Curriculum, Syllabus Design and Equity: A Primer and Model

Curriculum Design, Equity and the Technical Form of the Curriculum Allan Luke Annette Woods and Katie Weir Introduction This is a volatile period for curriculum settlements in many nations, states and regions. System curriculum documents – usually in the form of a formal syllabus, curriculum guideline1 or course of study – are often the first port of call for media and political analysts and critics in the intellectual paradigm war over content. This is because the documents exist as a publically accessible text. Unlike the ‘enacted curriculum’ that occurs every day in student/teacher discourse, interaction and relationships - the official curriculum contains normative statements about what should be learned, and these are recoverable and available for ideological and cultural scrutiny. Hence, in periods of economic and social uncertainty and upheaval, in periods of cultural conflict and transformation – curriculum documents are often held accountable for the academic and social outcomes of schooling. While public firestorms over education may begin with claims about falling levels of basic skills, declines in graduate outcomes, and employer and media complaints about the general quality of graduates – the trail generally leads to two sources of the ostensible problem: the curriculum and teachers. That is, public attention turns to what is being taught – and who is doing the teaching. Bureaucratic incoherence or lack of political vision and will are rarely mentioned or critiqued in these public outcries. 1 Different systems use different nomenclature to describe the official curriculum documents prepared by systems to direct the work of teachers and students across school subjects. In Australia the term used is usually syllabus, although there is a shift toward ‘curriculum’ as an all encompassing term. Other names for these same documents include curriculum guidelines. 1 The official curriculum and the official presentation of this curriculum in syllabus documents is what Michel Foucault (1972) referred to as “grids of specification”, that is an institutional structure for mapping human knowledge and human subjects; the divisions and categories used to specify what the curriculum will be at this time and in this context. These grids are taxonomic and categorical systems used for describing a potentially unlimited universe of human knowledge and practice. The systems divide, contrast, regroup and derive what will constitute important and valued school knowledge, now, from the unlimited possibilities available. In this chapter, we refer to this taxonomy as the technical form of the curriculum. Our argument here is that the technical form of the curriculum matters. It has the effect of enabling and disenabling particular kinds of teacher professional interpretation and face-to-face-interaction in schools and classrooms. As an “open” or “closed” text (Luke, deCastell & Luke, 1989), it encourages and discourages teacher and student autonomous action, critical analyses of local contexts, teachers’ bending and shaping of curriculum to respond to particular students’ needs, and to particular school and community contingencies. We will argue and attempt to demonstrate that high definition, or extremely elaborated, detailed and enforced technical specifications and low definition, that is, less elaborated, detailed and constrained curriculum act as degrees of central prescription. We suggest that these levels of prescription – from high through to low - in turn set the conditions for local teacher professionalism or workforce deprofessionalization. The case we make is that overprescription in the technical form of the curriculum has the effect of constraining teacher professionalism and eventually deskilling teachers, and that as a consequence less equitable educational outcomes ensue. Curriculum theory and research provide ample theoretical tools for debating and contesting ‘whose knowledge should count’: whose versions of human wisdom and knowledge should and can be made to count in teaching and learning. These range from the 2 foundational questions raised by the “new sociology of education” (Young, 1971), through “critical multiculturalist” work of the 1990s (e.g., Nieto, 1999), to the ongoing reconceptualist work of feminists, poststructural and queer theorists (e.g., Pinar, 2001). These are matters of the tension between educational hegemony and recognitive justice (Fraser, 1997): that is, between the representation of ‘dominant’ views of culture, ideology and science; and of bids for the recognition and representation of ‘other’, minority views of the world, of cultural and linguistic practice, of everyday forms of life, human existence and experience. Such tensions play out regularly during curriculum reform processes and are evident in current curriculum debates in the US, and in Australia, particularly as that nation moves toward implementing its first national curriculum. Debates over ‘black arm band’ history versus a more sanitized, less culpable version, of whether to cut content according to temporal categories or themes in history, and a revisiting of the grammar debates between traditional and functional iterations continue in consultation meetings, organised to provide a wider group of interests a voice in the ultimate selections made. At this historical moment, curriculum content is an issue of contestation and debate. There is a call for the representation of the lives and discourses of minority communities as part of a broader, half century push for an approach that highlights both redistributive and recognitive social justice in schools (e.g., Connolly with He & Phillion, 2008). These attempts are counter posed against a new educational “fundamentalism” (Luke, 2006) that argues for a supposed self-evident corpus of the basics; the persistent call for a return to canonical classical knowledges, and the call for a new disciplinarity that focuses on explicit access to the specialised techniques, linguistic forms and cognitive strategies of scientific disciplinary knowledge (e.g., Freebody, Martin & Maton, 2008). Taken together, these are robust and culturally warranted debates over curriculum content. However at the same time, contemporary curriculum theory provides little 3 theoretical or practical advice on the technical form of the curriculum, for the definition and specification of hierarchical and taxonomic categories, or descriptive categories. As illustrated in a series of recent handbooks and encyclopaedias of curriculum, there is a broad critique of Neotylerian assumptions and limitations, persistent debates over the political and social contexts of curriculum - but little substantive engagement with the institutional processes of curriculum making (see, for example, essays in Connolly with He and Phillion, 2008). This marking out of the categories, imposing the grids used to divide and contrast the content is the core, unglamorous ‘dirty work’ of curriculum reform. It is the textual organisation and work of making official syllabus documents. Typically the default mode is that official documents will proceed with anywhere from six to eight core curriculum areas (e.g., school subjects, disciplinary fields or key learning areas), and that these will be ‘filled in’ with essential skills, processes, and contents that correspond to specific age/grade/developmental stage (Deng & Luke, 2008). To accommodate those general competences or skills that are seen to traverse the curriculum areas and, most recently, what are referred to as “twenty first century” skills and competences, additional grids are added, generally for coverage in a range of grades and subjects (Reid, 2005). These range, depending on the national and regional context, from capacities with new information technology or textual modes, to overarching cognitive and textual strategies (e.g., critical thinking, higher order problem solving), to more specific cultural and linguistic capacities often, but not always, linked to achievement across core school subjects and increasingly linked to citizenship of some order (e.g., civics and ethical behaviours). Curriculum theory enables principled arguments for curriculum content. Yet while we could identify and critique the root assumptions of particular approaches to technical form (e.g., behaviourist skills versus traditional knowledge content statements), we have little 4 programmatic theory or empirical evidence on the efficacy of one programmatic approach to another. Simply, there is little in the curriculum studies literature and research that actually makes the case for any particular technical form of curriculum. There has been little interest in or problematizing of the shape, format and form of the curriculum – beyond teachers’ practical notions of use and ease of working with this frame or that. If we follow Dewey’s (1915) analogy about the curriculum as a journey or a map those of us actually involved in making the curriculum in official syllabus documents too often proceed without map or compass. We may have varying views about the nature of the terrain, and, indeed, the eventual destination and be willing to argue for these views and beliefs. But we have tended to have a limited technical sense of the effects of different approaches to the cartography – of the implications of variable options in nomenclature, conventions for describing the terrain or the journeys eventually traversed. We have often found in our travels, that these categories were tabled by Departments and Ministries of Education on the basis of precedent, previous syllabi or those of other jurisdictions, and in some contexts on the very real necessities of printing and page counts for systems relying on aid support. In many instances these decisions are made on the latest received wisdom about what kinds of formats teachers found useful and that they would comply with and work within, or which formats would enable accountability requirements to be met. Across all the contexts where curriculum work remains a key feature of education systems there continues to be little principled or robust debate on how to actually structure and write a curriculum document. The history of curriculum is written as a debate over content. Whether we construe that content in terms of dominant ideologies, available discourses, disciplinary and knowledge paradigms, or cultural narratives and values – at any historical moment, the process of reaching a curriculum settlement in democratic educational systems is subject to 5 