Ptolemy

Kū shyā r ibn Labbā n, an Iranian scientist who flourished ca. A.D. 1000, composed an astronomical handbook entitled the Jāmi c Zīj. It has been considered to be derivative of al-Battā nī's Zīj al-S . ābī (ca. A.D. 900), and through it, back to Ptolemy's Almagest (ca. A.D. 150). We analyze the tables of planetary motion and consider the possible dependences. We explain several unusual features, particularly the double-argument planetary equation of anomaly tables, which are tabulated using an innovative interpolation scheme. Complete directions for the use of the tables are given, as well as definitions of the functions tabulated.

Modern embedded computing systems tend to be heterogeneous in the sense of being composed of subsystems with very different characteristics, which communicate and interact in a variety of ways-synchronous or asynchronous, buffered or unbuffered, etc. Obviously, when designing such systems, a modeling language needs to reflect this heterogeneity. Today's modeling environments usually offer a variant of what we call amorphous heterogeneity to address this problem. This paper argues that modeling systems in this manner leads to unexpected and hard-to-analyze interactions between the communication mechanisms and proposes a more structured approach to heterogeneity, called hierarchical heterogeneity, to solve this problem. It proposes a model structure and semantic framework that support this form of heterogeneity, and discusses the issues arising from heterogeneous component interaction and the desire for component reuse. It introduces the notion of domain polymorphism as a way to address these issues.

Contributions from 19th Century scholars to binocular rivalry research are well recognized, however, observations concerning the phenomenon commenced centuries earlier and suggest a rich seam of research that is much less well known. This chapter discusses these early investigations, along with conflicting views and observations thereafter. We also discuss the early application of notions of attention and consciousness to rivalry. Such notions have more recently been the subject of concerted investigation into distinguishing brain activity mediating the rivaling states from that underlying visual stimulation. Observations in the literature that preceded this key principle are discussed. We also trace the rivalry studies that followed and note their relevance to current thinking on the phenomenon.

In his most important work, the Iṣlāḥ al-Majisṭī or Improvement of the Almagest, the Andalusian mathematician and theoretical astronomer, Jābir b. Aflaḥ, presents a list of criticisms of Ptolemy’s Almagest, mainly of a mathematical nature. One of these is devoted to the computation of the magnitude and phases of lunar eclipses. Ptolemy uses plane trigonometry and some approximations that Jābir b. Aflaḥ contests. Ptolemy obtains the magnitude and phases for two particular cases – when the Moon is at its apogee and when it is at its perigee – and computes a table of interpolation for any other lunar anomaly. Jābir b. Aflaḥ avoids the need for tables of interpolation providing a slightly different method for computing the magnitude and phases of a lunar eclipse. In addition, he claims to have found an error in Ptolemy’s method of interpolation. However, thanks to a quotation of the Almagest appearing in the Iṣlāḥ al-Majisṭī, we conclude that Jābir b. Aflaḥ’s criticism is due to the fact that there is a section missing in his manuscript of the Almagest, and not to an error committed by Ptolemy, nor to a deficient translation of the Almagest.

The paper seeks to explain a difficult passage in Strabo’s Geography (II. 1. 1–20 C67–77), which is devoted to Hipparchus’ objections against Eratosthenes’ conclu-sions about the latitudinal position of India. It is argued, among other things, that Hipparchus proposed a more correct estimate of the latitude of southern India, than Eratosthenes, and that Ptolemy’s Geography probably drew on this estimate.

It is well known that Ptolemy’s Geography used systematically exaggerated values for longitudes, which made his map look excessively stretched from West to East in comparison with modern maps. According to one recent hypothesis, the source of Ptolemy’s inaccurate longitudes lay in his adoption of a new value for the Earth’s circumference. Ptolemy chose to rely on an estimate provided by Posidonius instead of a larger estimate by Eratosthenes, and as a result, all the distances converted from linear into angular units became exaggerated. The present article tests this hypothesis and finds that, on the one hand, it explains the stretching of the map only partially, and in some cases does not fit the data at all. On the other hand, the stretching of Ptolemy’s map can largely be explained by a systematic exaggeration of the distances between basic points.

