Giorgio Valla Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts

GIORGIO VALLA, EDITOR AND TRANSLATOR OF ANCIENT SCIENTIFIC TEXTS* AMEDEO ALESSANDRO RASCHIERI Through his teaching and editorial activities, the Italian humanist Giorgio Valla (1447-1500) contributed to sparking an interest in the rediscovery of ancient Greek scientific texts among his contemporaries. His remarkable intellectual education started near Piacenza, in Vigoleno, the small village where he was born. After studying Greek with Costantino Lascaris in Milan, Valla became a student of the mathematician and physiologist Giovanni Marliani in Pavia. There he also deepened his knowledge of Greek under the guidance of Andronicus Callistus.1 He taught in Pavia, Milan and Genoa, for several years (1467-1484). On the invitation of Ermolao Barbaro,2 Valla moved to Venice in 1485 and worked as a teacher for the “Scuola di San Marco.” This institute had been founded by the Republic in 1446 to supply the chancery clerks with a solid training.3 In 1496, he was imprisoned and tried for treason under the accusation of supporting Charles VIII of France. He was eventually * English translation by Paul Warren. On Giorgio Valla see also Heiberg (1896), Branca (1980: 161-166), Gardenal (1981), Lowry (1984: 239-241), Bietenholz (1987: 371), King (1989: 650-652), Maillard (2003: 416), Tucci (2008). Some recent contributions on Valla’s approach to Greek are found in Tessier (2003) and Ventura (2006). Regarding Valla’s relationship with Lascaris see Martínez Manzano (1998: 21-25). In this respect the scholar writes: “la historia de Láscaris y Giorgio Valla [ ] es, en realidad, la historia de una larga amistad que sobrepasa los límites de la habitual relación profesor-alumno” (22). The funeral oration for Giorgio Valla, written by Bartolomeo Zamberti, was studied and edited by Rose (1976). 2 On the importance of Ermolao Barbaro for the Venetian culture at the end of the 14th Century see Branca (1980) (especially pages 162-163 for the relationship between Barbaro and Valla). 3 On the School of San Marco see Branca (1980: 125-127), Ortalli (1996: 32-33). In contrast to the School of San Marco, which had a rhetorical and grammatical approach, the School of Rialto (founded in 1408) gave prominence to philosophical and scientific matters. On the School of Rialto see Lepori (1980). 1 128 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts acquitted of all charges, but such a terrible experience left him deeply scarred and he died only a few years later. He left his adopted son, Giovanni Pietro Cademosto, as his only heir. Besides being a teacher, Giorgio Valla was also a great collector of ancient manuscripts, a translator from Greek, a commentator, a publisher and an encyclopaedist.4 Because of his acclaimed reputation as a teacher, he was called to work for the most important families in Venice such as the Pisani, to whom he became particularly close. Amongst the ancient texts he commentated, it is worth remembering Iuvenalis for literature,5 Cicero for philosophy6 and Plinius and Ptolemy for science.7 Documentary evidence shows that Valla gave lectures on Vitruvius, Archimedes and on the history of Greek poetry; there still remain codes by Dioscoride, Teocritus, and Sophocles that are accompanied by his own teaching notes. He had access to a wide range of Greek and Latin manuscripts. Among these, some were particularly precious and sought after by humanists, such as the volume containing Archimedes’ complete works. After his death most of his Greek manuscripts eventually ended up in the collection of Alfonso II of Este, Duke of Ferrara. Today this collection is preserved at the Estense Library in Modena.8 His great interest in publishing was supported by the extraordinary development printing technology was undergoing in those days in Venice. In his preface to the Astronomica (Venice 1488), one of Valla’s pupils, Vittore Pisani, recollects a printer (impressor quidam) coming to visit his master during one of his lectures. The printer (whose name, Antonius de Strata, appears in the colophon)9 asked the scholar to give him a work to 4 On Valla’s activity as a collector of manuscripts see Cataldi Palau (1994). Concerning Giorgio Valla both as a translator and editor see Cortesi-Fiaschi (2008: XXVIII). 5 Valla’s comment on Satire by Iuvenalis, edited for the first time in 1486 and printed by Antonio da Strada, was reprinted several times in the following years (Flodr, 1973: 200-201). See also CTC (1970: 223-224). 6 A comment by Valla on De fato, Topica and Timaeus was printed in Venice in 1485 by Antonio da Strada and subsequently reprinted in 1492 by Bonetus Locatellus, and edited by Octavianus Scotus (Flodr, 1973: 99, 114). 7 On Valla’s comment on Plinius see CTC (1980: 350-351). 8 On Valla’s library see Heiberg (1896), Mercati (1938: 58-74, 203-265, 271), Tucci (2008: 47-54, 505-517). On the Estense Library of Modena see Milano, (1987) (for the manuscripts belonging to Valla see p. 28). 9 Hoc opus impressum Venetiis arte et ingenio Antonii de Strata Cremonensis Anno salutis Mcccclxxxviii octavo calendas novembres. “This work was printed in Venice thanks to the technical skills and ingenious of Antonio da Strada of Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 129 print that would be “useful to many and advantageous to him.” Valla gave him a codex containing Avienus’ complete works,10 although it appears that what mostly interested both of them were the Aratea. Justification was also sought for the preference given to the translation by Avienus over those by Cicero or Germanicus, which were considered as being “largely abridged and incomplete.” The Liber medicinalis, by Serenus Sammonicus, was added to this collection, not so much for its content as for being, according to Pisani, “composed of splendid verses.”11 Moreover on that occasion, Valla informed Antonius de Strata of his intention of giving some public lectures on Avienus’ Aratea.12 Thanks to his vast knowledge, Valla was able to compile De expetendis et fugiendis rebus. This is an encyclopaedia that covers the entire scientific and philosophical knowledge of the time. Such a monumental work was published posthumously by Valla’s adopted son, Giovanni Pietro, through the printer and humanist Aldus Manutius in 1501.13 It is the largest volume ever published by Aldus Manutius. The deep friendship shared by the two humanists is accounted for in a passage from Manutius’ Latin grammar published in 1493 (it does not appear in later versions): “quod apud Plautum ostendit mihi Georgius Valla Placentinus vir et graece et latine apprime doctus” (“which is showed to me in Plautus by Giorgio Valla of Piacenza, an extraordinary learned man both in Latin and Greek”).14 Valla’s translations from Greek are also of primary importance, especially Aristotle’s Magna Moralia and Politics. Cremona in the year of salvation 1488, on the eighth day before the November calends (Saturday 25th October)”. 