Augustinian Canons

The order of the Canons Regular of St Augustine followed the Rule of Augustine, which, however, contained very few specific regulations and thus could not be the only normative text that governed the everyday life of the community. It was necessary to supplement the text of the Rule with more detailed regulations for religious life, which led to the emergence of the so-called statutes.
The first house of the order of the Canons Regular of St Augustine in the Czech lands was founded in 1333 by the bishop of Prague, John IV of Dražice, in Roudnice nad Labem (Raudnitz). The new foundation also received its statutes, which are referred to as the statutes of Roudnice, although they were later used in many other religious houses as well. These statutes were created specifically for the Czech environment, but they are based on earlier normative texts. The statutes of Roudnice are divided into thirty-two chapters. In comparison with other statutes of the order of the Canons Regular of St Augustine, their text is very concise and their mode of expression is economical. There is a clear attempt at clarity and lucidity, but in some passages, the text is very condensed and somewhere too abbreviated. The statutes of Roudnice soon came into use in all the Bohemian, Moravian and Silesian houses of Augustinian canons. The statutes of Roudnice spread to neighbouring lands and were used in the houses in Poland, Austria and Germany that were populated from Bohemia.
This book presents the first modern edition of the text of the statutes of Roudnice. This critical edition is based on their earliest surviving record, available in the manuscript of the National Library of the Czech Republic XIX B 3, fols. 11va-36rb. The edition also takes into account ten other handwritten copies identified so far and text of these statutes preserved in two 18th-century printed books. The critical edition is accompanied by an introductory study and a detailed overview of the manuscript tradition of the text of the statutes of Roudnice. In addition, this book also contains a translation of the statutes of Roudnice into Czech, making the text accessible to a wider range of readers.

This catalogue is the first coherent descriptive list of the manuscripts of the libraries of the Augustinian canons in Roudnice as well as in Sadská, which was incorporated in the Roudnice library still in the Middle Ages. Although there is no surviving medieval catalogue of the Roudnice library, it was possible to identify 166 manuscripts once held there on the basis of ownership marks and the system of shelfmarks. Most of these manuscripts are kept today in the Library of the National Museum in Prague but there are several in the National Library of the Czech Republic in Prague, the Archives of the Prague Castle – Library of the Metropolitan Chapter, the Moravian Library in Brno and the Archives of the Cracow Cathedral Chapter.

Three more lists are included: a list of the manuscripts that used to be owned by individual canons from Roudnice, but their presence in the Roudnice library cannot be documented, a list of manuscripts whose provenience from Roudnice is supposed but not clearly documented, and finally a list of the manuscripts that have been linked to Roudnice in the past by mistake.

The Augustinian canons have never enjoyed the level of scholarly attention afforded to the monastic and mendicant movements of the central middle ages. This disparity has been particularly acute in the British Isles, despite being its most prolific religious movement. Scholars working in England, Ireland, and Wales have begun to correct this historiographical lacuna. In Scotland, the regular canons have also received comparatively scant attention, and, indeed, have largely been understood on the basis of imported paradigms. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to address a deficiency in Scottish historiography and make a contribution to the growing scholarship on the regular canons in the British Isles.

The regular canonical movement is examined within the kingdom of Scotland over the course of roughly a century. Eleven non-congregational houses of regular canons are considered, namely Scone, Holyrood, Jedburgh, St. Andrews, Cambuskenneth, and Inchcolm and the dependencies of Loch Tay, Loch Leven, Restenneth, Canonbie, and St. Mary’s Isle. The kingdom of Scotland provides both a common context, and a diverse milieu, in which to consider the foundation and development of these institutions and the movement as a whole. The chronological parameters have been determined by the foundation of the first house of regular canons in Scotland in c. 1120 and the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, which had the effect of artificially creating the Order of St Augustine. By examining individual houses separately, as well as in unison, this study seeks to present an integrated picture of the regular canonical movement in the kingdom of Scotland during the period of its organic development from c. 1120 to 1215.