academic, public, media and political contestation. The ongoing debates in Japan over the textbook representation of WWII, the recent revisionist approach to the representation of Stalinism in Russian history texts, and the ongoing debates in the US over the representation of immigration and migrant cultures are cases in point. Since the civil rights and feminist movements in the US, and more recently in relation to the land and knowledge claims of Indigenous peoples, much of the controversy over curriculum has centred on the inclusion of revisionist histories, and the voices and experiences of cultural and linguistic minority groups, women and others who have historically been marginalised in official knowledge. Additionally, and of immediate relevance to our task here, the hundred year debate in the US over the optimal way to teach reading (Chall, 1967) – phonics versus word recognition, whole language versus direct instruction and so forth – has been a focus of “back to the basics” movements in the US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the UK. Curriculum settlements are by definition unstable, contingent and volatile. These are the debates of this chapter. We frame an approach to curriculum writing that foregrounds the technical form of the curriculum. While we do not diminish the importance of content in curriculum theory, we do claim that the identified gap in research that has investigated the very material effects of the technical form of the curriculum has left curriculum writers, policy makers, teachers and educators with little to call on as they make decisions about the shape and structure of curriculum documents and syllabi. We also make the claim that technical form matters for equity and for the quality of a system, even though it has been ignored within the curriculum field more generally. Before moving to these arguments however we take the time to define curriculum, syllabus and school subject as key terms for the chapter and for this volume. Curriculum and syllabus: Curriculum and selective tradition in documents 6 Following our definitions set out in other locations (Woods, Luke & Weir, 2010) we define the official curriculum document, known as a syllabus in some contexts and labelled using that term here, as a map and a descriptive overview of the curriculum. So it stands as a structured summary or outline of what should be taught and learned across the schooling years. To this way of thinking, the syllabus is not the curriculum per se. Instead we define curriculum as the sum total of resources - intellectual and scientific, cognitive and linguistic, textbook and adjunct resources and materials, official and unofficial - that are brought together for teaching and learning by teachers, students and in the best case community, in classrooms and other learning environments. Curriculum is simply what is taught and learned in schools (Kelly, 2004). It is the very constitutive cultural and scientific ‘stuff’ of education that is “transmitted” by the message systems of instruction and assessment (Bernstein, 1990). The syllabus, or official curriculum documentation, is a bid to shape and set the parameters of the curriculum, in a particular place and time. As a decade of research on the enacted curriculum tells us, the official curriculum document cannot, by its very definition, contain and express, control and micro-manage what goes on in the classroom. So it might constrain and enable certain practices and processes and not others – but the written document is never the same as the lived experience of the curriculum constructed and enacted by teachers and students in classrooms. Westbury (2008) defines the syllabus as a “guide” to the curriculum while Schwartz (2006) describes the syllabus as a “written curriculum” that acts as an action-oriented “guide” or “tool” for teachers. The Oxford English Dictionary tells us that the term “syllabus” has evolved to refer to a “summary” of what is to be taught and learned. The syllabus has been used in fields like literature and law to refer to an outline of curriculum. In all of these definitions there is some sense of the syllabus as an authoritative outline, schema or structure for courses of study. We have found it useful to define the syllabus as an official map of a 7 school subject (Woods, Luke, & Weir, 2010). That is, it is a document that provides teachers with a rationale and outline of the school subject in question, an overview and specification of preferred expected content to be taught and learned, and a description of operational ways of appraising standards for gauging student performance. The expected learning(s) can and are stated in various forms such as key knowledge and understandings, skills, competences, processes and experiences. So by drawing on Dewey’s (1902) seminal definitions, we argue that the syllabus constitutes a map of the terrain to be covered over course or schooling phase. Accordingly the syllabus is not an exhaustive view of the territory, but it sets the grounds for teachers’ and students’ actual educational journey through the terrain. We advocate for recognition that teacher professional judgement should be called into play in the shaping of curriculum work programs, pedagogical approaches and classroom assessment as this will allow and enable individuals and cohorts to take different routes through the terrain. By this account the official curriculum document or syllabus is not and cannot be comprehensive or exhaustive, and it cannot and should not prescribe and dictate pedagogic method, approach, style and instructional interaction. This is optimally the domain of school and teacher professional judgement (Fullan, 2008; Newmann & Associates, 1996). So as Connelly and Connelly (in this volume) insist, the function of a quality syllabus should be to enhance teacher professionalism, and not as is the case with overly authoritative and prescriptive curriculum documents and adjunct policies, to constrain, regulate and deprofessionalize the teaching profession and the work that they engage in. Our case here then is that the syllabus is an outline of preferred expected knowledges, skills, performances, competences, with affiliated specification of expected standards. It should act as a guide and detail what is valued in a system’s context. Such a document is optimally supported by diverse, well-developed professional training and development 8 resources and targeted professional development and support (for reviews, see FeinmanNemser, 2001; Timperley, Wilson, Barrar, & Fung, 2007). These resources can then be assembled, developed, and applied by teachers in local curriculum planning and designing processes. Strengths in such curriculum work by teachers and local authorities is a key element of successful systems in Finland and Ontario, and yet there is evidence that other systems are ignoring this evidence, shifting instead to overly prescriptive, narrowly defined notions of curriculum support. What occurs in teaching and learning is shaped by a range of factors. The official curriculum documents are only one of these factors, although they remain key, other factors include at least, the background knowledge, cognitive and cultural resources that students bring to classrooms; teacher expertise gained through pre and in-service teacher education and practical experience; textbook selection and content; availability of further training and professional resources; school leadership; system governance and accountability structures; high stakes testing and examination; classroom assessment; available financial resources; the physical site of the classroom, and so forth (see articles in Pinar, 2005; Connelly, He & Phillion, 2008). Even if educational science can identify ‘effective’ and ‘appropriate’ curricular programs and teaching methods – real change in pedagogy, and therefore change in student outcome patterns, is dependent upon how these come together in the social ecology of schools and classrooms (Raudenbush, 2005). The confusion of the ‘curriculum’ and the syllabus is part of the continued trend toward control and regulation of teachers and teachers’ work. A document that attempts to be the curriculum in its entirety leads to a situation where the document itself and its implementation become difficult and overly complex, where teachers’ professionalism and the local configurations of school and community relations and values are ignored. Instead, we argue that the official curriculum document or the syllabus should be seen as a defensible 9 map of core skills, knowledges, competences, capacities to be covered, with affiliated statements of standards. These, in turn, need to be visibly aligned with systemic, school and classroom-level assessment practices. School subjects and their discipline heritage Each syllabus or official curriculum document then is the map of a school subject. We define a school subject as an institutionally defined field of knowledge and practice for teaching and learning (Stengel, 1997; Deng, 2007; see also Deng in this volume). Unlike disciplines, school subjects are “uniquely purpose-built educational enterprises, designed with and through educational imagination towards educative ends” (Deng & Luke, 2008, p. 83). The current and recurring debates over curriculum content have polarised opinion between disciplinary experts (e.g., scientists, literary theorists, historians, geographers, mathematicians) and educational experts (e.g., teacher educators and curriculum developers). These debates have confused ‘school subjects’ – key learning areas in specific fields - with ‘disciplines’, and so taking the time to clarify these terms is necessary here. School subjects are different from but related to disciplines and practical applied fields of knowledge (see Deng, this volume). For school syllabi, the traditional, operational and practical unit of study is the school subject - not the ‘discipline’ or ‘field’ of knowledge per se. School subjects have different connections to disciplines and disciplinary knowledge (Shulman, 1986), to culturally or scientifically important tools, artefacts and texts (Cole, 1996), and to particular cultures and cultural knowledges (Ladson-Billings & Brown, 2008). School subjects also reflect particular ‘versions’ of related disciplines and applied fields. The syllabus, therefore, involves a motivated selection from identifiable intellectual, scientific and aesthetic paradigms within a traditional or emergent field or discipline and also from particular approaches to an applied domain of practice (e.g., workplace or professional 10 competence). The contents of a syllabus are a “selective tradition” (Apple, 1978), with conscious and deliberate inclusions and exclusions from a vast range of possible disciplinary contents available. As Deng explores in this volume, school subjects are distinctive and purpose-built for particular contexts, times and spaces. School subjects are related to, but not the same as disciplines and practical fields. Disciplines are ways of thinking about, construing and describing the world (Cole, 1996; Freebody, 2006). As defined by Aristotle, disciplines are built to address scientific and cultural problems, to describe and explain a particular domain or field in the world. They entail specific epistemological stances on the world, commensurate first principles, relevant procedures and methods, and distinctive goals and aims (McKeon, Owen & McKeon, 2001). They are also constructed and structured through purpose-built discourses, technical vocabulary, spoken and written genres, and ways of representing the world (Lemke, 1990). By definition and necessity, disciplines evolve and change in response to new theories, new problems and changes in the phenomena they attempt to describe. This applies to both scientific fields (Kuhn, 1962) and to cultural and aesthetic fields (Dewey, 1938). At any given time, there is both consensus and dissensus - shared and contested claims amongst the practitioners of any field or discipline. Unlike disciplines, school subjects occur in a distinctive institutional context (schools and classrooms), and they mark out a particular set of social and cultural educative goals (a social logic) for distinctive groups of people (a psychologic) (Dewey, 1902). They will likely draw upon the stances, principles, procedures and goals and aims of particular disciplines (Tyler, 1949). Therefore, as purpose-built and targeted units of study for schools, their technical form and contents must address specific institutional imperatives and contexts. They set the grounds and directions for the social interaction and knowledge-making that occurs in teacher/student classroom interaction. 11 The school subject has a variable relationship to disciplinary knowledges or to applied fields of knowledge, and this depends in part at least on the subject and school phase that they are a part of. In a key work, Stengel (1997) argues that school syllabi and curriculum can take different stances in relation to their foundational disciplinary fields. Curriculum can be based on the assumptions that: (1) academic disciplines precede school subjects; (2) school subjects precede academic disciplines; or (3) the relation between the two is dialectic. (Stengel, 1997) In all cases it is more necessary to consider the implications of these assumptions on the resultant curriculum work than to categorise the relationships according to such a framework. The new curriculum settlement and equitable schooling Having set the definitions of syllabus, curriculum and school subject it is possible to turn to larger questions. For the past five decades, western democratic education systems have attempted to strike a balance between the goals of economic development and competitiveness, on the one hand, and social and cultural development and cohesion, on the other. What does it mean to argue for a syllabus design, a curriculum system, that achieves equity? We share with the other authors of this volume a broad commitment to social justice in education. Definitions and dialogue around educational equity have been the object of both complex social theory and everyday practice for the past four decades and the value of these debates is unquestioned here. By equity, we refer to what was broadly termed “equality of educational opportunity” in the post-1968 reframing of education as part of the civil rights movement, feminism, and, later, broadly liberationist debates around emergent and postcolonial education. Following Bowles and Gintis (1976) we suggest that education systems should be held to their meritocratic ideals: that students should have the opportunity 12 to achieve to their optimal abilities regardless of their specific community background or dispositional characteristics. We take a strong stance that the contract between a school system and its students and their families and communities should be based on the democratic right to achieve at least at a threshold level of knowledge, skills and dispositions that will enable effective and useful citizenship. To translate this for large educational systems requires a framework for understanding justice as it pertains to rights and responsibilities. The work of philosopher Nancy Fraser (1997) is regularly called upon by us and other educational researchers as a way to talk about such issues. She distinguishes between “recognitive” justice and “redistributive” justice, and more recently “representational” justice (Fraser, 2003). In curriculum terms, we can index the former concept to notions of “recognition” and the general move towards including, and thereby recognising those cultures and histories, knowledges and skills that previously have been marginalised in mainstream curriculum (Gale & Densmore, 2000). This is a matter of recognising the different cultural backgrounds, linguistic competences, histories and approaches to learning of women, Indigenous peoples, immigrants, and those subcommunities of learners with special needs and interests. To date, issues of recognitive justice arise in cultural debates over curriculum content, but have rarely been dealt with in ways that provide embedding in mainstream curriculum in ways that are more than token. On the other hand, redistributive justice, following Fraser, entails the equitable and fair distribution of material wealth, access to services, opportunities to participate in civic and economic life, and so forth (Gale & Densmore, 2000). To this way of thinking, education stands as a democratic entitlement. In educational terms, the OECD’s concern with “high equity” systems aligns with redistributive justice: the more equitable achievement of conventionally-defined achievement outcomes, retention and participation rates, and credentialing. Presented within a rights model and not a service delivery model of equity 13 ensures that not only is the past and current disadvantage evident in the lives of many students acknowledged, but so too is their right to equitable outcomes from schooling despite this often enduring disadvantage (Couch, 2005). The OECD approach has been to argue for a new version of the human capital model, that stresses both relevant skills for the new economies and the development of social and cultural capital (McGaw, 2006). In the technical analysis of PISA data, the OECD has developed a terminology to describe the relative efficacy of systems. The tables of comparative national performance in literacy, maths and science provide evidence of relative ‘quality’ of systems at producing conventionally measured test achievement. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2005) describes equity both in terms of the spread of achievement across a population (e.g., through standard deviations), but also the relative performance of identifiable equity groups (e.g., migrants/second language learners), and the relative impact of socio-economic background on test performance (through regression analysis). While many systems achieve high average means in performance, they also have steep equity slopes, indicating that socio-economic background remains a strong predictor of performance (e.g., most developing countries, but notably, the US, UK and Germany). Other systems generate both high average means in performance but also flatter equity slopes, indicating that within those systems background has less of an impact on determining performance (e.g., Finland, Sweden, Canada, Ireland, Korea). These analyses demonstrate that quality and equity do not have to be traded off against each other. This is what Fraser (2003) refers to as a two dimensional model of justice – one that achieves both redistributive and recognitive justice and thus results in high quality and high equity outcomes within a system. The pursuit of redistributive justice entails a fairer, more equitable distribution of conventional educational goods. However as we have detailed recognitive social justice also 14 matters. Debates over the actual substantive intellectual, cultural and ideological contents of curriculum remain crucial. The focus of a good deal of curriculum research in the past twenty five years has been on recognition - that is the representation of ‘other’ knowledge, skills and capacities in the curriculum. There has been a determined effort by critical curriculum scholars to document the exclusion, marginalisation, literary and historical misrepresentation of women and girls, cultural and ethnic minorities, and Indigenous peoples. Each curriculum settlement by definition is selective (Apple, 1990), a purposive set of inclusions and exclusions from a vast and potentially unlimited archive of human knowledge and thought, skill and capacity, history and technology. These selections, Apple’s groundbreaking work goes on to suggest, are not arbitrary but have historically tended to mirror the interests of particular ruling cultures and class. In this regard, Apple’s framing of the critical sociology of the curriculum in the early 1980s begins from Marx’s prototypical political economy of knowledge: that the dominant ideas of an age, or in this case, of a curriculum settlement, reflect the interests of the ruling class. To take the argument a step further, school knowledge as ruling class “ideology” tends to be a systematic distortion, misrepresentation in the interests of that class. This is most obviously the case in, for instance, the representation of Indigenous peoples in colonial and post-colonial contexts, and women in literature (see for example Ashcroft, Griffiths & Tiffin, 1989; Nieto, 2010). In a recent statement of this position, Nieto and colleagues argue for a stronger inclusion of minority “voice” in the curriculum – taken up by systems in attempts to embed Indigenous knowledges and languages into the curriculum. Taken together, such critiques constitute the grounds for a social reconstruction of curriculum: for a reconstruction of textual contents, representations and discourses that better and more accurately express the aspirations, histories and values of hitherto marginalised social and cultural groups. The point of Apple’s work relevant