10 Billanovich (1974: 58) assumed that also this code came from Milan: “ritengo che invece quest'altro libro sia emerso per il Valla da un vecchio deposito Milanese.” 11 The insertion of liber medicinalis must have caused considerable worry to both the editor and the printer, as at the end of the volume Vittore Pisani readdresses Paolo Pisani (“Victor Pisanus ad Paulum Pisanum in postremo opere commonitio”) not only by demonstrating the affinity between Astronomy and Medicine (“propter maximam inter ipsas artes affinitatem”), but also their contiguity (“astronomiam medicine partem esse non mediocrem”). The work by Quintus Serenus is also recalled as it contains the first documentary evidence of the magic word abracadabra (v. 935), used during the manufacture of an amulet against malaria (febre terzana). 12 Raschieri (2010). 13 On Valla’s encyclopaedia see Tucci (2008). 14 Branca (1980: 163-164), Dionisotti (1995: 58, 99). Lowry (1984: 252) points out that the first collaborators and editors of Aldus Manutius were Valla’s colleagues and pupils. 130 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts However, of no lesser significance are those of many scientific and medical works (by Galen, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristarchus of Samos, John Philoponus, Nicephorus and Hypsicles). As his encyclopaedic collection has already been broadly and meticulously analysed, particularly in recent times by Roberta Tucci,15 it seems more appropriate to focus on Valla’s activity as a translator. In this regard, specific attention will be paid to the collection of works he published in Venice through the printer Simone Bevilacqua in 1498.16 It is the last of the scholar’s works to be published during his lifetime; as opposed to his posthumous encyclopaedia, this appears to be finished and refined.17 Given the breadth and diversity of this miscellany, it will not be possible to analyse each single translation. Thus, after a general introduction to the volume, time will be spent on examining the prefatory letters that accompany the writings.18 It may be worth mentioning that there do not seem to be any other in-depth studies in modern times on this collection by Giorgio Valla. The incunabulum consists of the Latin translations of twenty-three Greek works of different length and content. In addition to these, there is the Libellus de argumentis, or Ratio argumentandi, that is a work written by Valla himself, which gained popularity only a few decades later. The themes developed are considerably heterogeneous; they regard subjects such as logic, rhetoric, mathematics, astronomy, music, theology, ethics, 15 Tucci (2008). Also see http://www.dm.unipi.it/~tucci/index.html. For an accurate description of the volume see Coates (2005: 1839-1840) (N017). The colophon reads: Impressum Venetiis per Simonem Papiensem dictum Beuilaquam. 1498. Die ultimo Septembris. The last page of the incunabulus also bears the trademark: “Albero secco sul quale è appollaiato un uccello rapace, due scudi, caricati ciascuno di una corona, pendono dalla pianta. Sul cartiglio: Simon Bivilaqua” (EDIT16, CNCM 511). On Early Modern typography trademarks see Zappella (2001: 559-622). “Simone Gabi [or Bevilacqua], tipografo [worked from 1485 to 1514], figlio di Pietro, nacque a Pavia poco dopo il 1450. Stampò a Vicenza, Venezia, Saluzzo, Novi Ligure, Savona, Cuneo e Lione. A Venezia lavorò anche insieme ai suoi fratelli; a Cuneo fu in società con l'editore Vioto Dolce. Morì a Lione probabilmente nel 1518” (EDIT16, CNCT 690). 17 “Gli studi hanno preso in considerazione questo incunabolo soprattutto per l'opera valliana De expetendis rebus et fugiendis, mentre l'interessantissimo corpus delle traduzioni in esso contenute non ha ancora ricevuto l'attenzione che merita” (Cortesi-Fiaschi, 2008: XVIII note 23). 18 On the dedicatory letters see: the project “I margini del libro” (www.margini.unibas.ch), directed by Maria Antonietta Terzoli, the rich bibliography collected on the website and in the magazine Margini. Giornale della dedica e altro; Terzoli (2004), Santoro-Tavoni (2005). 16 Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 131 and an ample section concerning medicine. A similar variety is shared by the number of authors that are translated: Nicephorus, Hypsicles, Ps. Euclid (in reality Hypsicles), Nicephorus Gregoras, Proclus, Aristarchus of Samos, Ps. Timaeus of Locri, Cleonides, Ps. Eusebius of Caesarea, Cleomedes, Athenagoras, Ps. Michael Psellus (in reality Theophanes Chrysobalantes), Ps. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Rhazes (a Greek translation of Muhammad ibn Zakariy� R�z�). In addition, large space is given to works by Aristotle (De caelo et mundo, Ars poetica and Magna moralia) and by Galen (De bono corporis habitu, De inaequali distemperantia, De praesagitura or De febribus, Praesagium experientia confirmatum Galeni, De succidaneis). The above list clearly epitomises Valla’s interest in a wide selection of texts, which ranged from literature and philology to philosophy (with a strict Aristotelian connotation), and from theoretical to applied science (medicine in primis). Also contained in this volume are his earlier published works, for instance, the Magna moralia by Aristotle (Venice 1496, per Gregorium de Gregoriis expensis Benedicti Fontanae)19 and De musica (or Harmonicum introductorium) by Cleonides (printed by Simone Bevilacqua in 1497).20 Some translations, such as Aristotle’s Ars Poetica,21 were subsequently published several times in the following decades. Others were used to compose De expetendis et fugiendis rebus, which took the scholar several decades to complete. In fact evidence of his encyclopaedic intent can also be found in his 1498 miscellanea, where explicit reference is made to the encyclopaedia which was probably close to completion. As he stated in the dedicatory letter to Guidobaldo of Montefeltro: It will certainly be possible for you to examine such information, whatever it may be, which has long been circulating under other people’s names, till when, if the giving god will allow me, it will soon be reunited under our 19 Also see the 1496 Paris edition: Parisiis, apud Ioannem Higman et Wolfgangum Hopilium, 1496; cur. Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples (Cortesi-Fiaschi 2008: 272). The translation by Giorgio Valla was reprinted in Paris in 1497 by Johann Higman and Wolfgang Hopyl (Flodr, 1973: 27). 20 For the 1497 edition see Flodr (1973: 131). Besides the dedicatory letter to Vittore Pisani, the incunabulus contained De architectura by Vitruvius, Panepistemon and Lamia. Praelectio in Priora Aristotelis analytica by Angelo Poliziano, De aquis urbis Romae by Frontinus. 21 Cortesi-Fiaschi (2008: 248). 132 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts name in forty-nine volumes on that which is to be searched and to be escaped.22 Moreover, the 1498 miscellanea bears evidence of collaboration with Giovanni Pietro Cademosto (the editor of De expetendis et fugiendis rebus), as amongst Valla’s translations there is one by his adoptive son, which is the version of De succidaneis by Galen. It was dedicated to his master Ludovico Bonacioli (Ferrara, 1475-1536), the eminent doctor and gynaecologist of Lucrezia Borgia.23 The incunabulum appears to be well laid out. There is a frontispiece that presents on recto the works contained in the volume,24 together with the relative authors and the general attribution of the translation of the works to Giorgio Valla (Georgio Valla Placentino Interprete). However, there appear to be some inconsistencies in the list,25 as at times the order is upset. In one case, for instance, reference is made to the Galeni introductorium, which is a text that is not included in this collection but had already been printed in Milan by Leonhard Pachel and Ulrich Scinzenzeler in 1482/83 (or 1483/84).26 The presence of such a page may be explained through the analysis of the verso that contains the prefatory letter to the first translated work (Logica by Nicephorus) and not to the entire collection, as had been mistakenly believed by the printer. This is explained by a later handwritten note saying: “Such a preface, which, being mistakenly omitted by the printers, was placed here at the beginning, precedes Nicephorus’ Logica.”27 The graphics are rich in xylographic adornments that very beautifully decorate initial letters, which usually appear in the frontispiece of most works. The same technique is also used 22 “Verum haec, tantisper sub alieno, quoad propediem sub nomine nostro expetendorum ac fugiendorum quadraginta et nouem uolumina, si deus dator concesserit, tibi licebit qualiacumque sunt inspicere.” 23 Giovanni Pietro Cademosto was also co-author, together with Bernardino Saraceno, of a commentary of Plautus’ comedies, printed in Venice in the years 1489, 1498 and 1499 (the latter edition by Simone Bevilacqua); see Flodr (1973: 242-243). 24 On the evolution of the frontispiece in the history of printing see Zappella (2001: 421-499). 25 Other slight imprecisions may be found among the small headings. 26 Also see Cortesi-Fiaschi (2008: 534), where the translation is still indicated as included in the 1498 collection. For the following reprints of the Milanese edition see Flodr (1973: 32). 27 “Haec praefatio prima errore imprimentium quae omissa hic posita est logicam praecedit Nicephori.” Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 133 to illustrate subject matter, such as mathematics, music and astronomy, by means of geometrical drawings. In order to understand the true aim of the scholar and identify the readership he wished to address, it seems important to examine the dedicatory epistles, bearing in mind that they need to be stripped of all the rhetorical and panegyric tones which are typical of this literary genre. Valla addresses his patrons who were mostly celebrated internationally, such as Guidobaldo of Montefeltro (1472-1508), Duke of Urbino, to whom he dedicates the whole collection; Agostino Barbarigo (1419-1501), doge from 1486 to 1501; or Alberto Pio (1475-1531), Prince of Carpi, who would later become of invaluable importance for preserving his Greek library. The other referents were prominent members of the Venetian patriciate,28 who at times became, either directly or indirectly, his own disciples: Girolamo Zorzi, Giovanni and Sebastiano Badoer,29 Pietro and Antonio Loredan,30 Vittore and Paolo Pisani,31 Paolo Trevisan, Costantino Priuli, Giorgio Corner. He also refers to public figures from other cities, such as Giovanni Valla (iurisconsultus ducis Ferrariae),32 Polidoro Tiberti and Niccolò Masini (from Cesena), Giusto de' Giusti (from Verona), Antonio Visconti (legatus ducis Mediolani). The general usefulness of rhetoric A particular case concerns his Genoese disciple Bernardo Salvatico, to whom he dedicated his work on argumentation (De expedita ratione argumentandi)33: 28 On the Venetian patriciate see Raines (2006). On Sebastiano’s relationship with G. Valla see King (1989: 452-455). 30 On the connection between the Venetian Loredan family and Giorgio Valla see Vendruscolo (1995). 31 On Paolo Pisani and his relationship with G. Valla see King (1989: 616-617). 32 Valla also dedicated to him his Latin translation of De motu circulari by Cleomedes (CTC, 1992: 7-8). 33 In which, according to Vasoli (1981: 85): “Valla [andò], via via, raccogliendo, ordinando e sistemando elementi, esempi e, addirittura, interi passi forniti da testi assai celebri e che costituivano il fondamento della didattica umanistica, nell'ambito dell'insegnamento non solo della retorica, ma anche della teoria generale dell'argomentazione.” See Vasoli (1981: 69-78, on his European fortune and 78-92 about his 1498 edition). As Vasoli says: “Giorgio Valla, dopo il Trapezunzio e prima dell'Agricola, o, perlomeno, negli stessi tempi in cui fu composto il De inventione dialectica, operò una decisa inserzione di procedimenti tipici della dottrina retorica nell'ambito dell'insegnamento logico, attribuendo 29 134 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts Dearest Bernardo Salvatico, you have often asked me to put down in writing, so that it could be better remembered, that which, being free of any impediment, I had exposed to you about dialecticts, when you were my disciple, starting from the daily practice. You surely asked me because you had not found anyone else who could carry out this task in such a friendly way. You most certainly believed that it would not be difficult for me to do so, as