Ancient Science

From the sixth to the eighth centuries, the Roman world suffered the first known pandemic caused by Yersinia pestis, the bacterial agent of bubonic plague. Despite the pandemic's horrors, scholarly consensus has maintained that medical authors took no notice of the Justinianic Pandemic. This article introduces the first evidence that physicians at the time of the Justinianic Pandemic described the illness that raged around them. Through a close analysis of the language used by contemporary historians to describe the symptoms of the pandemic, it is possible to uncover discussions of the pandemic in medical literature that have remained hidden in plain sight. Specifically, this article argues that the sixth-and seventh-century physicians John of Alexandria, Stephanus of Athens, and Paul of Aegina not only describe the illness of the pandemic, but also develop sophisticated ways of diagnosing the illness, understanding it physiologically, and treating it. In so doing, these authors go beyond medical precedent to construct innovative responses to an unprecedented pandemic. The Justinianic Plague, the first historically recorded plague pandemic, first struck the Roman Empire at the port city of Pelusium in ad 541. From there the disease spread throughout the Roman Empire and beyond, recurring in successive outbreaks for over two centuries. 1 The Justinianic Plague is widely This article grows out of research conducted as part of the Max Planck-Harvard Research Center for the Archaeoscience of the Ancient Mediterranean (MHAAM). An early version of this article was presented at the École française de Rome as part of the 2019 conference "Les maladies infectieuses dans l'antiquité: Sources écrites et archives bio-archéologiques." This article is deeply indebted to the generous suggestions and comments of many readers. I would like in particular to thank Michael McCormick, whose direction on this project has been invaluable, Julia Judge-Mulhall, Kyle Harper, Lee Mordechai, Merle Eisenberg, and the two anonymous referees for the Journal of Late Antiquity. I would also like to acknowledge my debt to Dumbarton Oaks, which supported my research on this project through the William R. Tyler Fellowship. 1 For some of the most recent surveys and general studies of the Justinianic Plague, see Stathako

One of the better-known episodes in the life of John Tzetzes is his complaint that during a period of poverty in the 1130s he had been forced to sell off his books until only two remained in his possession – a copy of Plutarch’s Lives and a collection of “various mathematical morsels”. While Tzetzes’ historical, allegorical and exegetical writings do not otherwise display an exceptional passion for or expertise in mathematics, he names numerous “scientific” authors and cites their texts to elucidate, enliven or verify historical events, literary meanings and natural phenomena. Investigation of Tzetzes’ citations and terminology in this sphere indicates that his interests lay not in mathematical theory but in practical applications and demonstrations, consistent with his fascination for celebrated achievements in mechanical technology and military engineering. He also extols the sciences of classical antiquity and compiles lists of writers and works on geometry, mechanics, hydraulics, optics, pneumatics and poliorcetics. This paper concerning interaction between Tzetzes’ oeuvre and scientific literature has three objectives. First, evaluation of Tzetzes’ references to mathematical- technological authors (mechanographoi), including works that are otherwise unattested or lost, attempts to distinguish first-hand knowledge of texts from mere literary posturing, and to examine how Tzetzes’ citations relate to the known textual traditions, manuscript transmission and scholarly reception of classical science in Byzantium. This investigation demonstrates Tzetzes’ familiarity with two late antique works: Pappus’ Synagogue, a mathematical compendium (c.340), and Anthemius’ Περὶ παραδόξων μηχανημάτων, a treatise on geometrical optics (c.520-530s). Second, analysis of Tzetzes’ use of extant scientific texts, and in particular his efforts to combine historical narrative and technical exposition (e.g. his fusion of Cassius Dio’s Roman History and Anthemius’ Περὶ παραδόξων μηχανημάτων in reporting the legendary tale of Archimedes’ burning-mirrors [Hist. 2.112-31]), supply a methodological template for studying other cases where his technical source is uncertain or lost (e.g. his account of Apollodorus of Damascus’ bridge over the Danube [Hist. 2.65-97]). Third, striking parallels with the writings of Tzetzes’ near-contemporaries, notably Zonaras and Eustathius of Thessalonica, point to intertextuality and/or common source material, and suggest that Tzetzes’ “mathematical” interests were not entirely idiosyncratic or pedantic but shared and reflect a broader intellectual climate in twelfth-century Byzantium.