to us here however, is that there will always be a selective tradition in action. If this is the case, 15 then by definition there will always be contestation over the exclusions and inclusions, representations and revisioning of content. As curriculum theorists we have ample evidence and writing in our field to support these claims. First, as Michael Young (2008) has argued, not all knowledge selection is arbitrary – but may also include and entail representation of scientifically and aesthetically valuable information. Of course, we can turn such arguments to questions of “who decides” which knowledge is of developmental, scientific and aesthetic value. Young’s current position does not solve this practical dilemma – but nor does the necessarily socially situated and politicised process of curriculum selection necessarily preclude Young’s claim. Just because all content selection by definition must be done from a class invested position and standpoint, and therefore all curriculum is “socially constructed”, this does not preclude the fact that that there may be dominant cultural knowledges, technologies and sciences that potentially are of educational value and power for everybody. But there are two other critical caveats that are more central to our current task. First, while it undoubtedly addresses issues of “recognitive justice”, there is the question about whether reconstruction of the ideological and cultural content of the curriculum will necessarily lead to “redistributive justice”. That is, even where we modify the content of curriculum to better represent the histories and futures of marginalised communities and students – will this necessarily contribute to stronger and fairer patterns of the distribution of conventional achievement to these same groups? Many critical educators have provided qualitative case evidence that changing the content of curriculum will increase motivation, relevance, engagement and participation of marginalised students. Yet others have argued, following Gramsci, that empowerment consists of direct and transparent access not to minority, diasporic and marginalised knowledge – but to mainstream codes and canon, the “secret English” and disciplinary knowledge of dominant societies. This view is contra Feminist views about calling on the “masters tools” for social transformation. While we 16 would agree that it is difficult to critique discourse from within, we also know that the drive for equity and access cannot focus exclusively on revisionist curriculum content, as there remains a need to focus on ensuring greater access to conventional, canonical disciplinary and field knowledge – regardless of its historical origins and uses. The hazard is to ensure that providing access to the dominant curriculum does not lead to the revisionist curriculum being dealt with in token ways – both dimensions should be key elements of mainstream curriculum. Despite the fact that these curriculum content arguments continue, what is rarely argued and remains unclear is the effect of the technical form of the curriculum and the determinate effects of this on the patterns of acquisition – and eventually transmission - of educationally acquired skills and knowledge, conventionally defined. In dealing with this educational problem the concepts of prescription and professionalism as they relate to curriculum policy and syllabus design are pertinent here. Standarization of education and informed prescription and informed professionalism Modern science is predicated upon the establishment of uniform systems of measurement, common technical nomenclature, and replicable procedures. Western science and governance alike work through the construction of grids of specification for the mapping of human subjects (Foucault, 1972). And this push to standardization is central to the logics of education systems also. Over the past two to three decades the culture of accountability has redefined performance, outcomes and values of education. What cannot be counted seems to no longer count. The general trend is toward increased authority and control by those agencies with the power to set standards for all manner of performance and capacity indicators, the establishment of competitive markets for educational knowledge products and ensuing extension of the reach and power of publishing institutions through billion dollar 17 textbook markets, the deprofessionalization of the teaching workforce and a narrowing of the curriculum (see for example Nichlols & Berliner, 2007; Spring, 2004). In such a context the aim of education systems should be for a balance of informed prescription and informed professionalism. It is in this way that high quality and high equity educational outcomes may be achieved (Schleicher, 2008). Schleicher (2008) describes the conditions that characterise high quality, high equity systems as requiring a balance of accountability and professionalism. Specifically, he describes accountability as having central curriculum and evaluation systems that enable the steering of teachers’ and schools’ work towards particular educational outcomes. He calls this informed prescription. In terms of professionalism, he refers to schools’ and teachers’ relative degrees of autonomy in using professional judgement to shape and modify curriculum and pedagogy. This he calls informed professionalism. An over emphasis on high stakes accountability without a comparable investment in school autonomy and teacher professional capacity may lead to a form of prescription that generates uniformed professionalism. According to an increasing number of small and largescale research projects, this has been the result of the US No Child Left Behind reforms (see Luke & Woods, 2009 for a much larger review of the research in this field). These reforms and those under the auspices of more recent initiatives such as Race to the Top, have generally taken the form of more explicitly scripted and directive pedagogy. In effect there is a bid in the United States to norm and standardise classroom pedagogy and the enacted curriculum in primary schools (Abedi, 2002). This is despite the fact that there are extensive studies that demonstrate that the effects of such approaches are mixed at best, leading, variously to test score plateau effects, teacher deskilling, and uneven outcomes patterns. In a major study of National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) longitudinal test results, Nichols, Glass and Berliner (2005) claim that increased accountability through testing 18 and prescriptive curricula has in fact deterred closing the “equity gap” in the US. The Harvard Civil Rights Project undertook a similar study, reanalysing state test score reports in relation to NAEP data. In that study, Lee (2006) reported that there had been no consistent or sustainable closure in the equity gap which, in some cases, had widened and notably, in the states with the longest running high-stakes testing and accountability system, had had little sustained effects in terms of test score gains or improved achievement of students of minority groups. In a reanalysis of NAEP data, former US Assistant Secretary of Education Mike Smith (2007) reached similar findings. Recent reporting of evaluations of the NCLB initiatives present a similar picture with little or no evidence that the equity gap has been narrowed and continuing evidence that there has been collateral damage as a result of the policy. In Australia, early signs from similar policy trends suggest narrowing of curriculum and scarce improvements in the equity of the system. As restrictions tighten in 2012 with the implementation of the new Australian curriculum new research is required to monitor the impacts of these moves in our system. Our position is that the technical form of the official curriculum document in any system, is at least as important as the curriculum content, and that when properly supported, it is possible that the technical form of the curriculum can set the school and classroom conditions for improving outcomes and results for all students. Uniform or excessively “hard” prescription as the basis for curriculum documents can decrease the level of and possibility for professionalism, and as a consequence deter both quality and equity. School efficacy and systems results entail complex alignments of not just the variable factors studied in PISA, but also of historical, cultural and social trends, patterns and forces. Hence, direct comparison or adaptation of one national approach to another, are never easy. Because of the complexity of policy and curriculum – each comparative case needs to be considered in terms of its overall systems policies and cultural and historical context 19 (Alexander, 2001) (Luke considers these points more fully in the final chapter of this volume.) In Finland and Ontario, systems that are currently judged across a variety of measures as having highly successful schooling systems, the content statements included in official curriculum documents or syllabi blend and mix descriptions of traditional knowledge contents, behaviours and skills, global competences and more general capabilities, essential educational experiences and processes. While they provide general statements of the philosophy of the school subject and learning phase, these systems do not restrict themselves to strict statements of behavioural objectives or disciplinary/field contents, their syllabi do not describe or prescribe pedagogical approach in any detail. In both systems, the local adaptation of curriculum pace, unit planning, and actual classroom pedagogical choices and instructional methods are left to teachers’ professionalism, with adjunct resource materials available from various authorised sources. Using these recognised quality systems as examples it is possible to make some claims about high quality and high equity systems and their general characteristics. To begin with, the technical form of the curriculum document or syllabus is relatively low definition in both cases. That is, it outlines ‘expected’ coverage and standards without attempting to ‘script’ or control pedagogy. So there is an expectation that teachers will exercise informed and autonomous professionalism – but there is also space provided for this. Teacher professionalism is supported at multiple levels through aligned preservice training, professional resources, inservice training, and annual local system of school curriculum planning. The prescription of the system is enforced not through high stakes testing, but rather through