I have dealt with all that concerns the oratory art in many other volumes, pertaining both to rhetoric and to other disciplines.34 As Valla himself explains, the compilation of this work had been spurred on by Bernardo, who confided in the doctrine, to the validity of which his master had already given evidence in other writings (“pluribus aliis fueram uoluminibus amplexus”). According to the humanist scholar such an argumentation is not out of place, as the oratoric ability (“dialecticen facultatem”) does not only cocern rhetoric, but all disciplines (“caeteras ... disciplinas”). The themes concerning the general usefulness of the art of speech (artis disserendi munera) and of discipleship by Paolo Zorzi, son of the referent of the work (the Venetian patrician Girolamo Zorzi), are also found in the introduction to the Latin translation of the “short work on the art of speech” (“de arte disserendi opusculum”) by Nicephorus. In this case the writing assumes a double function, by allowing both a close approach to “Aristotelian theories” (“ad aristotelicam doctrinam”) and also an effective propaedeutics to any other form of learning (“ad alia enucleanda”): For your son, Paolo, a student of such lively intelligence, I considered important to render into Latin this short work on the art of speech, both because the author [Nicephorus], who is such an erudite scholar, embraced in a clear and concise manner the notions which seem convenient to those approaching Aristotelian theories, and, in a similarly correct and acute manner, also supplied useful information to those who are learning the un'importanza essenziale alla teoria dell'argomentazione, degli argomenti e dei loci” (91-92). 34 “Saepenumero a me, optime Bernarde Saluatice, poposcisti ut, quae ab interuentionibus uacuus tibi ad me uentitanti de ratione disserendi ex quottidiano usu lingua prodideram, quo tenaciori haererent memoriae, scriptis concrederem, quandoquidem quemquam alium non satis nactus esses, qui aut id posset, aut qui tam amice id praestare moliretur. Rem certe mihi non arduam fore censuisti, quando totam dialecticen facultatem, siue ad rethoricam, siue ad caeteras tendentem disciplinas pluribus aliis fueram uoluminibus amplexus”. See Heiberg (1968: 15). Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 135 practice of the oratoric art, and because through these teachings it will be much easier to learn some other.35 Mathematic and Astronomic Sciences At times, a compact group of works is dedicated to a single referent. This is the case for the mathematical syllogism dedicated to Alberto Pio di Carpi (1475-1550),36 which Valla introduces with the narrative of an anecdote on the shipwreck of the philosopher Aristippo (from the incipit, book VI of Vitruvius’ De architectura),37 where the importance of exact science in the definition of human being is highlighted. His Excellence Alberto Prince of Carpi, Aristippo, the philosopher renowned for his Socratic knowledge, when deprived of his wealth by a shipwreck, being stricken by a disastrous tempest, arrived on the coast of Rhodes. There it is said that, on finding geometric diagrams on the ground, he turned to his fellows and exclaimed that they should raise their hopes, as he could see traces of human beings.38 In the closure of the epistle, the humanist explains the reason why he grouped together the Latin translations of Euclid, Hypsicles, Nicephorus and Proclus of Licia. This was to satisfy the prince’s desire of dealing with 35 “Filio tuo Paulo, peracuti ingenii nostro discipulo, hoc de arte disserendi opusculum latinum faciundum esse censuimus, tum quod ad aristotelicam doctrinam aspirantibus breuiter et dilucide nec minus commode et acute artis disserendi munera initiantibus quae opportuna uidebantur amplexus sit eruditus hic imprimis autor, tum quod per haec ad alia enucleanda longe ei facilior futurus sit accessus.” 36 Prince of Carpi, he was a friend of Aldus Manutius and Ludovico Ariosto. See Marogna, 2005. 37 “Aristippus philsosophus Socraticus, naufragio cum eiectus ad Rhodiensium litus animadvertisset geometrica schemata descripta, exclamavisse ad comites ita dicitur: bene speremus! hominum enim vestigia video”. “The philosopher Aristippus, a follower of Socrates, was shipwrecked on the coast at Rhodes, and observing geometrical diagrams drawn upon the sand, he is said to have shouted to his companions: There are good hopes for us; for I see human footsteps!” Trans. F. Granger. 38 “Aristippus, Socratica insignis sapientia philosophus, Alberte Carpensis princeps inclyte, naufragio fortunis dispoliatus suis cum rhodiorum littus a scaeua tempestate iactatus tenuisset, ibi geometricas in terra descriptas figuras offendens ad co[m]mites conuersus fertur exclamasse omnibus confidendum ac bene sperandum esse quod humana obtu<e>retur uestigia.” 136 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts astronomy, by starting from a propaedeutical study of mathematics in order to be able to move on to acquiring the notions necessary for the building and use of an astrolabius: Here is the fourteenth book of Elements by Euclid, of which us Latins were without, that I have just now translated into Latin to be delivered to you, together with the addition of the comment by the eminent philosopher Hypsicles. So that you can also dedicate yourself to the study of astrology, to which geometry allows secure access, I thought it may be useful to send you some booklets by Nicephorus and Proclus of Licia, which I translated, on the building and use of an astrolabius.39 Hence the four translations that follow are grouped together because of their common content regarding geometry and astronomy.40 These are: Interpretatio libri decimi Elementorum Euclidis (or Disputatio de dodecaedro et icosaedro) by Hypsicles;41 Elementorum quartus decimus liber by Ps. Euclid (Hypsicles);42 De astrolabio by Nicephorus Gregoras;43 De astrolabio (or De fabrica usuque astrolabii) by Proclus.44 In addition, the following short treatise is also dedicated to science. This is the Latin translation of De magnitudinis et distantiis solis et lunae by Aristarchus of Samos (4th-3rd cent. BCE),45 dedicated to the Venitian nobleman Giovanni Badoer. Although within the mathematical science, many and extremely interesting arguments have been expounded by numerous and excellent scholars, Aristarchus of Samos’ treatise on the size of the sun and the moon is by far the greatest work of all. After having translated it, I believed it to be appropriate to dedicate it to you as a symbol of our long-lasting friendship; I am sure that it will be well accepted by you, as, being an expert philosopher, you also dedicate yourself to mathematical disciplines, both 39 “Iure tibi Euclidis quartumdecimum elementorum uolumen, quo Latini carebamus, quod nuper latinum fecimus tibi destinandum, interpretemque ei ad[i]iciendo Hypsiclem eximium philosophum. Quo astrologiam quoque, ad quam a geometria certissimus est accessus, attingas, latinos a nobis factos Nicephori et Procli Lycii de fabrica [us]usuque astrolabi libellos mittendos esse putauimus”. 