The fundamental question concerning the regular canons is the nature of their vocation and their societal function. It has increasingly been recognised that a spectrum of different interpretations of canonical life existed ranging from the active – pastoral, practical, and outward looking – to the contemplative – ascetic, quasi-eremitical, and inward looking – which were all part of the same decentralised religious movement. This thesis attempts to situate the Scottish Augustinians, as far as possible, within this spectrum. It argues that a unique manifestation of the regular canonical movement emerged in the kingdom of Scotland as the result of a range of factors – including shared patrons, leadership, and episcopal support – which had the effect of creating a group identity, and, thereby, a collective understanding of their vocation and role in society.

The subject institutions have been particularly fortunate in terms of the quality and variety of the surviving source material. The evidence is comprised principally of charter material, but also includes chronicles and foundation narratives produced by Scottish Augustinians, and these provide an essential supplement. This thesis sheds light on an important group of religious houses in Scotland and on a complex religious movement that is only beginning to be fully understood, and, thus, it is hoped that this study will lay the groundwork for future research.

L'article examine la diffusion des chanoines réguliers dans les diocèses de Die, Gap et Sisteron. Si les chanoines des chapitres cathédraux demeurèrent des séculiers, les évêques encouragèrent le développement des réseaux canoniaux de Saint-Ruf et d'Oulx et surtout, créèrent des réseaux locaux de chanoines réguliers.

Sulle tracce di don paolo Moerich, chierico e scultore * 1 Ci sono diversi modi per raccontare la storia di don Paolo Moerich o, meglio, quel frammento della sua vita che le carte ci lasciano intravvedere. Noi abbiamo scelto di iniziare dalla fine.

The Augustinian canons have never enjoyed the level of scholarly attention afforded to the monastic and mendicant movements of the central middle ages. This disparity has been particularly acute in the British Isles, despite being its most prolific religious movement. Scholars working in England, Ireland, and Wales have begun to correct this historiographical lacuna. In Scotland, the regular canons have also received comparatively scant attention, and, indeed, have largely been understood on the basis of imported paradigms. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to address a deficiency in Scottish historiography and make a contribution to the growing scholarship on the regular canons in the British Isles. The regular canonical movement is examined within the kingdom of Scotland over the course of roughly a century. Eleven non-congregational houses of regular canons are considered, namely Scone, Holyrood, Jedburgh, St. Andrews, Cambuskenneth, and Inchcolm and the dependencies of Loc...

Schlagwörter: Literaturtopographie und topographical turn, historische Bibliotheken, Meister Eckhart, Devotio moderna, Augustinerchorherren, Rebdorf

This study aims to establish paths towards a historically-mediated approach to Eckhart, using the example of a specific convent. Those texts that we now associate with Eckhart can be taken as a starting-point. It is of vital methodological importance in this enterprise to define a framework of reference that enables us to isolate readings of Eckhart that were historically possible. This framework of reference can be constituted by the works transmitted alongside the Eckhart texts within a codex, as well as by those beyond it, namely in the library; for both functioned as spaces of reflection and interpretation. The commentary with which the anonymously-transmitted Eckhart sermon No. 52 (the ›Armutspredigt‹) was equipped in Rebdorf serves as the basis to sketch out just what an interpretative approach of this kind would look like, when undertaken at the level of the texts transmitted beyond the central codex in question. The primary focus of this study is not the kind of Eckhart reception that the commentary represents, but the explicit attribution of texts to Eckhart. The presence, frequency of use, and valency of the name ‘Eckhart’ in the Rebdorf library is investigated in order to reveal the contemporary perception – and/or perceptibility – of Eckhart in Rebdorf, without ignoring those cases that appear at first sight to signal a refusal to appropriate Eckhart.