In Agamemnon's gloating recollection of the night Troy fell (Aeschylus, _Agamemnon_ 825-828), he makes a reference  to the Pleiades which calls out for explanation. This paper connects that astronomical reference to others latent in the play to bring out a strain of cosmographic imagery, prefiguring the destinies of the principal figures of the play.

This article presents a strategy for introducing Presocratic thought to students in a manner that is both engaging and relevant. The first section addresses students' reactions to the claim that the Presocratics were the first philosophers. The second section considers how the fragmentary state of Presocratic thought does not hinder its comprehension. The third section proposes a classroom exercise for testing the scientific merits of each of the Presocratic theories. The final section proposes the use of a mock trial as a means of applying the materialist approach introduced by the Presocratics to contemporary debates about free will and determinism.

Il principale obiettivo dei Milesi, lungi dall’essere un’insensata reductio
ad unum di tutte le sostanze, è stato in effetti un primo tentativo d’interpretare razionalmente il mondo intorno a noi, spiegando cosa costringa i corpi celesti a girare intorno alla terra e quale sia l’origine dei fuochi astrali. Forse però il loro più importante contributo è stato di natura epistemologica. Essi hanno mostrato che i fenomeni fisici devono essere spiegati in termini fisici e quelli biologici in termini biologici, valorizzando così l’osservazione scientifica e favorendo il perfezionamento dei metodi di misura che ha portato al grande sviluppo della scienza greca

Evoluzione e progresso in Lucrezio 11.00 discussione 11.00 Isabella TONDO (Liceo Scientifico "B. Croce" -Università di Palermo) Proposta didattica: la scienza dell'uomo da Lombroso ai Romani 11.20 discussione 15.30 Marco FORMISANO (Humboldt-Universität, Berlino) L'architetto, il medico e il generale a Roma: tra sapere tecnico e letteratura 16.00 discussione 16.30 Luigi MENNA (Università di Palermo) Proposta didattica: un percorso sulla matematica medievale 16.50 discussione 16.50 Antonino GRILLONE (Università di Palermo) Informazioni tecniche e linguaggio nel De metatione castrorum dello ps. Igino 17.10 discussione Parteciperanno al Convegno i Docenti: VALENTINA MANGIAFORTE -MANLIO SCHIAVO

This article deals with data inscribed on Ancient Egyptian cubit rods, and more specifically on the ceremonial cubit rods. Following a description of their technical and symbolic aspects, the paper reveals a property of the fine subdivisions engraved on the graduated part of these objects, and demonstrates that they could have allowed the cubits to be used as very accurate measuring rulers for architectural drawings and craft works.
See also animations available at http://www.egyptian-architecture.com/JAEA1/JAEA1_Monnier_Petit_Tardy

The paper seeks to explain a difficult passage in Strabo’s Geography (II. 1. 1–20 C67–77), which is devoted to Hipparchus’ objections against Eratosthenes’ conclu-sions about the latitudinal position of India. It is argued, among other things, that Hipparchus proposed a more correct estimate of the latitude of southern India, than Eratosthenes, and that Ptolemy’s Geography probably drew on this estimate.

It is well known that Ptolemy’s Geography used systematically exaggerated values for longitudes, which made his map look excessively stretched from West to East in comparison with modern maps. According to one recent hypothesis, the source of Ptolemy’s inaccurate longitudes lay in his adoption of a new value for the Earth’s circumference. Ptolemy chose to rely on an estimate provided by Posidonius instead of a larger estimate by Eratosthenes, and as a result, all the distances converted from linear into angular units became exaggerated. The present article tests this hypothesis and finds that, on the one hand, it explains the stretching of the map only partially, and in some cases does not fit the data at all. On the other hand, the stretching of Ptolemy’s map can largely be explained by a systematic exaggeration of the distances between basic points.