40 On ancient Greek mathematics see Acerbi (2010). 41 Thorndike (1963: 174). 42 Ibid: 35. 43 Ibid: 1442. 44 Ibid: 279. 45 Heath (1959), Thorndike (1963: 839), CTC (1960: 165), Acerbi (2010: 378). Aristarchus was translated into Latin again by Federico Commandini (Pesaro 1572). See CTC (1960: 165-166). Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 137 because of the nobility of the problems and because of the great depths of the enquiry.46 In this case mathematical and astronomical argumentations almost assume an aesthetic value, as Valla stated he had chosen, among the Greek scientific books available to him, the texts that, besides being of remarkable interest thanks to the depth of the author’s enquiry (“philosophus peritissimus”), also dealt with fascinating topics (“longe omnium pulcherrima”), such as the size of the sun and the moon (“de solis lunaeque magnitudine”). Next comes De mundo (or De universitatis natura), the Latin translation of ���� ������ ����� ��� �����, a brief treatise in Doric vernacular, attributed since ancient times (for instance by Iamblicus and Diogene Laertius) to the Pythagorean Timaeus of Locri. For a long time, this had been erroneously considered the model of Plato’s Timaeus.47 Modern scholars consider this work as a fake however, and many doubts remain as to when it was made. In most recent interpretations it is placed between the 3rd century BCE and the end of the 2nd century CE; a double layering of the text is also supposed: a school teacher’s exegetic notes seem to have been added to a compendium of Plato’s Timaeus. The short work consists of a synthetic and systematic treatise on cosmology and anthropology. It deals with the following topics: the fundamental principles and original causes of the world, the idea, the hyle, the sensitive world; the world and its determinations; the soul of the world; astronomy; the earth and its elements; the theory of perceptions; nutrition and breathing; pathology of the body and soul; pedagogy and the path to happiness. With its Latin tradition, dedicated to the Venetian patrician Pietro Loredan, Valla moves from the study of particular astronomic problems to considering the universe as a whole, so that the reader can understand the fundamental rules inherent to all scientific disciplines. The latter, according to the list compiled by the scholar, are 46 “Cum sint in mathematicis res multae atque perpulchrae, Iohannes Baduare, pluribus ac eximiis autoribus explicatae demonstrataeque uoluminibus, longe omnium pulcherrima de solis lunaeque magnitudine Samii Aristarchi traditio est. Eam, ob conciliatam pridem inter nos amicitiam, latinam a nobis factam tibi destinandam esse censuimus, meae erga te beniuolentiae pignus immortale, quod iucundum et pergratum fore habemus exploratum, tum quod, philosophus peritissimus, mathematicarum quoque sis studiosus disciplinarum, tum ob quaestionum nobilitatem altissimamque indaginem.” 47 Baltes (1972), Marg (1972), Centrone (1982), Tobin (1985). For the Latin translation see Thorndike (1963: 1573). 138 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts considered to be Theology, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry, Astrology, Physiology and Ethics.48 Pietro Loredan, I have decided that the booklet by Timaeus of Locri on the nature of the universe, which I have just finished translating from Latin, should be especially dedicated to you. [...] In honour and consideration for your family and your genius, it was not possible for me to open my soul to you with a more deserving token of my affection than by dedicating to you this sanctuary of the liberal arts by the outstanding philosopher Timaeus, as even Plato was not embarrassed to admire, imitate and follow a philosopher of such quality. Within his work, you will be able to observe the reason of the creation of the world, which, together with Theology, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry, Astrology, Physiology and Ethics, he wrote for the human kind that: it strengthens the mind by bringing it from remote dark places to the light of the truth of reality, which assigned the creation of the world to the optimum and maximum god and eliminated the sophisticated and cunning tricks of some bad philosophers.49 Valla’s deeply-rooted Aristotelianism is therefore combined with Platonism in an effort to overcome a particularist and sectorial vision of science and, more importantly, to avoid the doctrinary catches concealed in the oversophisticated reasoning of some authors (“sophisticas sycophantias strophasque quorundam philosophantium”). Universal harmony can find a human correspondence in the ability to harmonise mundane reality and administrate in a balanced manner, which is proper of political men such as the Venetian patrician Vittore Pisani, to 48 The Greek text translated by Valla was probably the one contained in a manuscript which is now preserved in the Estense Library of Modena, see Puntoni (1896: 387-388, n. 10 = II A 10); Mercati (1938: 219, 224, 241). This miscellaneous code contains at ff. 1-333 the Epicteti Dissertationes ab Arriano digestae and at ff. 336-362 the short work by Ps. Timaeus. This was written in the 15th century by the learned Bizantine Matthaeus Camariota, and contained Valla’s ex libris, later deleted (f. 362v): �������� ��� ����� ���� �� �������. 49 “Timaei Locri de uniuersitatis natura opusculum, quod nuper latinum fecimus, Petre Lauretane, tibi potissimum destinandum mancipandumque esse existimaui. [...] Tua domo tuo ingenio non fuit ut pignore digniore meum erga te animum aperirem quam ut Timaei peritissimi philosophi hoc tibi liberalium disciplinarum dicarem sacrarium, quod ne Platonem quidem tantum, inquam, philosophum admirari imitari et sequi puduit. In cuius sinu tibi licebit mundanae fabricae intueri rationes, quas Theologia Arismetica Musica Geometrica Astrologia Physiologia Ethicaque humano generi exarauit: mentem confirmauit, ex auiis tene[ri]bris in ueritatis lucem perduxit, mundi ortum optimo maximo deo deputando et sophisticas sycophantias strophasque quorundam philosophantium eliminando.” Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 139 whom Valla dedicates Cleonidae harmonicum introductorium (or De musica).50 Moreover, as in the previously analysed case of Aristippo, the dignity expressed by a philosophical-scientific concept finds confirmation within the ancient Pythagorean and Platonic knowledge: According to a Pythagorean and Platonic maxim, in all things, in those that are generated as in those to be generated, nature has nothing more ancient than harmony. [...] Hence, illustrious Vittore Pisani, a natural inclination towards all this is evident in you, I was not mistaken in rendering for you into Latin such a highly erudite and acute short work on harmony by Cleonides.51 The centrality of Aristotelian reflection Evidence of Giorgio Valla’s belief in the doctrinal centrality of Aristotelian teaching (along the same lines as Ermolao Barbaro’s new Aristotelianism)52 is given by the fact that the central position in the collection is occupied by the Latin translations of three large works by the Stagirite: De caelo et mundo,53 Ars poetica54 and De ethica (Magna Moralia). Such a huge admiration for the Greek humanist is already clearly perceivable in the preface of De caelo, dedicated to the Venetian nobleman Paolo Trevisan, where the authorship alone makes the work interesting. Paolo Trevisan, I know with great certainty that the extent to which Aristotle is held in high esteem by the most erudite of men in all the liberal disciplines, is widely renowned. All the argumentations by the Peripatetics confirmed how elaborate was that which he expounded, discussed and stated, with a nectar-like eloquence, as if he were writing in the sky. Thus 50 For his previous edition see 20. As stated by Gallo (1981: 311), with this work Valla was “il primo a dare alle stampe la traduzione latina di un trattato musicale greco.” The scholar also recollects that the humanist “nella sua ricca biblioteca veneziana [ ] possedeva [...] l'attuale codice gr. III C 2 della Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli, contenente i testi di Gaudenzio, Cleonide, Euclide, Aristosseno”. See also Thorndike (1963: 596). 51 “Pythagoreorum platonicorumque sententia in cunctis tam productis quam producendis rebus natura nihil harmonia habet antiquius. [...] Quorum omnium cum in te, inclyte Victor Pisane, iam indoles administrandorum cernatur perspicua, non iniuria censui Cleonidis de harmonia opusculum, eruditione et acumine refertissimum, a me tibi latinum esse faciendum.” 52 On Barbaro’s Aristotelism see Branca (1980: 129-133). 53 On Valla’s translation see Thorndike (1963: 1182). 54 The Greek work is in M 100. 140 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts we dedicate this book to you, which we have translated from Latin; we know that it will be cherished by you both because the discourse is entirely by Aristotle and because it deals with the sky, by which circle all is covered, in which all things have a place and of which no other work is more sublime.55 An interesting problem tackled by Valla, concerning Aristotle’s works, is that of the other Latin translations which circulated in his day (in particular, in this passage he refers to the Magna moralia, which he dedicated to the Veronese nobleman Giusto de' Giusti).56 These appear completely unsatisfactory to the eyes of the humanist scholar, as they reveal the translator’s scarce knowledge both of the original language (Greek) and of the target language (Latin). This was worsened by the use of a word-by-word translation, which is typically mediaeval, and by an excessive use of loan-translations. Consequently, the content results distorted by rough and coarse expressions (“barbaris rusticisque dictionibus”) that discourage the reader.57 When recently asked to explain these writings, I felt a slight hesitation as I did not know who had already tried to translate them into Latin. All I knew was that whoever it had been did not have a good knowledge either of the Greek language or of ours, and that he made the mistake of translating word by word, which inevitably shed darkness over the Aristotelian concepts. In addition, as he was not aware of which words in our language corresponded with those belonging to the foreign language, by giving 55 “Quantus cunctorum astipulatu doctissimorum in liberalibus omnibus disciplinis, Paule Triuisane, sit Aristoteles existimatus, satis receptum esse habeo exploratissimum. Quam elaborata quoque omnia de caelo scribens suo illo eloquentiae nectare expresserit disseruerit confirmarit, peripateticorum omnes scholae comprobarunt. Hunc igitur librum, quem latina expressimus oratione, tibi destinamus, quem gratum fore certo scimus tum quia Aristotelis, tum quia de caelo, cuius ambitu cuncta conteguntur, in quo quicquid usquam est et quo nullum opus sublimius, tota futura est oratio.” 56 There is a letter by Giorgio Valla to Giusto de' Giusti in Heiberg (1896: 83). 57 On humanist translations in general see: Cortesi (2007a); Berti (2007). Also see: ENTG. Edizione Nazionale delle traduzioni dei testi greci in età umanistica e rinascimentale (http://www-3.unipv.it/entg/index.html), a project directed by Mariarosa Cortesi. On the translation problem in Giorgio Valla see Gardenal (1981: 44-53); for other translations see CTC (1970: 130-132) (Alexander Aphrodisiensis, Problemata); CTC (1980: 151-152) (Paulus Aegineta, De re medica); CTC (1986: 19-20) (Horapollo, Hieroglyphica), CTC (1986: 55-57) (Nemesius, De natura hominis); CTC (1992: 7-8) (Cleomedes, De motu circulari); CTC (1992: 304-305) (Gregorius Nyssenus, De anima ad Tatianum). Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 141 improper translations, he cast a further considerable cloud over the meaning of the work that he maimed to the point of rendering it full of coarse and rough language; more than communicating to us Aristotle’s ideas, he seems to have discouraged anyone from reading them.58 The usefulness of Medicine The last group of translations is dedicated to Medicine, a discipline of which Valla first of all underlines the prime usefulness in keeping people healthy and prolonging their life59 in the prefatory epistle to De salubri uictu (or De uictus ratione) by Ps. Michael Psellus (in reality Theophanes Chrysobalantes, who dedicated his work to Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus)60 addressed to the doge Agostino Barbarigo, Agostino Barbarigo, serenissimo Prince, I have regarded it to be important to translate for you from Latin The healthy nourishment to the Emperor Constantine by Psellus, philosopher and extraordinary medic, as according to an ancient tradition it does not seem good to come in visit to such a sublime prince without a gift, I have thought of a present that is suitable for me as a donor and to you as a receiver. Hence, as nothing is more preferable to me than a wise prince, and neither for you anything in this lifetime should be more dear than your health and longevity in such a prosperous condition, I felt it most convenient to offer you this book as a reminder of this, rendering you less worried about your health.61 58 “Haec nimirum cum nuper explicari a me poscerentur, haesitauimus parum modo quod compertum haberemus tentasse nescio quem ipsa iampridem latina facere, eum cum exploratum habuissemus, nec graeca, nec nostra nouisse, mali interpretis more uerbum uerbo reddere studuisse, et sensus aristotelicos, quod fieri necesse fuit, multa obruisse caligine, cumque nostra peregrinis respondentia uerba ignorasse, graecis abutendo aliam adhuc legentibus nubem non exiguam offudisse, denique barbaris rusticisque dictionibus opus totum confudisse, ut non tam tradidisse nobis Aristotelem quam plane iugulasse uideatur adeo ut omnes ab eius auerterit lectione.” 59 On medicine in Valla’s encyclopaedic work see Landucci Ruffo (1981). 60 Sonderkamp (1987: 1-4). The translation was prepared according to the Mutinensis �.U.9.4 (gr. 61) Greek code, which at f. 99 contains the ex libris by Valla (Sonderkamp, 1987: 126-127). 61 “Pselli philosophi singularisque medici de salubri uictu ad constantinum imperatorem tibi, Augustine Barbadice princeps serenissime, latinum faciendum esse censuimus, quod prisco ritu tam sublimis princeps sine munere adeundus non uideretur, eiusque generis esse munus oportere, ut mihi quidem exhibere, tibi uero conueniret admittere. Proinde cum nobis sapiente principe nihil optabilius, nec tibi in hac uita carius sanitate et uitae longitudine in tam eximia foelicitate esse debeat, 142 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts However, a dedication can strike even more personal chords when it is Niccolò Masino of Cesena, a medic himself, grieving over the loss of his daughter; the study of a work by Galen (De praesagitura or De febribus)62 can spur on the urge to continue to practice the medic art in order to overcome one’s grief. While I was considering what I could offer you, through which you could recognise that I requite your love, it came to my mind that by translating into Latin the short work, of considerable usefulness, on the signs of ilnesses, written by Galen, an admirable physician and a remarkably erudite commentator of Hippocrates, I could replenish your soul by means of taking care of the sick, not only by not distancing you from her, but by moving you towards her and, which may relieve the pain in your soul caused by the recent death of your daughter and if not eliminate and clear completely your internal sadness, at least it could render this milder, by bringing you back from your mortal to your immortal thoughts, thanks to the acknowledgement of reality.63 As to a medic, besides a deep doctrine, there is the need to have some illustrious example to imitate, Giorgio Valla proposes Alexander of Aphrodisias as a model, whom he assumes to be the author of De causis febrium64 and that, according to him, was able to conjugate in an effective way theoretical preparation, practical ability and prognostic skills (“doctum et tam experientia quam iuditio sollertem”):65 Why should we not devote ourselves to the study of the causes and nature of fevers, in order to remedy them more easily and to give aid to the iure hunc librum protulimus qui haec te commoneat et nos de tua salute minus habeat sollicitos.” The Latin text of the letter is found in Sonderkamp (1987: 2). 62 Thorndike, 1963: 386. 63 “Mecum ergo reputanti, quidnam praestare possim, unde meum esse mutuum erga te amorem cognosceres, succurrit Galeni [ac] admirandi medici <ac> Hippocratis interpraetis doctissimi morborum praesagiturae opusculum, utilitatis non contemnendae, latinum tibi faciendo, tuum posse animum oblectare ab aegrotantium cura, non modo non distinendo, sed ad ipsam potius impellendo, quodque tuum possit animum morte filiae proxima exulceratum mulcere et inuectum moerorem, si non penitus leuare ac abstergere, saltem quiret reddere leniorem, te a moribundis cogitationibus ad immortales rerum scientia reuocando.” 64 See Tassinari (1994); on Valla’s translation see vii-viii; 90-115 (reproduction of the Latin text). The Latin translation is dedicated to the Venetian patrician Giorgio Corner. Also see CTC (1970: 125-126). 65 On this preface see Cranz (1958: 540). Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 143 suffering or succumbing nature of the body and to its virtue? In fact it is essential that the medic be learned and experienced as much in the practice as in his ability of judgement and that his intelligence be acute; so it was without any doubt Alexander of Aphrodisias (besides being a famous philosopher), whose book on the causes of fevers I thought I had to translate for you from his language to ours.66 However, Valla is able to evaluate his Greek sources in a critical manner, including the most prestigious such as Galen, of whom he exposes the inadequate coverage given to the subject of the plague, which is mentioned only marginally in his writings. For such a topic, which he regards as important and always present, he resorts to an Arabic source, De pestilentia by Muhammad ibn Zakariy� R�z�, already translated into Greek (“de syriaca lingua in graecam”) and here presented in Latin with a dedication to Paolo Pisani. Paolo Pisani, I believed it would be fitting to dedicate to you the translation into Latin of this short work on the plague by Rhazes, which was translated for some emperor from Syriac into Greek, both because this teaching is considered to be written by a distinguished author and because such knowledge is considered by everyone as absolutely necessary. Moreover Galen, who is the principal author of medical texts, has not left any detailed writing on the plague, which is a subject that should concern the medical art. In truth, he only refers to it in a hasty manner, thus giving the impression of having paid little attention to the treatment of the plague.67 66 “Cur non imprimis cognoscendis febrium causis studuerimus ac naturis, quo procliuius ipsis possimus occurrere et laboranti aut succumbenti naturae corporisque uirtuti ferre suppetias? Talem namque, doctum et tam experientia quam iuditio sollertem, medicum esse oportet, cor cuius sapiat, qualis sine controuersia fuit Alexander Aphrodisieus, nedum philosophus nominis celeberrimi, cuius de febrium causis librum ex ipsius lingua in nostram tibi conciliandum existimaui.” 