parsimonious testing and assessment that enables schools to diagnostically assess their performance relative to comparable schools, through strong system’s messages 20 about standards and equity, and through the official provision of a range of professional development resources from various sources and at multiple levels of the system. An axiom of curriculum studies is that the curriculum-in-use generates efficacy and outcomes. The syllabus or other official curriculum documents may enable and constrain, but do not necessarily reflect or index what is taught and learned in classrooms. The principal way that national debates have dealt with this is to debate the political, cultural and scientific values and truth claims of different stances on content – and to augment this with criticism of teacher workforce capability and professionalism. This approach usually leads to a dual policy approach: fix and mandate new (or old) content (change the “prescription”); enforce this through increased accountability pressure, incentives and disincentives for teachers (change the “professionalism”). Schleicher (2008) refers to responses of this sort as “uninformed prescription” that is linked to “uninformed professionalism”. Uninformed prescription, he argues, may entail strong centralised accountability without the resources or the opportunities for building strong knowledge-based and evidence-based teacher professionalism. He stresses the need for an approach to curriculum that lays out informed prescription centrally (through the syllabus setting core learnings and specification of standards) but that also sets the conditions for local teacher professionalism, school and classroom based developmental diagnostic use of evidence (see Klenowski in this volume for a more detailed discussion), and the exercise of local curriculum interpretation and translation, development and implementation. This is part of a process of upping the ‘bar’ for all students to achieve and raising expectations for learners while encouraging a range of relevant pedagogical approaches. Schleicher refers to this as “informed prescription”. Schleicher’s (2008) proposed solution model favours the production of “adaptive” professionalism over “reproductive” professionalism (Darling-Hammond & Bransford, 2005). He claims that in high quality/high equity systems, teachers use professional 21 knowledge and evidence to make informed and relevant decisions about teaching and learning. In other words, “informed prescription” depends upon teachers’ professional capacity to locally interpret, adapt, and adjust curriculum content, pacing, presentation, interaction and structure to particular institutional, community settings and student cohort characteristics (e.g., Cochran-Smith, 1999). It includes a capacity to use evidence on student background, prior achievement, developmental and diagnostic progress, school and classroom-based assessment to make curricular and instructional decisions. With strong, targeted professional development and powerful system-based messages about equity, a specific focus on instructional adaptation of the curriculum for those students traditionally least well served by schooling makes a difference (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2005; Schleicher, 2008). The literature on effective curriculum for students of cultural and linguistic minority backgrounds, Indigenous students and students from low SES backgrounds offers a clear lesson, that being, that teacher quality and professionalism at the school and classroom level makes the most substantive difference to student achievement (Ladwig, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 1997; Cochran-Smith, 2001; Newmann & Associates, 1996; Gore, Williams & Ladwig, 2006). It also suggests that a clear system-wide focus on equity can work, when enacted through school-based curriculum and pedagogical foci. According to Darling-Hammond and Bransford (2005) (and also Levin in this volume), adaptive professionalism entails the capacity to modify curriculum and generate new curriculum in relation to student cohort variables, and changing contexts and demands of knowledge fields. The uninformed prescription model, reinforced by testing for purposes of surveillance and quality control, mandates that teachers reproduce existing, mandated programs and approaches. Its most extreme form is in commodified curriculum packages, “teacher-proof” or “scripted” instruction, where the system attempts to ‘micromanage’ 22 teacher to student interaction in the interests of quality assurance and accountability through curriculum prescription (see Shannon in this volume). In the US context this has led to, at best, mixed effects on National Assessment of Educational Progress testing performance (Lee, 2006; Smith, 2007), and at worst a host of “collateral” effects that include narrowing of the curriculum, teaching to the test, teacher deskilling and attrition, documented test score fraud and manipulation at the state and school level – with no visible sustainable effects at improving equity outcomes (Nichols & Berliner, 2007). Schleicher (2008) argues that an emphasis on centralised standards and curriculum mandates must be balanced against high levels of workforce curriculum professional decision-making. Informed prescription requires well-resourced teacher professional capacity. His argument is that the high quality and high equity systems tend to strike a balance on the ‘informed’ axis (e.g., Finland, Canada, Sweden). Using PISA data, it is possible to claim that highly marketized systems with strong accountability, testing and compliance foci can lead to uninformed prescription and uninformed professionalism. The approach of high quality and high equity systems, then, entails a balance of systemic standard setting and accountability with well-resourced, local school leadership, with a strong focus on building teacher capacity at curriculum, pedagogy and assessment. These are crucial caveats on syllabus design. Syllabi in and of themselves never have direct, hypodermic and unmediated effects on classroom instruction and assessment. But they are part of the complex message systems of education (Bernstein, 1990), of curriculum, instruction and assessment. These in turn can be differentially aligned, enabled and disenabled by other elements of educational structure and practice, ranging from teacher capacity and knowledge, professional support structures, school administration structures, system governance structures and school culture and ethos. As Welner and Oakes (2008) concluded in a major review of curriculum structure: “the relationship between structures and 23 instruction is loose; the former can facilitate the latter but cannot dictate it” (p. 91). The aim is not only to establish a fine balance between prescription and professional judgment, but for the technical form and parameters of the central prescription to “facilitate” rather than “dictate” classroom pedagogy and assessment (Welner & Oakes, 2008). Part of the standarization debates has included the setting of standards for all manner of educational concepts. This trend is discussed more fully by Klenowski in this volume. Here however we wish to comment on one section of the standards debate that receives little air time and that we have discussed in other forums where our aim has been to reform policy (Luke, Weir, & Woods, 2008). This additional consideration, when thinking about standards, concerns the delivery system’s accountability and what we call the delivery standards required. The capacity of the system to provide requisite and optimal teaching and learning conditions is central to curriculum delivery. And while currently the focus on content and performance standards alone places the “burden of proof” (and we would say access) “on teachers and students almost exclusively” (Ericsson, 2005, p. 239), we suggest that this trend should shift. The establishment of baseline delivery standards within a system’s curriculum and syllabus design process is a key foundation for an equitable system and part of the informed prescription of any system. Content and performance standards without delivery standards are necessary but not sufficient and perhaps indeed impossible to achieve. Delivery standards define the availability of programs, staff, and other resources that schools, districts, and states and systems should be accountable to provide so that students are able to meet content and performance standards (Ravitch, 1996). They are criteria for, and the basis of, assessing the sufficiency or quality of the resources, practices, and conditions necessary to provide all students with an opportunity to learn, and teachers the best opportunity to teach. In other words they explain what systemic support – in terms of fiscal, human, material and curricular 24 resources - is required to provide a high-quality, high equity education system and meet the documented goals of any education system. The balance of informed prescription and informed professionalism relies not simply on the strength of central mandate, a top down demand upon teachers, and by default students. Instead it relies upon a total system commitment to the realisation of professionalism. The compelling evidence after a decade of policy suggests that simple ‘hard prescription’, with incentives and disincentives will not yield improved quality or equity. Rather, the setting of learning expectations and standards needs to occur in the context where the system’s resources converge on teacher professional capacity at curriculum, instruction and evaluation. This requires the setting of clear, aspirational and transparent standards for educational performance, but it also requires access to resources, relevant, useful professional development and other school support structures. It should ultimately be our challenge as educators to create rigorous systems that employ professionals who are given the authority to act and the support, knowledge and responsibility to do so in ways that ensure equitable outcomes for all students (Schleicher, 2008). In systems that claim to have the educational goal of providing high quality and high equity education, there should be an assumption that the system’s syllabi – its contents and technical form - can be part of achieving this goal. The syllabus has the important function of setting conditions for enhancing a knowledge-rich professionalism – but other policy settings also need to be in place. These include a clear and simplified message system about aims and priorities regarding