Advanced doctoral students whose dissertations are substantially concerned with the history of cartography are invited to contact the editor of this section (Dr Elizabeth Baigent, Wycliffe Hall, Oxford OX2 6PW, UK; [email protected]) to discuss the submission of a short article. For a list of doctoral theses in progress see http://www.maphistory.info/futurephd.html.

The story of the translation of Ptolemy’s Geography on the eve of the birth of Modernity has often been written with a perspective that privileges events unfolding on the Western shores of the Mediterranean Sea. In the same period, however, a parallel process was taking place on the Eastern shores, at the court of Sultan Mehmed II in Constantinople, the city that was to become Istanbul, the heart of the newly born Ottoman Empire. Here, in 1465, the Byzantine scholar George Amiroutzes (ca. 1400–1475) and his son Mehmed Bey produced a new world map with Arabic texts, one of the great endeavours in geographical studies in the years following the fall of Constantinople (1453). They were subsequently commissioned to produce a new translation of Ptolemy’s work into Arabic. The analysis of a number of studies on Amiroutzes’ contribution to Mehmed II’s ecumenical vision, as well as that of other Byzantine scholars such as George of Trabzon (Trapezuntius), offers new insight into how the Ottoman Empire wished to create fresh room for manoeuvre and express its desire to expand. At the same time, it lays the groundwork for future research on toponymy, on the mathematical and geopolitical contents of cartographic production at the time of Mehmed and, particularly, on the world-map described in this work.

Geus, Klaus: Wer ist Marinos von Tyros? Zur Hauptquelle des Ptolemaios in seiner "Geographie". In: Geographia antiqua 26 (2017), 13-22.
Abstract – As Ptolemy himself acknowledged, Marinos of Tyros was the main source for his Geographike Hyphegesis, his famous „Introduction to Geography“ (ca. AD 150). Next to nothing is known about this enigmatic geographer who wrote at the beginning of the second century AD. Several fragments exhibit that Marinos drew on unpublished sources, mined Latin geographical and topographical texts and had access to Roman military and administrative material which was otherwise inaccessible to ancient geographers. This makes it plausible that Marinos was not a Greek but a Roman geographer („Marinus“), probably one within the higher Roman administration. The author proposes to identify Marinos of Tyros with L. Iulius Marinus Caecilius Simplex, consul suffectus of the year AD 101. This Marinus´ origo was indeed Phoenicia. The denomination „Marinos of Tyros“ fits both the biographical information derived from Ptolemy and the common usage for Roman personalities in Greek texts from the Imperial period. The suggestions outlined in the article not only account for some peculiarities in connection with Marinos but also explain the numerous discrepancies between Ptolemy´s Geographike Hyphegesis and other geographical works in antiquity.

phenomenon of precession of the equinoxes, to explain the difference between the tropical and sidereal zodiac. The third part of this paper will discuss Hellenistic astrology and the astrological theories of Ptolemy, which fully established the tropical zodiac. I will then briefly dive into the Copernican Era, to discuss the academic downfall of tropical astrology and Johannes Kepler's call for its reform. At last, I will examine the 20 th century's resurrection of sidereal astrology, initiated by the Irish astrologer and researcher Cyril Fagan (1896-1970). The Babylonian Origins of Astrology The astrological system as we know it today in the West was developed predominantly in ancient Greece. However, the ancient Greeks were not the ones who invented astrology. Its roots are found in ancient Babylonia, dating back to the second millennium BCE. 10 Omen astrology is argued as the oldest form of astrology and its persistence in Greek astrology uncovers its dependence on Babylonian astrology, for the Greek form bears no substantial difference to the Babylonian form from which it descended. 11 Omen astrology interprets both astronomical and meteorological phenomena, such as eclipses, settings, risings and conjunctions of stars and planets, as well as, thunder, clouds and rains, in relation to predictions of war or peace, good crops or bad crops, and abundance or famine. 12 Historically, omen astrology was the first type of astrology on the scene and best exemplified in the cuneiform Enuma Anu Enlil celestial omen tablet series. 13 Furthermore, as stated above, it has been argued that the Greeks were responsible for the development of horoscopic astrology or genethlialogy. 14 However, this practice cannot be solely attributed to the Greeks either, for the earliest 10 Bowser, An Introduction to Western Sidereal Astrology, 191. 11 What distinguishes omen astrology from horoscopic astrology is basically the lack of a comprehensive astrological system, which includes the actual and potential positions of the celestial bodies relative to each other and to the earth, see: Reiner, "Babylonian celestial divination," 21-37; and Beck, "Origins and Types of Astrology," 10. 12 Swerdlow, The Babylonian Theory of the Planets, 2. 13 Beck, "Origins and Types of Astrology," 14. 14 Ibid., 9.