This paper compares the Milky Way in Aratus (Ph. 469–79) and Manilius (1.684–804), focusing on the role of the sublime in both texts. In Aratus, to gaze at the Milky Way is a sublime experience that constitutes an image for reading the Phaenomena.  In addition, the sublimity of the Milky Way transports us to a time when the heavens were not fully understood. To wonder at the Milky Way is a transcendent, spiritual experience that pushes us to study the heavens. Manilius responds to Aratus in ways that have gone unnoticed. The Milky Way fills viewers with sublime wonder and physically compels contemplation of the stars and the divine. Because of its physical power, however, the Milky Way symbolizes the principles and mechanisms of astrology and the sublimity of the astrological poet. Manilius also reminds the reader of an earlier era in the history of stargazing, but this experience plunges us into sublime terror, offering a darker view of the past than Aratus. Manilius’ narrative contains an additional self-referential image. According to some, Phaethon’s fiery chariot ride produced the Milky Way. For Manilius, though, Phaethon is an exuberant stargazer whose daring adventure symbolizes an approach to the heavens that is properly and polemically sublime.

Studiu despre religia geto-dacilor, cu scopul de a clarifica aspecte ale mitului lui Zalmoxis. Concluzia:  Zalmoxis este același cu Gebeleizis, o divinitate a luminii de natură ignee, zeu primordial și civilizator, iar formal mitul său urmează tiparul comun al basmelor românești, tipar care se păstrează până astăzi. Sunt abordate și problemele credințelor populare geto-dacice, formele alternative de cult. Text revăzut.

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Questo testo si propone di considerare seriamente il cosiddetto terrapiattismo e di fornire una ricognizione di questa dottrina, intesa come fenomeno culturale e sociale. Lo scopo è quello di condurre un esame iniziale della questione e presentare una descrizione e una classificazione dei principali argomenti, fisici e non solo, di cui i sostenitori della Terra piatta usualmente si avvalgono per sostenere la loro pseudo-teoria.
A text that aims to seriously consider the so-called Flat Earth Theory and to provide a first exploration of this doctrine, understood as a cultural and social phenomenon. The purpose is to conduct an initial examination of the issue and present a description and classification of the main topics, physical and not only, used usually by 'Flat Earthers' to support their pseudo-theory.

How do religious and scientific systems of knowledge and modes of inquiry differ? How is "real" magic supposed to work? What is the role of reason in each of these cases? What is the role of authority? Where do systems such as alchemy or astrology fit in the spectrum of such ideas and practices? This course draws together a wide range of materials from antiquity to the present, from Europe, the Middle East, and South Asia, that will illustrate a variety of types of systems of knowledge that have been proposed, and the bases upon which they have been constructed. We begin by reviewing various classical, medieval, and modern philosophical, religious, and scientific views of what counts as knowledge, how it is acquired and taught, the authority of tradition, and the role of experience (perception, experiment) and reason in establishing or confirming knowledge. Theoretical and methodological readings will be balanced with a selection of case studies in which these questions arise. These will be drawn from a diverse range of contexts: rites and doctrines of ancient and medieval religions, ancient and medieval natural philosophy, alchemy, astrology, sorcery, traditional and alternative medical traditions, and new religious movements. Students will research a system of their choice and analyze its presuppositions, criteria of validity, and modes of reasoning and argumentation in comparison with those of other traditions covered in the course, using the analytic framework described at the end of the syllabus. We will emphasize how ideas and bodies of knowledge have communicated and exchanged across Eurasia since antiquity, up to the present. COURSE REQUIREMENTS 1. A midterm examination (25% of the final grade). 2. A final examination (25% of the final grade). 3. A ca. 4000-word research paper (40% of the final grade) on a particular tradition, including an analysis of the criteria used within the tradition to make claims to truth or efficacy, and the ways in which it positions itself in relation to other spheres of knowledge and action. Papers will follow a common format to facilitate comparisons between topics. 4. In-class contributions, including an 8-minute presentation in class of research findings (10%).