67 “De syriaca lingua in graecam Rhazae de pestilentia opusculum imperatori cuidam conuersum latinum, Paule Pisane, tibi faciendum esse existimauimus, tum quod ab insigni autore haec traditio emanare certo perspicitur, tum quod perquam necessaria haec prorsus omnibus habita cognitio est eoque magis quod Galenus, medicinae autor praecipuus, de pestilentia, quod ad artem medicinae pertineret, nihil accuratius scriptum reliquit; cursim uero eius rei meminit dumtaxat, ut eius intentio nulla ad pestilentiae curam habita uideatur.” 144 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts Valla translator and editor Valla’s translations enjoyed a widely spread popularity during the humanist age, which is proven by their innumerable reprints. Nevertheless, there were some negative judgements on his works, such as that by Robertus Balforeus (Robert Balfour) who, at Bordeaux in 1605, published his own commentated Latin version of De motu circulari corporum caelestium by Cleomedes, which had already been published by Carolus Valgulius (Brescia 1497) and, as mentioned above, by Giorgio Valla (Venice 1498). In fact, in his preface68 he writes that: Giorgio Valla, who was the first to spread it in Latin lands and to make it familiar to the Latin people, frankly speaking, made inaccurate assumptions throughout the work and, because of the bad translation, he attributed to it so many false and useless interpretations. It was as if he had wanted to destroy it rather than translate it, and not so much bring Cleomedes to Latium as drive him away and condemn him to an eternal exile.69 Modern scholars express more positive opinions, starting from Branca’s70 considerations on Valla’s activity in the last period of the flourishing of humanist translations and its importance in forming a Scientific Latin lexicon. This was later developed by Gardenal,71 who states: Despite some indecision and uncertainties, in his translations [he] displays a scientific aim that is particularly noticeable in his search for a meticulous closeness to the original text. This is carried out by means of using the most semantically appropriate word to express the reality of the concepts and res [ ], especially by dropping periphrases, which were so dear to Mediaeval authors and first-generation humanists.72 68 CTC (1992: 9). “Georgius Valla Placentinus, qui primus illud in Latias sedes transferre et Latinae consuetudini tradere aggressus, libere dicam, tam pueriliter toto opere ineptit, et interpretatione prava tam multa saepe vana, saepe falsa, illi affingit, ut non tam illud vertere quam pervertere, nec tam Cleomedem in Latium ducere quam inde eiicere, et aeterni exilii infortunio mulcare voluisse videatur.” 70 Branca (1980: 165-166). 71 Gardenal (1981: 44-53, cited on p.52). 72 “nonostante alcune indecisioni e incertezze, [egli] rivela nelle sue traduzioni un proposito scientifico che si manifesta soprattutto nella ricerca di una continua fedeltà al testo tradotto e che si verifica mediante l'utilizzazione della parola di più univoca pertinenza semantica alla realtà dei concetti e delle res [ ] e soprattutto 69 Amedeo Alessandro Raschieri 145 In addition, as the result of an attentive comparison between the Greek original and the Latin translation, Tassinari’s opinion on De febribus, by Ps. Alexander of Aphrodisias, seems also significant: This version [by Valla] is characterised by an exact closeness to the Greek text, which if on the one hand it may appear awkward because of conforming excessively to the darkness of the original, on the other hand it appears remarkable for its effort in creating a clear scientific language, which well reflects the Greek concinnitas and is free of the circumlocutions 73 of Mediaeval translators. Besides revealing his particular attention for the Greek language and ancient scientific doctrines, Valla’s translations are also significant to the understanding of his editorial sensitivity and of his effort made in spreading such knowledge by means of printing. In addition, thanks to the examples analysed, it is possible to understand the breadth of Valla’s culture. He rejected all forms of dogmatism or excessive specialization when compiling his general encyclopaedia of science. Moreover, as appears from a brief examination of his 1498 collection, his kind of Humanism did not involve a simple juxstaposition of literary-philological knowledge, philosophico-theological reflections and scientific disciplines; he regarded all forms of knowledge as coming together in a systemic and complex manner so as to include and reflect universal harmony. References Acerbi, F. (2010). Il silenzio delle sirene. La matematica greca antica, Roma: Carocci. Baltes, M. (ed.) (1972). Timaios Lokros, Über die Natur des Kosmos und der Seele, Leiden: Brill. Bietenholz, P.G. and Th.B. Deutscher, eds. (1987). Contemporaries of Erasmus. A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, III, Toronto; Buffalo; London: University of Toronto Press. Berti, E. (2007). “La traduzione umanistica.” In Cortesi (ed.) 2007b: 3-15. con l'abbandono delle perifrasi, care agli autori del Medio Evo e agli umanisti della prima generazione.” 73 “la versione [di Valla] è caratterizzata da un'esatta fedeltà al testo greco, che se da un lato può risultare talvolta ostica per il troppo assecondare l'oscurità dell'originale, dall'altra è notevole per lo sforzo di creazione di una limpida lingua scientifica, ben rispondente alla concinnitas greca e libera dalle circonvoluzioni dei traduttori medievali.” (Tassinari, 1994: 90). 146 Giorgio Valla, Editor and Translator of Ancient Scientific Texts Branca, V. (1980). “L'umanesimo veneziano alla fine del Quattrocento. Ermolao Barbaro e il suo circolo.” In G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Stocchi (eds.), Storia della cultura veneta, vol. 3/1, Dal primo Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento (pp. 123-175). Vicenza: Neri Pozza. [Now in V. Branca, La sapienza civile. 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