From astronomical works in Sanskrit , location of Mayasura will be traced who is claimed to be in Kritayuga in famous Surya Siddhant . And from available research on Chitpavan Brahmins , connection of Chitpavans to Greek Egyptian settlement in Alexandria is further discussed

The analysis of several reports of Ptolemy shows that already before Marinus of Tyre ancient geographers used a kind of projection, similar to the first Ptolemy’s projection. This could have been a kind of trapezoidal projection, which is described by Strabo.

Trenčín je výnimočným mestom. V strednej Európe (východne od Rýna a severne od Dunaja) sa druhé také nenájde. Poznáme jeho najstaršiu zmienku už z 2. storočia nášho letopočtu, kedy tu (ako v meste Laugaríciu) zimovali rímske jednotky pod velením Marca Valeria Maximiana. Ostatné stredoeurópske mestá majú najstaršie zmienky až z raného stredoveku, teda z obdobia o 500 až 1000 rokov neskôr. V strednom a východnom Nemecku sú najstaršie mestá: Würzburg (704), Arnstadt (704), Mühlberg (704) a Großmonra (704). Na Slovensku: Nitra (828), Bratislava (907). V Čechách a v Poľsku Praha (965) a Krakov (965). Ostatné mestá (až na Trenčín) sú ešte mladšie. Bolo by pekné, hovorí si človek, keď sa díva v Trenčíne na hradnú skalu s nápisom Laugarício, keby aj iné mestá v strednej Európe mali to šťastie a dali by sa datovať do takto dávnej doby.. Nie je to nemožné a historická veda to dobre vie. Zachovala sa jedna stará antická mapa – Ptolemaiova mapa strednej Európy, nazývaná aj Magna Germánia, a na tejto mape je okrem Leucarista – Laugarícia, teda Trenčína, vyznačených ďalších 94 stredoeurópskych miest aj s ich antickými názvami: Leucaristus, Arsonium, Calisia, Setidava... Kde sú tieto staré mestá?

O tom, čo je to Ptolemaiova mapa, ako prebiehalo hľadanie týchto miest, prečo sa skončilo neúspešne a autorovu novú metódu hľadania týchto starých miest predkladáme na ďalších stranách tejto publikácie.

Le présent essai vise à démontrer que les positions listées par Ptolémée mesurées depuis trois villes repères suivent une progression d’erreur qu’il est possible de circonscrire à l’aide de moyens mathématiques simples. Nous montrerons que la «fuite» observée des positions en fonction de la distance s’intègre dans un cadre statistique. Il devient alors possible de «dilater» la carte pour la faire s’adapter à la géographie réelle de telle sorte que placer Macoraba à La Mecque actuelle reviendrait dès lors à accorder à notre fantaisie des droits supérieurs à la logique. L’approche a permis ainsi de proposer des positions cohérentes pour environ 120 localités sur la carte d’Arabia Felix dont des lieux fameux comme Tabuk, Najran, Sanaa qui restaient à placer. Ceci n’est qu’une ébauche qui sollicite non seulement l’indulgence du lecteur mais toute l’aide qu’on pourra lui apporter.

Ταρτησος (Tartesos) en un mapa de tradición ptolemea en el documental “Atlantis Rising” de James Cameron.

Por Georgeos Díaz-Montexano / Scientific Atlantology International Society (SAIS) / The Epigraphic Society / Historical-Scientific Atlantology Adviser for James Cameron, Simcha Jacobovici and National Geographic.

Paleografía

Lectura paleográfica del nombre de Tartesos de acuerdo a las minúsculas medievales usadas en los tiempos en que ha sido datado el códice (siglos XII al XIV).