quality and equity (see Levin in this volume) and delivery standards such as those described in Luke, Weir & Woods, (2008) which map out the professional infrastructure, workforce capacity, school governance and management structures that likewise are geared to enable instructional quality (Timperley et. al, 2005). Curriculum, equity and the technical form of curriculum documents 25 The technical form of the syllabus has been neglected in current curriculum debates. How the syllabus is shaped, how it is used in the context of system accountability around standards, and how teacher use of the syllabus is resourced and supported sets conditions for a balance of “prescription” and “professionalism”. Establishing that balance in ways that are conducive to high quality with high equity teaching and learning is the task facing policy makers and teachers. As detailed earlier, for those of us who begin from a normative view on education committed to equity and social justice, a principal concern has been over the politics of recognition. The broad assumption of such approaches is that the modification of curriculum to include the values, ideologies, and histories and practices of linguistic and cultural minorities, indigenous peoples, women and others will set the grounds for a more inclusive educational environment – in ways that begin to achieve more equitable outcomes for all students, but these groups specifically. But what part does the form of the curriculum take in the ideal of achieving a socially just education system – one that provides both high quality but also high equity? The technical form of the curriculum was first described by Michael Apple (1978) in the landmark work Ideology and Curriculum. Apple’s argument was elegantly simple: that the way that knowledge was shaped and defined in official curriculum documents, and attendant textbooks, and curriculum packages had potentially reproductive effects – shaping the kinds of skills, knowledges and competences that children and young people had access to. His example at the time was of a science textbook and, notably, an accompanying teachers’ guide that narrowly circumscribed and limited the kinds of skills and practices, knowledge’s and discourses that children had access to. This example proved to be a telling one. Apple went on to argue, using Braverman’s (1974) Marxist analysis of labor – that particular curricular forms had the effect of deskilling teachers, separating conception from execution, thereby 26 turning teaching into a mechanical, cognitively shallow activity. Three decades later – after a decade of moves to legislate scripted approaches to literacy and numeracy instruction by the US and UK governments and more recently in Australia (with a particular focus on the education of students in remote Indigenous communities) - Apple’s analysis retains its theoretical and practical relevance. A series of studies have explored Apple’s model of teacher deskilling. Drawing from contemporary learning sciences, Darling-Hammond and Bransford’s (2005) programmatic critique of those approaches to teaching that de-professionalise curriculum and pedagogy, in effect turning teachers’ professionalism into displays of “routine expertise” that operationalize prescribed practices. Their point is that this approach may deter innovative and creative responses to new curriculum content, to emergent and heterogeneous student background knowledge and learning needs, and, indeed, to the professional challenges of new knowledge, new community and new technological conditions. But the effect does not stop with teachers. McCarty’s (2008) study of the effects of scripted pedagogy on literacy teaching and learning in Indigenous communities in Arizona shows how heavily managed and scripted teaching can reduce and silence cultural knowledge, linguistic diversity and, ultimately, stifle independent and autonomous thought. How might we set the conditions for the technical form of syllabus to be organised in ways that support more equitable workings of the enacted curriculum? This is not a straightforward matter. The analytic and empirical question relates to what curriculum form can set the conditions for the more equitable and socially just patterns of achievement for students? Throughout our own work as researchers and teacher educators, we have maintained a steadfast commitment to democratic education for equity and social justice. In curriculum theory, this has entailed a focus on the need to change the substantive content of curriculum 27 to include those histories and cultural world views, experiences and epistemological standpoints of those communities and cultures that have been excluded from mainstream curriculum. And it has included a focus on the need to alter curriculum, pedagogy and assessment – the key message systems of schooling – in ways that enable the more equitable transmission and acquisition of conventionally defined educational outcomes, from standardised test scores to credential acquisition. Our aim, then, has been nothing less than to break, alter or, at least, ameliorate longstanding facts of the unequal processes of intergenerational social, cultural and economic reproduction in schooling. But what does this approach – and the extensive curriculum research and scholarship, theory and analysis that we as curriculum researchers developed - have to say to many of our professional colleagues who work at constructing and building the extensive curriculum documents that guide teachers. Here we refer not to those who work with and for publishers actually putting together units, lesson plans, and the ubiquitous packages of textbooks and resource series - though their direct and indirect influence through official state textbook adoptions remains. Our focus here is on curriculum developers, bureaucrats and systems organisers – many of whom are former teachers, principals and teacher educators - who work in state departments, school districts and large schools actually writing and constructing official curriculum documents: the syllabus documents that set out to guide, shape and enable teachers’ and students’ work. No doubt particular curriculum content or a particular pedagogical approach can contribute to these tasks. The significant modification of mainstream approaches to schooling can make a difference – and there is evidence that in specific contexts, approaches to critical literacy, culturally appropriate pedagogy, curriculum contents that are more inclusive can and have - made a difference for those students who historically have not done well in mainstream schooling. We also acknowledge that models of direct instruction in basic skills, 28 of traditional didactic, rote pedagogy also have shown demonstrable effects on specific cohorts of cultural and linguistic minority, economically marginalised students in specific contexts (Luke, 2008). Detailed ethnographic studies of schools and classrooms have shown that pedagogies, flexibly exercised in response to cohort and context, can make a difference. And indeed, any curriculum ultimately comes to ground in the classroom, in teachers’ and students’ lived and embodied exchanges. So while in this chapter we focus our conclusions on curriculum, we are well aware of the importance of pedagogic relay and of assessment – that is the daily interactions and playing out of relations of and between communities, teachers, and students – in the lived experience and future translation of schooling for students. Several factors influence the technical form of the official curriculum documents. While not the topic of this chapter the curriculum approach taken in a specific curriculum context has an influence. Outcomes based syllabus documents (Spady, 1994) for example map out a technocratic model of education (Apple, 1990) that breaks subject areas into smaller constituent parts, thus leading to a technical form of enumerated categorical lists of outcomes for specific subjects and age/grades. The process-based model on the other hand, which is affiliated with the cognitive developmental work of Bruner in the post-Sputnik era, has always treated curriculum in terms of a developmental continuum of educational experiences and processes and as such the technical form of the curriculum tends to be more strongly developmental, stressing students’ engagement with and experience of particular repertories affiliated with subject areas and content. The traditional content model, based on a neoclassical model of curriculum from the work of Bloom, Hirsch and Ravitch, is based on the identification of canonical knowledges and texts in fields. Its technical form entails the enumeration and prescription of content knowledge, prescribed readings and topics. Differently, the critical model, affiliated with critical theory and cultural studies in the 29 humanities and social sciences strongly with its emphasize on the need for competing, revisionist descriptions and models of the world and for “critical”, active and agentive student engagement with knowledge has had little impact on the technical form of the curriculum, but directly addresses content issues and tends to stress “higher order” or “critical” skills. As such curriculum theory has impacted upon the technical form of the curriculum, but there are other important factors, not always visible, that impact on the technical form of syllabus documents. In the sections that follow we map out some of these factors. Technical form and the new economy Over the past decade there has been a shift toward defining educational goals and philosophy directly in relation to “knowledge economies” and the demands of changing technology, labour markets, cultural and economic globalisation. During that time, many OECD ministries of education, have moved their systems’ philosophies and policies to address economic, cultural and social change. These include still emergent foci on intercultural communications, new geopolitical conditions and relations, multiliteracies, digital and youth cultures – and varied curriculum responses to increased multiculturalism and multilingualism of the student cohorts (e.g., articles in Green & Luke, 2006; Kelly, Green & Luke, 2008). But the principal effect has been a call for curriculum that will ensure that ‘new’ skills and knowledges for the ‘new’ economies and technologies will be acquired (Cope & Kalantzis, 2007; Australian Council of Deans, 2002). This is a reframing of post war human capital theory, a focus on the production of skilled workers and, since 9/11, cultural cohesion. It marks both an