Das Augustinerchorherrenkloster Rebdorf ist kein unbekannter Flecken auf der Landkarte der spätmittelalterlichen Mystik. Seine Erhebungen, zu denen etwa die signifikante Tauler-Überlieferung oder die hochdeutschen Übertragungen von Werken der niederländischen Mystik gehören, haben ‚Mystographen‘ vermessen; die Niederungen, für die die sonstigen Inhalte des weitestgehend erhaltenen Bibliotheksbestandes stehen, findet man in modernen Beschreibungskatalogen oder auch in Spezialuntersuchungen dokumentiert. Freilich gibt es auch weiße Flecken. Zu diesen weißen Flecken gehört etwa die Eckhart-Überlieferung. Die Präsenz eckhartischen Schrifttums in Rebdorf ist keineswegs selbstverständlich, wenn man sich vergegenwärtigt, dass Rebdorf zur Windesheimer Observanz gehörte, deren Frömmigkeitsprofil stark von der Devotio moderna geprägt war. Angesichts des selektiven, ja sogar (auch und gerade im Hinblick auf Eckhart) restriktiven Literaturprogramms der Gründungsväter der Devotio moderna verwundert es, auf Eckhartiana (ob echt oder unecht, spielt keine Rolle) in Rebdorf zu stoßen. Freilich stellt sich dabei die Frage, ob die in Rebdorf anzutreffende Eckhart-Überlieferung solcher Art ist, dass man sie auch Eckhart-Rezeption nennen darf. Es gibt zwei Möglichkeiten, wie man sich dieser Frage nähern kann. Zu Einen kann man nach Präsenz, Frequenz und Valenz des Namens Eckhart in Rebdorf fragen. Damit rückt die zeitgenössische Wahrnehmung bzw. Wahrnehmbarkeit von Eckhart in Rebdorf in den Mittelpunkt der Betrachtungen. Zum Anderen besteht die Möglichkeit, von jenen Texten auszugehen, die wir mit Eckhart in Verbindung bringen. Methodisch unerlässlich ist dabei, einen Bezugsrahmen zu definieren, der uns in die Lage versetzt, historisch mögliche Eckhart-Lektüren zu eruieren, Trampelpfade historischer Textdeutungen aufzudecken. Dieser Bezugsrahmen kann sowohl die kodexinterne, als auch die kodexübergreifende Mitüberlieferung, die Bibliothek – verstanden als eine „begehbare Sammelhandschrift“ (Johannes G. Mayer) – sein, bildet sie doch hier wie dort den Deutungs- und Resonanzraum eines bestimmten Textes. Wie man die kodexübergreifende Mitüberlieferung als Deutungs- und Resonanzraum vorzustellen hat, soll am Beispiel der in Rebdorf anonym überlieferten Armutspredigt (Nr. 52 in der kritischen Eckhart-Ausgabe), genauer: anhand des ihr beigegebenen Kommentars, skizziert werden. Mein Hauptaugenmerk gilt jedoch nicht dieser Art von Eckhart-Rezeption, sondern den expliziten Zuweisungen von Texten an Eckhart, ohne dabei jene Fälle zu unterschlagen, die eine verweigerte Eckhart-Rezeption nahe legen. Wie die kulturwissenschaftlich orientierte Raumforschung setzt die vorliegende Studie einen Topographie-Begriff voraus, der die in der handschriftlichen Überlieferung beobachtbaren epistemologischen Ordnungs- und Verortungsverfahren von geographisch definierbaren Orten und konkreten Institutionen zwar nicht entbindet, doch dabei (ganz im Sinne des "topographical turn") vor allem die Praktiken der Verortung, d. h. das Graphische am Topographischen, akzentuiert.

The study deals with the overview of the preserved manuscripts of the canonries of the Augustinian canons in Roudnice nad Labem and Sadská. The majority of the codices are large, written on parchment, illuminated, and originate from the 14th century. Their content is traditional, the majority of them is formed by the liturgical books, writings of the Church Fathers, scholastic authors and works of canon law. Surprisingly, there are no codices in Czech language and only very few texts pertain to the modern devotion.
However, the extant codices are not necessarily a representative sample of what the library may have held. It is possible that when fleeing Roudnice in 1421, the canons decided to privilege the codices that were materially precious. Treatises of 15th century were more likely to be copied in less pricy paper volumes and might have been left behind. In any case, the preserved part of the library does not support the thesis about Roudnice’s role in spiritual transformation.

The article deals with the Roudnice statutes (consuetudines) that have not yet been studied in detail. At first it discusses the question of their origin.  Although they share the most aspects with the statutes of the monastery in Marbach, the model for their creation were probably the statutes of some canonry from the congregation of St. Ruf in Avignon where John of Dražice, the founder of Roudnice, spent some time. The text of the statutes is preserved in several manuscripts, among them also in one manuscript from Roudnice, today ms. XIX B 3 of the National Library of the Czech Republic, but there is no modern edition of them.
The statutes provide clear and often very detailed rules for everyday life. Substantial attention is given to the liturgy of hours, but the statutes also describes in detail the acceptance of the novices into the community, correct manner of clothing, eating in the refectory, rules of sleeping in the dormitory, and also e.g. the monastic library. Due to the influence of Roudnice, its statutes became very influential and soon came to be used not only in the monasteries of the order in the Czech lands, but also in some monasteries in Austria, Poland, and Germany.