Nel dibattito della nostra epoca la presenza degli animali, e l'insieme dei problemi connessi alla relazione uomo-animale, sembrano sempre più acquisire un ruolo di primo piano. Ciò vale in egual misura per le scienze naturali e le discipline umanistiche, per la biologia evolutiva come per la filosofia morale. Soprattutto, appare sempre più consistente il peso degli interrogativi etici - bioetici - impliciti nelle questioni zooantropologiche. Questo volume intende riprendere in considerazione l'opera di due fra i più importanti pensatori della cultura romana, l'epicureo Lucrezio e lo stoico Seneca, al fine di ripercorrere attraverso sondaggi selettivi l'ampio dibattito sviluppatosi a Roma, fra tarda repubblica ed età giulio-claudia, in merito al tema della condizione animale. Dalla polemica lucreziana contro l'antropocentrismo all'umanesimo problematico di Seneca, dai dibattiti intorno al vegetarismo alla ricezione del pensiero greco, un viaggio attraverso testi complessi, al confine tra filologia, storia della scienza e antropologia culturale, rivela volti diversi di uomini e animali: volti così distanti, e al contempo così vicini.

This article reinterprets Thucydides's analysis of the post-Periclean turn in Athenian politics by reading it within the context of contemporary "tragic" and "scientific" explanatory traditions. It finds in this analysis an ambitious attempt to reinvent the traditional, tragic pattern of hubris-driven reversal by reinterpreting its underlying causal logic according to a scientific perspective in which the overdetermining effects of deities are replaced by the variable power dynamics of democratic deliberation. The resultant analysis identifies a change in the relative standing of leaders as the determining cause of democratic reversal, not the absolute decline in leadership, thus tracing the Athenian turn towards hubris, great error, and civil discord to the egalitarian ordering of the post-Periclean assembly. In so doing, it shows how Thucydides's analysis posed a powerful challenge to previous attempts, both tragic and scientific, to prognosticate the fate of imperial democracy, as well as offering an exemplary moment of Thucydides's synthetic approach towards tragic and scientific explanatory perspectives.

Who they are?
Why they came here?
Why they Created us?

When we read mythological books in a scientific way, What will heppen.
All answers of our questions were hidden in Mythalogical books. we have to change the way to reading and thinking.

Acharya Varahamihira was one of the greatest astrologers of ancient India. Belonging to the 6th century CE of the Gupta Age, he composed numerous texts on astrology and allied subjects. Among his notable works is the Brihat Samhita, which is an extraordinary treatise on not just astrology but a host of other subjects – from architecture to agriculture, from meteorology to physiognomy, from  economics to dental hygiene! This paper presents a short background and review of the text with brief analyses of the major subject categories.

In the train of the renewed academic interest in neoplatonic natural philosophy, Proclus’ more technical scientific works such as the Hypotyposis Astronomicarum Positionum and the Paraphrasis Ptolemaei Tetrabiblou,  are beginning to receive some attention, for the first time since the beginning of printing. The Elements of Physics has been the subject of three significant studies in English by Nikulin, Kutash and Opsomer. Scholarly German translations with Greek and Latin texts having been published in 1909 (Ritzenfeld) and 1948 (Boese) respectively.

The aim of this paper is to examine the Elements of Physics, mainly from an epistemological perspective. I will begin by noticing the Platonic, Euclidean and Aristotelian aspects of the work. The work is distinctive in that it is almost entirely composed  of direct paraphrases from the Physics VI and VIII  and De Caelo I of Aristotle with no additional commentary and is presented in the format of a textbook in the style of Euclid’s Elements, which is a kind of logical structure that is a familiar part of Proclus’ philosophical repertoire.

The Paper is divided into four sections:
1- Epistemological context of Aristotle and Euclid
2-  Comparison with Aristotle's Physics and De Caelo
3- Comparison with Elements of Theology and Commentary on Euclid's Elements; Analysis of Neoplatonic elements
4- Historical influence and relevance to philosophy of science

Е. В. Афонасин, А. С. Афонасина, А. И. Щетников. Античный космос. Очерки истории античной астрономии и космологии. ¬Санкт-Петербург: Издательство РХГА, 2016. – 405 с.