extension of the ‘generic skills’ models introduced through vocational education in the 1990s (in Australia these have been detailed in a suite of reports see for e.g., The Finn Report, Australian Education Council, 1991; and the Carmichael Report, Employment and Skills Formation Council, 1992), and a substantive shift in the perceived orientations of work in new economies (Gee, Hull, & Lankshear, 1996). There is a robust 30 debate over the nature of these skills, over their relevance and applicability in specialist domains and across the population, and whether and how they can be ‘integrated’ into mainstream curriculum (e.g., Reid, 2005). There is an ongoing debate over what these new knowledge economy skills mean for questions of equity (OECD, 2005). The impact of these recurrent debates has seen many systems adopt an overlay of “generic competences” to be mapped against the traditional school subjects in each syllabus. This has been a common approach internationally, but there are examples of systems that have worked at a more integrated level. For example, the Ontario approach has been to embed the generic skills (e.g., higher order thinking) in the standards matrix that teachers use to report student performance in each subject. There is little or no empirical data on the actual uptake of generic skills. As one example, the New Basics approach (Department of Education, Training and the Arts, 2004) was an innovative approach to rich curriculum trialled in Queensland in the early 2000’s and its Evaluation (Australian Council of Education Research, 2004) showed that innovative approaches to curriculum and pedagogy could yield improvement on key generic skills (multiliteracies, planning, collaborative work, cultural understandings, and intellectual depth) without basic skill test score decline. These results were achieved through the embedding of the new skill sets in mandated curricular tasks. The most thoroughly researched and documented work on generic skills teaching, learning and acquisition is in the vocational education areas (for a review, see Billet, Fenwick, Sommerville, 2006). Further, the reported results of the variety of systemic testing for accountability purposes across different contexts and systems provide data on skill acquisition in traditional areas of literacy and numeracy. But work on the actual uptake of other generic skills in classrooms and the effects upon students’ longitudinal pathways and achievement patterns has yet to be undertaken (Luke, Weir, Land & Sanderson, 2007). 31 The ‘generic skills for the new economy’ argument has had an impact on the technical form of the curriculum. Specifically, most systems now list in their official curriculum or syllabus documents these new skills for cross-curricular ‘integration’ or ‘infusion’ into teaching and learning. Yet their impacts on the enacted curriculum in specific subject areas have not been substantiated or documented. Further, other than basic literacy and numeracy performance, they are not tied to high stakes assessment and accountability systems (Luke, Weir, Sanderson & Land, 2007). As a result, those ‘assessable’ generic skills tend to ‘count’ in student evaluation, while those skills affiliated with the new economy that cannot yet be assessed or evaluated (e.g., multiliteracies, intercultural communication, collaborative group work) have been de-emphasised in work programs. Technical form and standardised testing Comparative benchmarking of system testing data in literacy and numeracy at key junctures has been established in a variety of systems across OECD countries and contexts. It is axiomatic in curriculum theory and in educational policy studies that the higher the stakes of the external testing system, the higher the “accountability pressure rating” (Nichols, Glass & Berliner, 2005). That is, in the technocratic accountability model, the relationship between curriculum, pedadgogy and assessment is realigned. The higher the stakes in terms of the comparative aggregate and individual assessment of schools, teachers and students – especially when systemic incentives and disincentives are applied – the more the system moves towards “hard prescription” (Welner & Oakes, 2007). The US No Child Left Behind legislation has epitomised the model of hard prescription: with a systematic set of sanctions (e.g., public censure, replacement of staff, funding cutbacks, closure, outsourcing of students, issuing of vouchers) and incentives (e.g., public praise and rankings, merit pay) for schools meeting and not meeting test score targets. In high stakes systems, official formal assessment 32 tends to mediate the enacted curriculum; teachers responding to punitive measures from systems can be driven to prepare students for the tests and this leads to narrowing the scope of the curriculum (Nichols & Berliner, 2007). Further, an over reliance on testing to ‘enforce’ prescription of the curriculum can have the collateral effect of constraining teacher professional capacity and judgement (Darling-Hammond & Bransford, 2005). This may limit rather than enable the school level reform of pedagogy (Newmann and Associates. 1996; Fullan, 2008) and serious questions have been raised about the sustainability of any test score gains achieved through heightened accountability pressure ratings (Nichols, Glass & Berliner, 2006). What is crucial, then, is that the domains and constructs of the assessment instruments stand in a principled alignment with the curriculum (see Klenowski in this volume for further discussion). Most systemic testing systems have attempted this task of alignment. However, problems arise regarding outcomes that may be officially valued in the syllabus but are beyond the scientific description and measurement of psychometrics and available large-scale assessment instrumentation (see Moss, Girard & Haniford, 2006). These outcomes have tended to become less visible in the enacted curriculum of systems with strict accountability as testing policy driving their approach. No matter how technically excellent, tests and examinations will tend to narrow or make a defacto selection from curriculum into what is describable within their testing format and technical parameters. There is an extensive international literature on the limits of conventional testing and examinations in assessing and describing student achievement in a broad range of domains – from traditional judgements (e.g., artistic taste), developmental claims (e.g., creativity), new workplace competencies (e.g., collaborative work), social outcomes (e.g., character, values), new digital competencies (e.g., online communication, gaming) (e.g., Rochex, 2006; Baker, 2007). The crucial issues of adolescent identity raised by 33 Alvermann and Marshall (in this volume) – central to the Middle Phase of schooling – and the challenges of assessing early years capacities (see Greishaber in this volume) also stand outside the ambit of conventional assessment. Furthermore, there is ongoing debate over how best to assess and capture a range of cognitive phenomenon: higher order thinking, critical thinking and analysis, and competence with new digital multiliteracies. The expansion of accountability stakes around test and examination results have the potential effect of narrowing the curriculum, of increasing the teaching and learning of that which is assessable to assessment using conventional techniques. This fits well with the “outcomes-based” technical form, featuring a conceptual reductionism of learning and knowledge to assessable skills. Standardised testing can be an important part of informed prescription. It can help raise teacher and school expectations of children of identifiable equity groups and it can assist in developmental diagnostic decisions by teachers. But if the testing and examination system becomes too ‘high stakes’ and too exhaustive, the risk is that the tests become a form of defacto curriculum, with teachers and schools ignoring or eliminating that which isn’t tested and in this way the accountability context can deter informed professionalism in local curriculum and assessment practice, and therefore the achievement of improved quality and equity. Additionally there can be a constraining of the development and teaching of ‘new capabilities’ that are emerging in civic, community and workplace life. To combat this narrowing of the curriculum there is an urgent need for the implementation of non-test based assessment approaches and instruments at the system, school and classroom level. It is important to recognize the centrality of classroom-based, teacher-based assessment in improving and broadening the achievement of students from diverse learning backgrounds and histories, especially in a context where systems-based tests and assessments are so highly valued. 34 Technical form and teacher professionalism There has been public debate over issues of curriculum content, and issues of teacher quality as part of moves to improve outcomes in numerous systems over the past five years. The debates are usually founded on reanalysis of comparative historical data and claims that this data indicates that the overall quality of teachers, as represented in their prior achievement levels, had declined (see for example Leigh 2005). Currently in systems such as the US and Australia there has been public criticism of admission of teacher education students with lower senior matriculation scores. This debate reinforces claims that problems with curriculum and overall achievement can be directly attributable to lack of teacher quality. These claims are often matched with claims about the disciplinary knowledge and capacity of teachers in the sciences and mathematics. The response to these claims of teacher ineffectiveness and decline of standards can be constructed as a binary. Teachers’ unions and professional organisations and many teacher educators have argued for increased pay, expanded professional development funding, smaller class sizes, and teacher-based approaches to reform and the recognition of merit. The response from many government and systems personnel has been to call for or implement merit pay structures and to further increase accountability pressure through testing and public comparisons of school results. There is a clear consensus in the school reform and improvement literature, and in curriculum development and implementation research that teacher quality counts. By this we mean that the pedagogic relay as it is expressed in teacher student interaction of day-to-day schooling can impact student outcomes. But