Leer artículo en PDF en AtlantisRising.es (http://atlantisng.com/blog/tartessos-mapa/)

The Taḥrīr al-Majisṭī by Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī is known to have survived in several dozen manuscript copies in different parts of the world. At present, however, we do not have a full list of the preserved manuscripts-or any record that might serve as a basis for drawing up a list of this kind. For the first time, the present article gathers together information on more than a hundred Arabic manuscripts of the Taḥrīr al-Majisṭī, identified through an extensive search in manuscript-catalogues, collection reports and, when possible, by inspection of manuscript copies. Special importance has been given to clarifying the bibliographical situation of each manuscript, particularly concerning the printed catalogues. The article consists of four parts: 1. A brief introduction ; 2. A description of the methodology; 3. The list of manuscripts; 4. Concluding remarks.

Nota della curatrice » 11 Arte militare CORRADO PETROCELLI Racconti di guerra. Figure della narrazione nelle Storie di Tucidide » 15 IMMACOLATA ERAMO Disegni di guerra. La tradizione dei diagrammi tattici greci nell'Arte della guerra di Niccolò Machiavelli » 35 KLAUS FABIAN Des Hopliten Schutz und Trutz oder Philologie auf Lanzenspitzen » 63 GASTONE BRECCIA La geometria di Marte. Polibio e Cesare nelle incisioni di Andrea Palladio: il volto rinascimentale della battaglia » 139 Geografia FRANCESCO PRONTERA Geografia antica nella cartografia medievale: l'Asia in un codice di San Gerolamo » 159 NICOLA BIFFI «È simile a...». L'uso delle immagini nella Geografia di Strabone » 181 Indice generale 6 VLADIMIRO VALERIO La Geografia di Tolemeo e la nascita della moderna rappresentazione dello spazio p. 215 CLAUDIO SCHIANO La forma del mondo secondo gli antichi: un esercizio iconografico tra XVII e XIX secolo » 233 Medicina DOMENICO RIBATTI Simmetria e asimmetria del corpo umano » 269 OLIMPIA IMPERIO Immagini del medico nella tradizione comica antica e moderna » 277 LUIGI PIACENTE Medici, libri e biblioteche nella Roma imperiale » 293 STEFANIA FORTUNA Le illustrazioni nei testi medici: le edizioni latine di Galeno del XVI-XVII sec. » 311 RAFFAELE PASSARELLA Aspetti di medicina ginecologica nel tardoantico: Muscione e il parto » 339 Scienze naturali LUCIO CRISTANTE Acque, fuochi, monti, pietre, fossili tra letteratura antica e geologia » 359 STEFANIA SANTELIA L'Aetna (App. Verg.): scienza ed etica » 375 157 Geografia

This study is about why the “Poles”, which was a mysterious notion beyond its recognition until the last centuries, was not considered strategic by the Ottomans and how important it was found. In the pre-Ottoman and Ottoman period, we see that these mysterious areas were actually known, but this situation was not given much importance, and interestingly, they became the subject of mythology and even various talismans. Unfortunately, since the Ottoman Empire did not have a “Thalassocratic” structure, it was deprived of Geographical Explorations and was not very successful in building resistant ships that could cope with the oceans. However, Ottoman trained very important scientists such as Piri Reis, Takıyüddin and Kâtip Çelebi (Ḥājjī Khalīfa), who made their names known to the world. As a result of their interest in the cartography and space of those ages, they left very important works that have survived to the present day. As a matter of fact, when it comes to the poles, the main sources inevitably become “Astronomy”, “Cartography” and “History of Cartography”, with another concept, “Geographical Sciences” in a general context. The discovery of the entire North Pole and especially the South Pole is directly related to the development of cartography and "Geographical Discoveries". While the concept of "Known World" was based on Ptolemy's maps before the start of the Geographical Discoveries, following the start of the discoveries, especially around the 16th century, cartography became a rather big race and the foundations of today's map science were laid. From the Ottoman perspective, the talismanic information in manuscripts such as "Acâ'ibü'l-mahlûkat ve Ğarâ'ibü'l-mavcûdât" is replaced by scientific works such as Piri Reis's "Kitab-ı Bahriye (Book of the Sea)" and Kâtip Çelebi's "Cihannümâ". In addition, Katip Çelebi calculated the prayer and fasting times around the pole (referring to the regions where night and day are 6 months) by referring to Takyüddin in his work titled "İlhâmü'l-Mukaddes mine'l-Feyzi'l-Akdes". This process also reveals that important cartographers such as Ptolemy, Waldseemüller and Ortelius were followed closely in the west. Moreover, very important studies have been carried out about our planet, including the poles in the "Istanbul Observatory" of Takyüddin. The most notable of these works is the "World Globe", which was painted by Nakkaş Osman (in miniature) in the "Şehinşehnâme" manuscript in 1581, in the Istanbul Observatory, where Takiyüddin worked. This globe shows Antarctica as a continent, like a piece of land, long before its discovery. Despite the awareness of all these Geographical Discoveries, the Ottomans did not attempt to explore these regions, including the "poles", and for a long time only followed the processes closely. In the 19th century, with the saturation of Geographical Discoveries, various maps and atlases brought from Europe were translated and reproduced. In this direction, in the archive documents and manuscripts researched in our study, first of all, the awareness of the poles and how the Ottoman state saw this phenomenon will be examined and then what kind of strategy it applied or why it did not apply will be discussed.