ANCIENT COSMOS.
ESSAYS ON ASTRONOMY AND COSMOLOGY IN ANTIQUITY
TRANSLATIONS, COMMENTARIES AND STUDIES BY
EUGENE AFONASIN, ANNA AFONASINA AND ANDREY SCHETNIKOV

The book contains a number of studies and translations concerned with various aspects of ancient astronomy, cosmology, meteorology, geography and the theory of measuring.
Its first part contains Russian translations of three most prominent ancient as-tronomy textbooks, Geminοs’ Introduction to the Phenomena, Cleomedes’ On the Circular Motions of the Celestial Bodies, and Theon of Smyrna’s The Mathematics Useful for Understanding Plato, all prepared by Andrey Schetnikov.
The Introduction to the Phenomena (Elementa astronomiae) of the Greek math-ematician and astronomer Geminοs of Rhodes (Γεμῖνος ὁ Ῥόδιος, fl. c. 70 BC) is a manual, based on the works of earlier astronomers such as Hipparchus. It treats the following general subjects: the zodiac; the motion of the Sun; the constellations; the celestial sphere; days and nights; the risings and settings of the zodiacal signs; calendars; phases of the Moon; eclipses; star phases; terrestrial zones and geographical places; and the uselessness of the stars for making weath-er predictions.
In two volumes of his On the Circular Motions of the Celestial Bodies Cleome-des criticizes the Epicureans and approves of the Stoics. The work is valued for preserving much of Posidonius' lost writings on astronomy. Cleomedes accurately discusses lunar eclipses, notes that the absolute size of many stars may exceed that of the Sun, argues that the Sun appears farther away on the horizon than in the zenith, and therefore larger (since its angular size is constant). This book is the original source for the well-known story of how Eratosthenes measured the Earth's circumference.
Astronomical sections of the Mathematics Useful for Understanding Plato by Theon of Smyrna (the 2nd c. CE), a Greek mathematician, strongly influenced by the Neo-Pythagorean school of thought, also contain material taken from early authors, such as Thrasyllus (the beginning of the 1st c. CE), Adrastus (the end of the 1st c. CE). The purpose of Theon is to provide the reader interested in Plato with necessary aids, useful for understanding scientific background of Pythagore-an and Platonic philosophy. In its present form the treatise deals with arithmetic and numerology (book I, section 1), musical theory (book I, section 2), and as-tronomy (book II). The treatise contains a remarkably detailed description of epi-cycles and other mathematical models, useful for astronomy.
The second part of the book consists of five essays. In the first essay, Andrey Schetnikov reconstructs and illustrates the ways ancient astronomers measured distances to removed celestial objects. Two attachments are devoted to al-Biruni’s and early modern measurements of the distances to the Sun and the Moon.
In the second essay, entitled  Spherical Earth: From the Ancient Greeks to the period of the great geographic discoveries, the same author deals with the origin and late development of the spherical Earth’s doctrine in ancient Greece, as well as how it was assimilated in other cultures that came into the contact with Hellenistic culture directly or through a chain of tradition. Special attention is paid to the methods of mathematical geography, which allow to measure the circumference of the globe and to determine the coordinates of geographical points on its sur-face.
In the third essay, entitled Measuring Time in Antiquity. Clepsydra and its Pe-culiarities (on the basis of literary testimonies and archeological data from Amphi-areion), Anna Afonasina discusses an episode in the universal history of metrolo-gy and standar¬dization. Based on literary testimonies and archeological data the author first outlines the history of development of various types of the water clocks, clepsydra. Special attention is paid to the usage of clepsydra in public life (esp. in legal proceeding) and in medical practice. Then, considering the massive water clock from the sanctuary of the healer-god Amphiaraus in Oropos author shows that in the 4th cent. BCE the water clocks became an essential part of social life, and demonstrates the ways they calibrated the device according to a 24-hours scale. The author suggests that the massive water clock, designed for continuous measuring of time, subdivided at equal hours, was built at the sanctuary of Am-phiaraus for medical purposes. Such hypothesis can be confirmed by a series of passages from the Hippocratic corpus, where the word “hour” is actually intro-duced, as well as by two more testimonies from the medical practice of Herophi-lus and Galen.
The fourth essay (by Eugene Afonasin) deals with ancient meteorology. Its au-thor focuses on archeological data and specialized works on the subject (mostly, but not exclusively, these by Aristotle, Theophrastus and Seneca). We see that Theophrastus frequently professes ideas that would surprise the philosopher of Stagira. For instance, the student of Aristotle frequently insists that the kosmos is a living and ordered universe (the whole), and its innate movement is something which cannot be explained with the help of hand-made teleological constructions, such as the first mover. The analysis of Theophrastus’ (Syriac) Meteorology and a selection of the fragments of his lost scientific works is supplemented by some observations based on his Metaphysics.
The fifth essay by the same author – Demiurge in the Ancient Cosmogony – begins with a brief survey of the Early Greek cosmogonies of Pherecydes of Syros and of the Orphics (the latter, on the basis of the Derveni papyrus). The major concerns are the figure of Chronos and the demiurgic activity of Zeus. Ancient cosmogony is compared with the contemporary theory of time by I. Prigogine, who, not unlike the Ancients and in contrast with the standard cosmological theo-ry of the Big Bang, thinks that Time did not originate with our world and will not end with it. Then the author examines the kybernētēs metaphor and the ideas, associated with it in the Ancient philosophy against the background of a broader literary tradition.
The work will be useful for students of Ancient science as well as for a wider readership, including those scholars and students who are interested in Ancient philosophy and culture. The texts are illustrated and supplemented with a select bibliography.