This study investigates the rules and customs governing Czech Canons Regular of St Augustine, and provides an examination of the implications of the official consuetudines (customs) for the structure and dynamics of everyday social and individual living. The Roudnice consuetudines would prove immensely influential, spreading to what is now modern-day Poland, Slovakia, Germany, and Austria.

Das Urteil des Salzburger Erzbischofs von 1136 im Streit zwischen Baumburg und Berchtesgaden war in vielfacher Hinsicht ein wichtiger Einschnitt in der Geschichte des Stifts. Nicht nur, dass Baumburg nun rechtlich von Berchtesgaden getrennt und auf sich selbst verwiesen war; nicht nur, dass der Salzburger Erzbischof, die Autorität in süddeutschen Kanonikerkreisen, den Standpunkt der Baumburger Kanoniker als "Meinung, die bei gewissen einfachen Brüdern aufkam" desavouierte, auch das Abrücken der Gründerfamilie - der Grafen von Sulzbach - vom Stift manifestierte sich in ihm. Denn das gewichtigste Argument, das Erzbischof Konrad in seinem urkundlich fIxierten und nicht von ungefähr nur in Berchtesgaden überlieferten Urteil (iudicium) anführte, war der Wille des Stifters Graf Berengar I. von Sulzbach († 1125). Noch zu Lebzeiten habe Graf Berengar beiden Konventen eigene Güter zugewiesen und sie getrennt, was auch Urkunden belegen würden. Und in der Tat betrieb der Graf von Sulzbach von Anfang an die Gründung zweier Stifte. Aus Baumburger Sicht stand dieser Stifterwille im Gegensatz zu den eigenen, im 12. Jahrhundert niemals aufgegebenen Ansprüchen auf eine Unterordnung Berchtesgadens.
Graf Berengar selbst sowie seine Familie scheinen wiederum nach der erfolgten Gründungsausstattung, sicher aber nach 1136 kaum mehr etwas für Baumburg getan zu haben.
Dieses spannungsreiche Verhältnis Baumburgs zu seiner Stifterfamilie ist bemerkenswert. Denn das Schicksal der zahlreichen klösterlichen Neugründungen des 12. Jahrhunderts hing eng vom Wohlwollen und der Förderung durch die Gründergeschlechter ab. Die Geschichte der Stiftungen des Adels entschied sich im Umfang der ersten Ausstattung mit Gütern und Menschen, in der erfolgreichen Ermunterung des adeligen Gefolges zu Schenkungen an das Stift, aber auch in der milden oder drückenden Ausübung der Vogtei sowie in der Intensität der Einbeziehung in die Krisen und Konflikte der jeweiligen Adelshäuser. Dass in Baumburg der Gründer von Sulzbach und seine Familie so zurücktraten, musste gravierende Auswirkungen auf die Überlebensfähigkeit des Stifts haben und zu einer tiefsitzenden Verunsicherung führen. Denn über die anfängliche Bewidmung hinaus hatte eine Stifterfamilie für die Ergänzung und den weiteren Ausbau des Besitzes zu sorgen. Es war für das Stift an der Alz deshalb eine Schicksalsfrage, die Abwendung der Stifterfamilie zu kompensieren und den Adel und die Ministerialität des Chiemgaus für weitere Schenkungen zu gewinnen. Auf welchem Weg gelang ihm das? Wer trat an die Stelle der Stifterfamilie, welche kleinen und großen Geschlechter wurden nun für Baumburg wichtig? Und wie erklärt sich das Abrücken der Grafen von Sulzbach von Baumburg aus der Perspektive des Adelsgeschlechts und die Zuwendung neuer Geschlechter aus deren Sicht? Was erwarteten sie vom Stift und welche Funktion übernahm es für deren adelige Herrschaft?