By examining the sources for Alexander's actions at the Persian Gates this paper argues that Curtius' account of events is the most accurate.  In addition, this historiographical analysis provides context for why Arrian has the events and actors shifted in the ways that they do--his source Ptolemy focuses action on himself in order to emphasize his own military prowess and close connections to Alexander. To put it another way: the most interesting aspect of the battle at the Persian Gates is that Ptolemy used it to introduce himself as a legitimate successor to Alexander.

RE: Facades, illusions & ideological concepts created & promoted by ancient royalty out of necessity; effective creation of an alternate version of reality. It is only by knowing this information that the true nature of ancient texts may be understood correctly. Not knowing, means making incorrect assumptions & conclusions. Important!

This paper introduces polytempic polymicrotonality as a new musical aesthetic. Microtonality is the basis for its inception, from which the discussion proposes music with more than one microtonal tuning system. Examples from the literature are discussed to give an historic framework showing that this tendency has been present throughout human musical history. Polytempo is a tool for which polymicrotonal structures can function in relief from its background. Polytempo acts as a frame, or ground structure, that is multi-dimensional, akin to the advancement of perspective in Renaissance art. Examples of music literature are displayed for musical precedence in this area, focusing on Charles Ives’s Universe Symphony, unfinished since 1925, and realized recently by Johnny Reinhard in 1996.

The main conclusions can be summarized as follows: (1) Strabo’s testimony on Hipparchus’ table is too heavily abridged and confused to provide a reliable basis for neat reconstruction of its original content and scope.1 (2) Hipparchus’ table was actually much more elaborated and detailed than it is usually inferred from Strabo’s account. (3) The analysis of Strabo’s testimony reveals a number of mistakes and omissions, which fortunately can be repaired by taking the parallel sources into account. (4) The widespread belief that Hipparchus’ work had no significant influence upon the development of geography is refuted by a series of coincidences detected between Hipparchus’ data and the works of the later authors (Posidonius, Mela, Pliny), especially of Ptolemy (listed in Sect. 5). These coincidences make it possible to through some new light on the prehistory of the Ptolemaic Geography.

This essay examines the elaborate title pages of some of alchemist, astrologer, and bibliophile John Dee’s publications with a focus on the two best known works that feature his famous Hieroglyphic Monad, the Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558) and Monas Hieroglyphica (1564). The aim is to cast light on its context, identify sources for some textual influences in the works, unpack the visual symbolism in the two “monadic” title pages in relation to the two complementary sciences of “superior” and “inferior” astronomy, speculate on some of the more enigmatic details, and conclude with a brief discussion of a possible astrological significance to the dates of composition of the Monas Hieroglyphica.

Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) – astronomer, mathematician, physician, and Catholic clergyman – was one of the most important contributors of the Scientific Revolution due to the formulation of the heliocentric model of the universe, according to which the earth revolved around the stationary mean sun. He managed to provide an astronomical system consistent with the apparent motions of the celestial bodies and also explain the exact necessary order and the inner coherence of the universe by following the Aristotelian distance–period relationship and the postulate for the uniform circular motion. Although the system presented in his book De Revolutionibus Orbium Coelestium (On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres) was as complex as that of Ptolemy, the harmonious order of his geokinetic model led to the foundation of modern [astro]physics. His scholarly interests included economics, politics, and translation of ancient Greek texts.

