in physically, or are privy to look upon us from higher 'grounds,' that we refer to as inner or higher dimensions of consciousness, going all the way to the innermost of Cosmos, in which our God-SOURCE, as an incredibly Omnipotent, Omniscient, Omnipresent fountain of energy and the progenitor of our consciousness, provides its energetic to us via an open loop of energy of consciousness. And, within this field of consciousness there also

Weapons of mass destruction (WMD), nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, are commonly detected by monitoring an array of activities common to their development and testing. Lack of access to weapons production facilities, which in the context of both state level and terrorist activities, offer special testing challenges and create the need for  sophisticated monitoring protocols as well as the capacity to detect weapons without access to suspect sites, while in transit, and/or while in component pre-assembly phases of development. WMD detection techniques and devices span and array of technologies. In the early 2000s, detection technology included devices like the Handheld Advanced Nucleic Acid Analyzer (HANAA) and techniques ranging from standard forensic laboratory testing to Matrix-Assisted Laser Desorption/Ionization Mass Spectroscopy (MALDI-MS). Autonomous Pathogen Detection System (APDS) and other deployable devices allowed rapid identification of biologic agents while portable devices were available that could identify chemicals in a vapor within minutes under challenging conditions. The genetic detection of biological agents is increasingly exquisite. Gene probe sensors can detect and identify bacteria based upon the presence of a stretch of genetic material that is unique to the microorganism. (download to read more)

'aka Roodeplaat Research Laboratories' is part of a broader research project into Project Coast, the top secret apartheid-era chemical and biological weapons programme.

This work presents photographs taken during a 2014 site visit to the Agricultural Research Council's offices at Roodeplaat in Gauteng. This facility used to be known as Roodeplaat Research Laboratories (RRL) until 1993. RRL was one of a plethora of front companies of the South African Defence Force, and one of two principle laboratory complexes (the other was Delta G scientific) associated with Coast.

The secrecy surrounding Project Coast was such that information about the project only came to light during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, when some of the scientists associated with the project submitted amnesty
applications. Its impetus was ‘effective crowd control’ after the 1976 Soweto uprising, and concerns that Soviet and Cuban troops in Angola might use chemical weapons against South
African soldiers in the Border War.

Project Coast's chief officer was doctor-soldier Wouter Basson who, although he has recently been found guilty of ethical misconduct by the Health Professions Council of South Africa, has managed to elude all other forms of criminal prosecution, despite significant evidence that he was the mastermind of one of the most complex cases of fraud and misconduct South
Africa's courts have yet seen.

RRL's once state-of-the-art facilities have since been sold back to the South African government. The laboratories where scientists now work to safeguard our food supply through
crop research are the same spaces where Basson's team manufactured vast quantities of teargas, Mandrax and Ecstasy, and where animal experimentation was undertaken to develop a contraceptive targeted exclusively at black women, and a poison undetectable postmortem, amongst other products such as beer laced with thallium (available in bottles or cans), cyanide and arsenic-laced peppermint chocolate, and sugar spiked with salmonella.

As it has been almost impossible to conclusively link victims to these activities - the poisoning of Reverend Frank Chikane is a possible exception - and the reluctance of those commanding the project to discuss their activities, our understanding of Project Coast remains largely unresolved. Needless to say, Project Coast raises key questions around science's complicity in apartheid-era human rights abuses, about which the scientific community has been conspicuously silent.

A recent article by Gould, Harris, Rappert and Smith (2014) notes, "In remembering Project Coast, and what motivated it, we hope to remind ourselves of how easy it can be to justify programmes like this when a government comes under pressure."

Basson currently practices as a highly regarded cardiologist in Durbanville. His HPCSA sentencing hearing is ongoing.

Violent non-state actors, such as Al Qaeda and ISIS, have become an increasing concern within the foreign policy of the United States (US) and other states. The US is unable to fully monitor or prevent possible attacks, as VNSAs are a fast evolving actor within the international system. In spite of this, VNSAs’ presence on the international stage can no longer be ignored. In the 21st century a worrying new trend has emerged: the threat of bio-chemical weapons. The time when conventional warfare was the sole tool to conduct warfare between states has long gone. VNSAs have changed their approach and increasingly target the psychology of a state rather than solely targeting its resources. The remaining legacy within this process is key. US foreign policy suffers heavily as a result of these unconventional methods. It can be argued that US foreign policy has changed dramatically post September 11, 2001, and continues to do so today. This paper will show that US foreign policy is mostly influenced by perceived threats rather than actual events. This in turn brings a lot of difficulties and raises questions about the justifications of such responses and their wider implications.

Изобретение химического оружия тесно связано с историей XXвека, так как оно меняло ход военных событий. Со временем в результате разработки биологического, ядерного и термобарического оружия появилась область исследования новых радикальных средств массового поражения. Рост потребности в более модернизированном и эффективном оружии нанес неизмеримый ущерб качеству жизни, привел к жертвам и серьезным последствиям для окружающей среды. Влияние длительной экспозиции токсичных выбросов оказывает воздействие на различные системы и органы человеческого организма, вызывая изменения от слабо выраженных симптомов до необратимых состояний и в конце концов летальный исход. Стимуляция процессов мутагенеза и онкогенеза влияет на структуру клеточных биомолекул посредством генетических изменений, и такое событие протекает в течение определенного периода времени и приводит к отдаленным изменениям. Наблюдаемые последствия вызвали серьезные опасения всего мирового сообщества, что привело к заключению коллективных договоров и соглашений. Тем не менее необходимо усилить совместные действия, направленные на ограничение использования радикального оружия.