To everything there is a season, and a time to ever y purpose under the heaven (Eccl. 3, "Time in its liturgical framework has many speeds and dimensions." 1 I "If they need to cut nails, then they would cut [them]." 2 A point in time for the cutting of nails-this sounds rather like the schedule of a 21st century teenager than that of a medieval monk or canon regular. However within the densely structured hours, days, weeks, months, years and lives of regular canons in the 12th century, besides many more liturgically important activities even a detail like the cutting of nails has its appropriate time. And-as time and space are thought to be intertwined categories -it has also its appropriate place. Studies on medieval historiography, exegesis, and apocalyptic speculations have recently underlined the variety of medieval concepts of 'past, present, and future' as well as their spatial logics, but not much research has been done on the materiality of the experience of time people had in their daily life and how the theological and philosophical notions of past and future would intermingle with every-day perceptions and performances of time. 3 This article will explore how time and space were conceived in a high medieval Augustinian community by taking NB: This is only an emended version of the proof. To cite the paper please consult the printed version.

This publication presents the first detailed and systematic catalogue of manuscripts and incunables owned by two Augustinian canon houses in Southern Bohemia, Třeboň (Wittingau, founded in 1367) and its smaller nearby daughter foundation, Borovany (Forbes, founded in 1455) during the Middle Ages (until ca. 1500). With 293 surviving manuscript volumes, the medieval library of the Třeboň house is the largest extant medieval monastic library in the Czech lands. Its survival is attributed primarily to the fact that Třeboň was protected by the influential lords of Rožmberk (Rosenberg), and thus it was never destroyed during the Hussite Wars. Some of its volumes were given over to Borovany, from which 58 manuscripts have survived. While most of the manuscripts and incunables are now preserved in the National Library in Prague, some are kept in the State Archives in Třeboň, and several items are held in the Library of the National Museum in Prague, the Strahov Monastery Library, the Vatican Library, in the Wrocław University Library, the Metropolitan Chapter Library of St. Vitus Cathedral, the South Bohemian Museum in České Budějovice, the Cistercian abbey of Vyšší Brod (Hohenfurt), and the library of Knights of the Cross with the Red Star in Prague.
The second volume of the present catalogue is dedicated to manuscripts revealing the hand of one particular canon of Třeboň, Crux de Telcz (1434-1504). Crux was a peculiar personality and an avid scribe, and his hand is found in approximately 20% of the surviving Třeboň manuscripts. These reflect his wide-ranging interests, including religious polemics, secular poetry, and medicine or computus. Crux's manuscripts are described here in particular detail because they provide particularly valuable evidence: some remain unedited; others attest to unique variants; while a few are entirely unknown elsewhere. Their impact on the overall content of the Třeboň library is substantial.

This article from the Encyclopedia of Martin Luther and the Reformation (2017) explores the origins, composition and afterlife of Martin Luther‘s first song, “Ein neues Lied wir heben an”, a polemical account of the trial and execution of two Augustinians found guilty of spreading his ideas in the Low Countries.

Das Augustinerchorherrenkloster Rebdorf ist kein unbekannter Flecken auf der Landkarte der spätmittelalterlichen Mystik. Seine Erhebungen, zu denen etwa die signifikante Tauler-Überlieferung oder die hochdeutschen Übertragungen von Werken der niederländischen Mystik gehören, haben ‚Mystographen‘ vermessen; die Niederungen, für die die sonstigen Inhalte des weitestgehend erhaltenen Bibliotheksbestandes stehen, findet man in modernen Beschreibungskatalogen oder auch in Spezialuntersuchungen dokumentiert.

Freilich gibt es auch weiße Flecken. Zu diesen weißen Flecken gehört etwa die Eckhart-Überlieferung. Die Präsenz eckhartischen Schrifttums in Rebdorf ist keineswegs selbstverständlich, wenn man sich vergegenwärtigt, dass Rebdorf zur Windesheimer Observanz gehörte, deren Frömmigkeitsprofil stark von der Devotio moderna geprägt war. Angesichts des selektiven, ja sogar (auch und gerade im Hinblick auf Eckhart) restriktiven Literaturprogramms der Gründungsväter der Devotio moderna verwundert es, auf Eckhartiana (ob echt oder unecht, spielt keine Rolle) in Rebdorf zu stoßen. Freilich stellt sich dabei die Frage, ob die in Rebdorf anzutreffende Eckhart-Überlieferung solcher Art ist, dass man sie auch Eckhart-Rezeption nennen darf.