The thesis investigates two related Latin texts from the early period of the medieval Latin acquisition of Ptolemaic astronomy from Arabic sources. Both examined texts originate from the same environment in the crusader principality of Antioch during the late first half of the twelfth century, where the translator Stephen of Antioch played a central role in their production. As the medieval Arabic-Latin transfer of scientific knowledge occurred mainly in the Western half of the Mediterranean region while especially for the crusader states only few translations are documented, the Antiochian texts are valuable testimonies of a largely unknown milieu of medieval scholarship. They comprise the earliest Latin translation of Ptolemy’s Almagest and one of the first accounts on Ptolemaic astronomy and cosmology by a medieval Latin commentator, entitled Liber Mamonis. The investigation pays particular attention to the Arabic sources on which the works depend and how these sources were interpreted by the Latin translators. While the translation of the Almagest seems to be based on a hitherto unknown Arabic version of Ptolemy’s work, the richly commented Liber Mamonis provides illustrative insight into the motivation and the scientific understanding of one of the first Latin recipients of Arabic astronomy and cosmology.

This article combines historical analysis with international-relations theory to contend that geopolitical developments around the Eastern Mediterranean in the middle third century BCE were indirectly responsible for the emergence of the Parthian state and a new international system of states in the ancient East. Since the death of Alexander the Great, the Seleucid Empire had ruled over much of the East; however, disastrous military conflicts at home and abroad in the West caused a sudden decline of Seleucid power in the 240s-
230s BCE. The troubles of the Seleucid state caused what political scientists call a power-transition crisis that damaged Seleucid hegemony over the East when the Seleucid satraps of Parthia and Bactria declared their independence. Moreover, the deleterious civil wars between Seleucid dynasts in the West and the rebellions of eastern satraps encouraged the nomadic Parni tribe from the Central Asian steppe (later known as the Parthians), who had been seeking a new homeland for decades, to invade northeastern Iran and establish a new kingdom. With the Parni’s successful conquest of Parthia and its immediate consequences, a new interstate system of tripolarity between the Seleucid Empire, Bactrian Kingdom, and the newly formed Parthian state emerged in the ancient East.

RESUMEN. Este trabajo está dividido en dos partes. En la primera se estudian los testimonios de culto al toro y a la luna como definidores del territorio primitivo del 'ager Vasconum', en especial las muy características «aras taurobólicas» de Navarra y el Oeste de Zaragoza. En la segunda se propone un nuevo método de análisis, por conjuntos, para intentar aprovechar datos, hoy inutilizables, del geógrafo Ptolomeo (II. 6, 66), acerca de las ciudades vasconas. Con diversos materiales arqueológicos y fuentes literarias, antiguas y medievales, se llega a proponer nueva ubicación para dieciocho de ellas y, en especial, para el enorme territorio público conocido como «Las Bárdenas Reales», un posible 'ager Caesarianus adsignatus'. La propuesta final de localizaciones (fig. 13) coincide bastante bien con la experimental a partir de Ptolomeo (fig. 9), lo que puede indicar la validez del método empleado.

ABSTRACT. This paper discusses two main issues. The first part is an in depth study of the evidences related to the worship of the bull and the moon, in particular the most characteristic of them known as «aras taurobólicas» (Navarra and W. of Saragossa). They are considered by the author as defining elements of the 'ager Vasconum' original territory. In the second part the researcher proposes a new method of analysis, by groups, as a better way of making use of some of the data around the Vasconic towns, gathered by the geographer Ptolemy (II, 6. 66). Various ancient and medieval archaeological and literary sources analysed suggest new locations for eighteen Vasconic towns. Specially relevant is the new location proposed for the vast territory known as “Bárdenas Reales”; that could possibly be an 'ager Caesarianus adsignatus'. The concluding proposed map (fig. 13) appear to match reasonably well with the experimental one based on Ptolemy (fig. 9). This could illustrate the reliability of the methods of study employed by the author.