It is generally recognized that Lucretius' treatment of earthquakes and pestilences (6.535-607;  1090-1286) exerted great influence on Book 6 of Seneca's Natural Questions. But while a large consensus exists that both authors tend to emphasize the moral value of scientific knowledge, further research is needed with respect to Seneca's “technical” re-use of Epicurean physics and meteorology.
In the present paper, I shall address this issue in three stages. First, I will analyze the structure and intellectual goals of Seneca's “doxographic” review of seismological theories (6.5-20). Far from being a doxographic account sensu proprio, such a careful review constructs the inspiring image of an intergenerational community of inquirers engaged in a virtually neverending effort. Second, I will focus on the skilful assimilation of Lucretius' atomism in Seneca's account of post-earthquake plagues (6.27-28). The special interest of this aetiological sub-section lies in its creative manipulation of Lucretius' theories, for Seneca succeeds in readapting the Epicurean explanation of the origin of diseases and its typically atomistic consideration of matter to the Stoic view of physical elements. Third and last, I will suggest that the chapter immediately following the aetiology of plagues (6.29) entails a subtle allusion to the climate of the late Republic – if not to the fate of Lucretius himself.

Scientific Life in Ancient Egyptian Civilization
"Historical and Analytical Study of Geometry, Mathematics, Astrology and Astronomy"
Historical Manifestations of Geometry and Mathematics in Ancient Egypt; Manifestations of Astrological Life in Ancient Egypt; Manifestations of Astronomical Life in Ancient Egypt; Linguistic Identification of Units of Time in Ancient Egyptian Language.
This book presents outlines of History of Sciences in Ancient Egyptian Civilization. The late Egyptian and Greek sources praised the ancient Egyptian cultural centers as a source for knowledge and science, thus ancient Egypt was a source of inspiration for the legislator 'Solon', as well as 'Thales of Miletus' who was a mathematician and astronomer, where He learned and practiced the sciences of ancient Egypt, then taking this knowledge to the Greeks. The First Chapter provides 'The Historical Manifestations of Geometry and Mathematics in Ancient Egypt'. The Second Chapter provides 'The Historical Manifestations of Astrological Life in Ancient Egypt'. The Third Chapter provides 'The Historical Manifestations of Astronomical Life in Ancient Egypt'. The Addendum provides 'The Historical and Linguistic Identification and Treatment of Obsolete Units and Measures of Time in Ancient Egyptian Language and Synonyms'. All of these were divided to several sections and topics to serve the scientific methodologies in ancient Egyptian civilization which was absolutely precious.

The analysis of several reports of Ptolemy shows that already before Marinus of Tyre ancient geographers used a kind of projection, similar to the first Ptolemy’s projection. This could have been a kind of trapezoidal projection, which is described by Strabo.