Es gibt zwei Möglichkeiten, wie man sich dieser Frage nähern kann. Zu Einen kann man nach Präsenz, Frequenz und Valenz des Namens Eckhart in Rebdorf fragen. Damit rückt die zeitgenössische Wahrnehmung bzw. Wahrnehmbarkeit von Eckhart in Rebdorf in den Mittelpunkt der Betrachtungen. Zum Anderen besteht die Möglichkeit, von jenen Texten auszugehen, die wir mit Eckhart in Verbindung bringen. Methodisch unerlässlich ist dabei, einen Bezugsrahmen zu definieren, der uns in die Lage versetzt, historisch mögliche Eckhart-Lektüren zu eruieren, Trampelpfade historischer Textdeutungen aufzudecken. Dieser Bezugsrahmen kann sowohl die kodexinterne, als auch die kodexübergreifende Mitüberlieferung, die Bibliothek – verstanden als eine „begehbare Sammelhandschrift“ (Johannes G. Mayer) – sein, bildet sie doch hier wie dort den Deutungs- und Resonanzraum eines bestimmten Textes. Wie man die kodexübergreifende Mitüberlieferung als Deutungs- und Resonanzraum vorzustellen hat, soll am Beispiel der in Rebdorf anonym überlieferten Armutspredigt (Nr. 52 in der kritischen Eckhart-Ausgabe), genauer: anhand des ihr beigegebenen Kommentars, skizziert werden. Mein Hauptaugenmerk gilt jedoch nicht dieser Art von Eckhart-Rezeption, sondern den expliziten Zuweisungen von Texten an Eckhart, ohne dabei jene Fälle zu unterschlagen, die eine verweigerte Eckhart-Rezeption nahe legen.

Wie die kulturwissenschaftlich orientierte Raumforschung setzt die vorliegende Studie einen Topographie-Begriff voraus, der die in der handschriftlichen Überlieferung beobachtbaren epistemologischen Ordnungs- und Verortungsverfahren von geographisch definierbaren Orten und konkreten Institutionen zwar nicht entbindet, doch dabei (ganz im Sinne des "topographical turn") vor allem die Praktiken der Verortung, d. h. das Graphische am Topographischen, akzentuiert.

The church of St Bartholomew the Great in West Smithfield is not generally thought of as a building of major importance, probably because the plan of its presbytery seems to suggest that it was a rather outmoded imitation of Norwich Cathedral. The first part of this paper examines the basis for such an assumption and offers an explanation for the similarities between the presbyteries of the two buildings. Affiliations between the two institutions are placed in the wider context of the aspirations of the London episcopate in the decades either side of 1100. Smithfield emerges as an extraordinary building, highly untypical of contemporary Augustinian architecture. The twelfth-century foundation narrative of Smithfield implies that, while in building, the church struck onlookers as astonishingly innovative. Taken at face value, this is puzzling, since most of the elements of its design had been common architectural currency for a generation or more. This apparently paradoxical situation is explored in the second part of the paper and the basis for Smithfield's perceived modernity while under construction very tentatively reconstructed. Anglo-Norman London has all but disappeared. Remarkably, even though the buildings surrounding it in West Smithfield have been destroyed and replaced time and again, the Romanesque presbytery of the priory church of St Bartholomew's is still standing. A precious vestige on the dense urban palimpsest that is London's built history, it is cherished as a cultural landmark and as a place of worship. As an example of English Romanesque architecture, however, it cannot be said to enjoy a place among the major monuments of the age. When it does appear in the scholarly literature, it is almost invariably compared with the earlier and better-preserved cathedral church at Norwich. Norwich and Smithfield are normally discussed together in connection with just one architectural feature, namely the similarity in plan of their distinctive radiating chapels. ä1 Norwich, the older of the two foundations by some twenty-seven years, was the product of an extraordinarily innovative period of church building in England of the last quarter of the eleventh century. Herein, perhaps, lies the explanation for Smithfield's modest reputation in architectural terms. Among scholars, the tacit consensus seems always to have been that Smithfield was imitative and old fashioned, mindlessly following a successful formula established almost thirty years earlier at Norwich.