Invention of chemical weapons can be coincided with 20th century world history, as it altered the course of military events. Eventually, biological, nuclear, thermobaric and thermobaric weapons got evolved in ambit of research for novel drastic means for mass disastrous effects. This increasing need for more advanced and efficient weapons led to immeasurable living detriments, casualties and severe environmental consequences. The effects of prolonged exposure to toxic emissions affect the human organism in multiple systems and organs, provoking from mild symptoms to irreversible conditions and eventually lethal. Mutagenesis and oncogenesis incitement affect the cellular biomolecular structure through genetic alterations, an event that evolves with the passing of time and exhibits long-term effects. The repercussions caused have arisen intense concerns among the global community, leading to collective agreements and conventions. However, universal efforts to the direction of radical weapons ’restraint ought to be intensified.

The biological and chemical weapon nonproliferation and disarmament regimes are often put forward as models of what the nuclear nonproliferation regime could (or should) be. But are these regimes effective? If so, is one stronger and/or more effective than the other? What is it that makes them relatively stronger than the nuclear nonproliferation regime? In this article, we return to and expand upon a framework for assessing regime health and effectiveness. We utilize this framework to engage in a comparative analysis of the chemical weapon (CW) and biological weapon (BW) nonproliferation regimes, respectively. Our analysis reveals that these two regimes are comparatively healthier than their nuclear counterpart. While some of their behavioral features might be troubling—such as the disputes over stockpile destruction of CW—these tend to be mitigated by the presence of a strong norm against possession and proliferation of both CW and BW. This norm is adequately embedded into the existing institutional features of the regimes in ways that do not exist in the nuclear nonproliferation regime.

Many chapters of Chemical Bodies illustrate how the history of the use of chemical agents as methods of control and coercion has been intimately tied to the rendering of harm as (in)visible. While suffering has been foregrounded to make the case for brutality and exceptionality on some occasions, on other occasions, suffering has been downplayed, denied or backgrounded to make the case for benevolence and normality. This suggests the need for caution about what is and is not included in any accounts of chemical agents. Another source for caution is the way the development and use of chemical agents is often undertaken in conditions of secrecy. As a result, scholars, journalists, activists and others investigating such capabilities often take their task as one of exposing hidden truths or unappreciated events. The promise of revealing or unmasking offers a fetching allure for investigators and audiences alike: an invitation to become complicit in a shared but still exclusive understanding. Against the aforementioned points, this chapter takes the chemical and biological warfare (CBW) programme established under Apartheid South Africa (code named 'Project Coast') as a topic for attending to our commitments in representing the past. This secret military programme used an elaborate array of front companies to camouflage its activities to those both outside and inside of it. Through the endeavours of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and other investigations, Project Coast has come to symbolize the perversities of Apartheid. And yet, each attempt to determine what took place has been delimited by the very terms of the investigations setup to establish the truth. Thus, any attempt to present this programme needs to find ways of acknowledging the partiality of what accounts can be fashioned.

The poisoning of former Russian spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter earlier this month has significantly worsened already tense relations between Moscow and the West. The crime marks the first chemical weapons attack on Western Europe since the end of World War II.

Co-authors: Christian Esch, Matthias Gebauer, Julia Amalia Heyer, Peter Müller, Tobias Rapp, Mathieu von Rohr, Marcel Rosenbach, Christoph Scheuermann, Jörg Schindler, Fidelius Schmid and Christoph Schult

Since the late 1990s, when the United States first established partnerships in biological studies with several post-soviet republics, Moscow has repeatedly suggested that such cooperation represented a threat to Russia. The main targets of scorn for Russian officials and experts have tended to be the so-called “Lugar laboratories” in Georgia, Azerbaijan and, recently, in Kazakhstan.

The threat of biological disease has been significantly raised in the public consciousness in the past few years. Where previously state-run programmes were the most significant concern, increasingly policy makers are focusing on the threat that access to biological weapons by non-state actors can pose. The establishment and maintenance of effective regimes to prevent the spread of biological weapons requires efforts by different actors at different levels. Civil society organizations can play an important role in mobilising public awareness and increasing knowledge on preventing the spread of biological weapons. The establishment of a specific network to further these aims—the Bioweapons Prevention Project—has given civil society organizations a clear focus and direction for their efforts.

This paper addresses an archive-based exhibition currently in development with the Nelson Mandela Foundation Centre of Memory in Johannesburg, South Africa, by a team of researchers affiliated to various academic, non-governmental and legacy institutions. The archive concerns a secret apartheid-era chemical and biological weapons programme code-named Project Coast, which came to light during the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, when several scientists associated with the programme sought amnesty. Despite numerous efforts to criminally prosecute (and then professionally sanction) Coast’s chief officer, Dr Wouter Basson, he remains in private practice as one of South Africa’s leading cardiologists. Tackling this archive as a subject for an exhibition presents a number of curatorial and ethical challenges. This paper reports on our research and consultation process over the past 18 months, including inputs from participants working in transitional justice, memory work and trauma studies, public health, bioethics, scientific research councils, heritage practices, and the visual arts, informed by the view that "In remembering Project Coast, and what motivated it, we hope to remind ourselves of how easy it can be to justify programmes like this when a government comes under pressure." (Gould et al, 2014)