Miletoslu Anaksimandros MÖ 6. yüzyılda her şeyin sudan geldiğini öne süren "ilk filozof" Thales'in öğrencisidir. Anaksimandros'un öğrencisi Anaksimenes ise her şeyin havadan geldiğini, havanın yoğuşma ve genleşme sonucu su, toprak ve ateşe dönüştüğünü söyleyerek şeylerin kaynağına ve oluşumuna dair yeni bir açıklama getirir. Aristoteles'in "fizikçiler" dediği, doğayı doğaüstü unsurlara başvurmadan açıklayan İyonyalı Thales, Anaksimandros, Anaksimenes üçlüsü arasındaki en orijinal ve devrimci düşünür, Carlo Rovelli'ye göre, Anaksimandros'tur. İtalyan fizikçi Rovelli Miletli Anaksimandros ya da Bilimsel Düşüncenin Doğuşu 1 kitabında çıkış noktası olarak Anaksimandros'tan bugüne kalan tek yazılı parçayı temel alıyor: Her şey kaynağını birbirinde bulur ve birbirinde yok olur, zorunlulukla. Her şey birbiriyle adil kılınır ve gayriadilliği birbiriyle dengeler, zamanın düzenine uygun olarak. Rovelli bilimsel düşüncenin doğuşunu Anaksimandros'un (MÖ 614-525) bu fragmanına götürüyor. Peki burada bilimsel olan ne? Rovelli'ye göre: 1) Varlıkların doğaüstü bir neden olmaksızın "kaynağını birbirinden alması". 2) Oluş ve yokoluşlarının doğaüstü buyrukla değil "zorunlu" doğa yasalarından ileri gelmesi. 3) Birbirleriyle etkileşimlerinde belirli ölçüler ve sınırlamalarla dengelenmesi ("adil" ve "gayriadil"). 4) Bütün bu oluşum ve ilişki yasalarının zamana tabi olarak, "zamanın düzenine uygun olarak" değişmesi.

In both ancient tradition and modern research Pythagoreanism has been understood as religious sect or as a philosophical and scientific community. Numerous attempts have been made to reconcile these pictures as well as to analyze them separately. The most recent scholarship compartmentalizes different facets of Pythagorean knowledge, but this offers no context for exploring their origins, development, and interdependence. This collection aims to reverse this trend, addressing connections between the different fields of Pythagorean knowledge, such as eschatology, metempsychosis, epistemology, arithmology, numerology, music, dietetics, medicine and politics. In particular, the contributions discuss how the Pythagorean way of life related to more doctrinal aspects of knowledge, such as Pythagorean religion and science. The volume explores the effects of this interdependence between different kinds of knowledge both within the Pythagorean corpus and in its later reception. Chapters cover historical periods from the Archaic Period (6th century BC) to Neoplatonism, Early Christianity, the European and Arabic Middle Ages, and the Renaissance through to the Early Modern Period (17th century AD).

This paper presents the edition of three new horoscopes from Athribis in Upper Egypt (O. Athribis 17-36-5/1741), and the reedition of ANAsh.Mus.D.O.633, identified as part of the same group of horoscopes originating from Athribis. The first three horoscopes date to the reign of Augustus (27, 21, and 6 BCE), and the Ashmolean text to year 8 of Cleopatra, 44 BCE. The Athribis group constitutes the earliest attestation of horoscopes from Egypt. They include the date of birth, name, and origin of the native, entries for the two luminaries and the planets, and the position of the four cardines and Places. Relevant features not commonly present in other Demotic horoscopes are a series of lunar dates following the 25-year cycle of P. Rylands IV 589, the complete listing of the Places, Term rulers in the longitudes, and a short phrase that may be connected to the calculation of the length of life.

The paper aims to collect and discuss evidence for astrologers in Egyptian temples during the Graeco-Roman period from several kinds of data, including astrological and astronomical texts, inscriptions, and documentary sources. Material evidence is also considered. It attempts to answer questions of who could act as an astrologer and what knowledge was required to become one. In addition, the paper discusses the position of astrologers in the temple hierarchy and other areas of knowledge in which astrologers were involved.