The article deals with the medieval manuscript library of the former house of the Canons Regular of St Augustine in Prague-Karlov. The text presents extant sources: apart from the manuscripts themselves, some of which contain ownership and donation records, there is in particular a medieval list of Karlov manuscripts, made by the abbot Procopius in 1380, and a record of the donation of a large number of codices given to the library by Jan, the parish priest of Dobešov and Černovice, in 1395. The article further analyses them and describes the history of this library on their basis. The core of the study is a description of the surviving part of the library, from which twenty-five manuscripts have been identified. It summarises the physical characteristics of the codices, their dating, provenance, and language classification. Most attention is given to a detailed thematic categorization of the library’s contents.

This study describes the statutes of the Canons Regular of St Augustine of Roudnice nad Labem, a text which became extremely influential throughout Central Europe. This text is introduced by a discussion of its textual form, as well as the text itself, including its manuscript transmission and the relevant bibliography. Selected excerpts follow; Latin passages are accompanied by a facing-page Czech translation and explanatory notes.

Comme toutes les institutions ecclésiastiques, les communautés canoniales ont eu à appliquer cette vertu théologale qu’est la charité. Qu’elles soient régulières ou séculières, elles ont géré des institutions hospitalières, distribué des aumônes, accueilli pauvres, vieillards, veuves, orphelins, malades, etc. De plus, à la fin du XIIIe siècle, une communauté est érigée officiellement en ordre à Saint-Antoine-en-Viennois dans le but de soigner les malades atteints du mal des ardents. Cette communauté hospitalière est organisée selon la règle de saint Augustin et ses membres sont dénommés chanoines. Des préceptories de cet ordre hospitalier sont fondées dans le diocèse. Nous essaierons de voir les modalités d’application de cette charité dans ce monde canonial pluriel, en contact avec les laïcs.

In research concerning the spread of eleventh-century ecclesiastical reform ideas, papal protection bulls have been somewhat overlooked as scholarship has privileged more obvious instruments of papal politics, such as legates, councils, canon law, papal letters, and friendship networks. This is not surprising considering the fact that the only documents preserved are very often the bulls themselves, making it virtually impossible to reconstruct the impact that they had on the local churches. Therefore, the availability of several narrative sources discussing the reception of the bulls Gregory VII issued in favor of the Benedictine abbey of Saint Hubert in the diocese of Liège in 1074 and of the priory of regular canons in Watten in the diocese of Thérouanne in 1077 is truly unique. While these accounts are heavily biased, they permit us to catch a rare glimpse of how bulls were received at the grassroots level. As becomes clear from their stormy reception, the charters prompted discussion in the episcopal entourage about questions of ecclesiastical hierarchy, procedure, papal obedience, and episcopal authority. They cleverly rooted the papal reform program in the midst of far-off but politically important dioceses and forced bishop and clergy to take a stance in the reform debate.

The accepted narrative concerning monastic preaching to the English laity suggests that it happened occasionally in the twelfth century and then disappeared until the fourteenth century when monks and canons regular, belatedly following the friars’ example, began to preach again. This paper calls that narrative into question. Records of episcopal administration and surviving sermon books of monastic provenance, including manuscripts from Worcester and Durham cathedrals, provide evidence for pastoral care of the laity and popular preaching by cloistered religious in thirteenth-century England. This would indicate that some monks and canons were contributors and not mere bystanders to the pastoral revolution that shaped later medieval lay religion. In addition to providing evidence, the article points toward previously neglected sources where more is likely to be found.

Graz, University Library, MS 807 and Vienna, Austrian National Library, latin 13314 have been studied intensively for more than a century, yet unsolved problems remain. Following a brief
discussion of the sources and relevant scholarship, I examine the antiphons for the Rogationtide processions in the gradual portions of both manuscripts, along with a supplementary set of Rogationtide antiphons added to the Vienna codex. I then take a closer look at the expanded descriptions for the rites for Holy Thursday, Good Friday and Holy Saturday in the Vienna manuscript’s sacramentary. From this evidence, I reaffirm the association of the liturgies in Vienna 13314 and Graz 807 with the canons and canonesses of Klosterneuburg respectively, and argue that the twelfth-century additions to Vienna 13314 suggest that the two manuscripts were kept together already in the twelfth century, most likely at the Augustinian monastery at Seckau. I conclude with further observations on the much-discussed odd placement of the Dedication of the Church in the Sanctorale of Graz 807 and on the occasion that would
have brought the two manuscripts to Seckau.