N.B.- El análisis del territorio vascón según las coordenadas de Ptolomeo, nunca aprovechado para este fin (salvo en las pocas ciudades bien conocidas que cita), que en este estudio se propuso analizar no globalmente, como se venía intentando sin éxito, sino sectorialmente, por conjuntos, unido con datos de itinerarios, miliarios, epígrafes, monedas, y fuentes literarias antiguas y medievales, condujo a las hipótesis de localización de 17 ciudades (varias de ellas raramente citadas en la historiografía, como Seburi, Hispal, o las Bárdenas Reales) o, por ejemplo, a la identificación de la segunda calzada vascona del Ravenate, que propuse iría paralela al río Arga (http://www.tierravascona.info/aliciacanto/vascones_identificacion_ciudades.htm).

Este método de análisis sectorial, y la idea de que Ptolomeo usaba varias fuentes diferentes, difíciles de ajustar entre sí, y que además fueron alteradas en la Edad Media por sus copistas, vinieron a ser REVALIDADOS diez años más tarde, en 2007-2008, por estudios técnicos, geodésicos, debidos a los Dres. D. Lelgemann, E. Knobloch y F. Neitzel, del Institut für Geodäsie und Geoinformationstechnik u. Institut für Philosophie, Wissenschaftstheorie, Wissenschafts- und Technikgeschichte de la Technische Universität Berlin. Véanse, por ejemplo, "Ptolemäus korrigiert" (http://www.sueddeutsche.de/wissen/ptolemaeus-korrigiert-eine-neue-vermessung-der-alten-welt-1.826706), "Entzerrte Weltkarte" (http://www.scienzz.de/ticker/art9041.html), o "Descifran y corrigen histórico mapamundi de Claudio Ptolomeo" (http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,2738940,00.html). Véase también, en abril de 2009, el ensayo de T. Tornadijo “Las ciudades vasconas en Ptolomeo: un análisis multivariante”(http://terraeantiqvae.com/profiles/blogs/las-ciudades-vasconas-en), que arrojó numerosas coincidencias con mis cálculos previos.

- Tras la publicación de este trabajo se suscitó en varios investigadores  (J. Andreu, J. Velaza, Á. Jordán, J.L. Ramírez Sádaba...) un renacimiento del interés por las fuentes literarias y ciudades vasconas, bastante olvidadas desde la única monografía de Mª J. Peréx Agorreta (1986), que en este aspecto concreto no había avanzado mucho. Incluso se organizaron dos o tres congresos sobre el tema (a sólo uno de los cuales fui invitada, aunque no pude luego entregar a tiempo mi ponencia), como "Navarra en la Antigüedad. Propuesta de actualización" (2006) o  el VII Congreso de Historia de Navarra: "Los Vascones de las fuentes antiguas. En torno a una etnia de la Antigüedad peninsular" (2009). Todo lo cual creo que, científicamente, me compensó de la falta de reconocimiento formal por parte de algunos de ellos (no así Andreu, o Peréx: 2009, 147-148), y hasta de algunas copias y falsedades en las citas (ad ex. Ramírez Sádaba). Algo muy habitual, por otro lado, sobre todo cuando alguien "de fuera" se acerca a determinados temas con el saludable ánimo de revisarlos.

Para este fenómeno, y para el tratamiento por parte de algunos autores que frecuentan el asunto, sería útil cf. este comentario de 13-4-2009: http://terraeantiqvae.com/profiles/blog/show?id=2043782%3ABlogPost%3A39447&commentId=2043782%3AComment%3A39513 "

Twenty-four in auloi. Aristotle, Met.1093b, the harmony of the spheres, and the formation of the Perfect System Our knowledge of Ancient Greek Music owes much to passing comments made by ancient authors who, at this time, had anything else in mind but conveying technical information to people not acquainted with the basics of contemporaneous musical life. This often leads to the frustrating feeling that a treasure is hidden in a particular passage, while all interpretations offered so far are not nearly satisfactory, and the key seems still missing. This paper is going to deal with such a statement by Aristotle, and if the hypothesis offered here is accepted it will consequently influence our view of a crucial chapter in the development of Greek music, both in theory and practice: the formation of the Greater Perfect System.