exactly what elements of teacher knowledge are required to improve quality and equity is the object of theoretical debate – and a paucity of empirical data. Our findings with colleagues as part of a recent large scale evaluation of 35 school reform in Australia has been that in those schools where reform is not focused on pedagogy, the improvement to student outcomes on conventional measures is minimal regardless of shifts – however significant – on school ethos and student or community engagement. The preferred strategy in the US, UK and more recently Australia and other similar contexts to ‘solve’ the education quality problem has first entailed the development of teacher standards and statutory bodies to regulate teacher education programs (for a review, see Mayer, 2005; Little, 2003, Little, Horn & Bartlett, 2000). This includes a range of strategies including setting standards for program accreditation, and exit testing of teacher education graduates using standardised instruments. Additionally the US and UK have mandated scripted instructional approaches. In the UK national literacy program and US Reading First legislation, teachers are trained or ‘accredited’ by textbook publisher trainers to teach mandated curriculum packages. These explicitly prescribe the pace, content and approach to teaching. Adherence is monitored via administrative observation at the school level and regular standardised testing. This has spurred the development of a multi-billion dollar textbook commodity industry (Larson, 2001), which continues to be the subject of intense legislative scrutiny in the US debates over NCLB. The approach is not new, dating back to the first scientific reading series developed in 1913 in the United States. These evolved into “teacher proof” curricula, materials for teaching that could be taught by any teacher with variable levels of training (Allington & McGill-Franzen, 2000; Giroux, 1988). Later in this volume Shannon’s chapter details the mixed results of this approach. The principle of scripted pedagogy is for the curriculum materials to standardize and, therefore, quality control classroom-based curriculum, instructional approach and assessment. This shifts the locus of authority for everyday instructional decisions, selection and use of 36 curriculum materials away from teacher professionalism and towards the package. Reproductive expertise is the ability to deploy a scripted pedagogy with some degree of efficiency and effectiveness (Darling-Hammond & Bransford, 2005). Adaptive professionalism refers to the ability to interpret syllabi, engage with diverse learners and school contexts, and to make relevant and effective decisions about how to modify, alter and adapt the curriculum in relation to evidence on learner background, ability, pace and approach to learning. This, they argue, is essential for addressing the needs of equity and at risk groups, and for improving the overall quality of education. Hargreaves (2003) argues that this marks a shift in teachers’ work from an industrial, Fordist production model to a ‘new economy’ focus on teaching as a contextual, adaptive and problem-solving activity. He goes on to argue that it is contradictory to have schools aiming for the production of ‘knowledgeeconomy workers’, while at the same time setting conditions where teachers are not building and using new professional knowledge. Prominent high quality and high equity systems have made pre and inservice teacher training, professionalism and local curriculum capacity high priorities. The cultural contexts of many prominent systems such as Korea, Ireland, Finland and Canada ‘value’ teachers and teaching as a profession (cf. Alexander, 2001). The US-based literature on school reform has provided case-based evidence that effective teachers of minority and lower socio-economic students have high levels of professionalism and the capacity to adapt curriculum to specific cohorts of students’ cultural background knowledge and cognitive strategies (Newmann & Associates, 1996; Ladson-Billings, 1997). So it is unlikely that teachers without adaptive professionalism characteristics will be successful teachers when judged on equity grounds, regardless of their success in a reproductive sense. Debates around teacher quality have impacted on the technical form of the curriculum, leading to increases in the level of technical specification for syllabus content 37 leading to an expansion of syllabus content and foundational explanation in an attempt to ‘compensate’ for perceived lack of workforce expertise in specific fields. High quality and high equity systems have taken a different strategy: with tighter syllabi, rich professional development resources, stronger alignment of syllabi with preservice teacher education, and structural incentives for ongoing professional development and teacher development. Systems that are high quality and high equity value and support adaptive teacher professionalism. To reiterate our position, we argue here that the technical form of the syllabus or other official curriculum documents in any system, is at least as important as the curriculum content, and that when properly supported, it is possible that the technical form of the curriculum can set the school and classroom conditions for improving outcomes and results for all students. Uniform or excessively “hard” prescription as the basis for curriculum documents can decrease the level of and possibility for professionalism, and as a consequence deter both quality and equity. The technical form of the curriculum and improving outcomes Our view is that the informed prescription, informed professionalism balance cannot be achieved by incrementally more explicit and more detailed prescription within syllabus documents. Longer, more detailed and extensive syllabi are not the answer. Moves towards higher, more explicit definition have not provided better or more informed professional practice, or improved outcomes for students and their communities. Increased high-stakes testing can encourage teachers to begin to teach to the test, the risk being that the test will become the syllabus. Expansion of syllabus documents will not provide a solution to this risk. Instead what we suggest is the consideration of low definition syllabus documents and the expansion of support to identify, and where necessary, build the professionalism of teachers. 38 This leads us to the point of stating our recommendations for syllabus design, which we do here in general terms, reiterating that all contexts are different and require locally contextualised responses to educational problems and challenges. We began this chapter with the claim that the syllabus is not the curriculum. The technical form we propose would stand as a map. It would aim towards ‘low definition’, parsimonious and economical statements – avoiding lengthy lists of outcomes, content or skills, and long pre-service style introductions to foundational knowledges. The syllabus can guide and enhance professional expertise – but it cannot and should not act as a substitute for well-resourced and informed teacher pre and inservice development. Furthermore, the combination of low definition syllabi and rich adjunct professional resources provides the system with more flexibility in responding to change in the field and to controversy over content. To achieve informed professionalism – teachers would then turn to authorised professional development resources, approved and aligned textbook materials and programs, web resources, and expertise gained and enhanced in pre and inservice training. The corpus of professional materials would be purpose-built for teachers’ needs, vocabularies and technical expertise. It would be more readily modified and altered in response to new cohorts of students, cohort needs of teachers, change and innovation in pedagogy and field knowledge. These resources – the basis for what Schleicher (2008) refers to as knowledge rich professionalism – should and must be adaptable, flexible and continuously under expert professional review. Syllabus documents should be as short as possible, the length determined by the task of ‘mapping’ the subject. They must be written in teacher-accessible, professional language. They must follow the principles of low definition curriculum. They should refer teachers to adjunct online resources on materials selection, unit and lesson planning, classroom and 39 school-based assessment, pedagogical strategies and the specific needs for identifiable student cohorts including Indigenous students, students with special needs, migrant, rural and socioeconomically marginalised students. Rather than ‘jam-packing’ the syllabus with foundational understandings, resources, sample lessons and units, classroom assessment guidelines and special considerations for learners – the relegation of these materials to authorised and fully-vetted, teacher-accessible professional resources is one way of ensuring low definition documents. Each syllabus should cover a designated school subject in its specific phase or year level. Wherever possible these should be collected into phase statements as this enhances opportunities for co-curricular planning between grades and supports the explicit opportunities to address questions of primary/secondary transition. The organisation should also provide teachers with a synoptic view of developmental scope and sequence that is not strictly age/grade hierarchical, and which enables teachers to adopt the curriculum to accommodate a broader range of developmental capacities and backgrounds. Syllabus documents should aim to identify domains of a subject (e.g., writing, reading) and identify for each domain specific expected learnings. These statements of learnings should be as brief, accessible and minimal in number as possible, with only those deemed as essential for all students – not ‘minima’ but a ‘map’ of what is to be learned in the field – being included. These could be described in principled blends of various categories: ranging from traditional content statements, skills and behaviours, tasks and performances, or processes and experiences. This would enable a flexibility to accommodate different school subject philosophies, different phase requirements, and different curriculum models. Syllabus documents must provide indicative standard statements of key domains and learnings to guide teacher judgement and provide a common vocabulary for teachers, students and parents. Such statements should be based on an agreed model of cross-curricular 40 capabilities. The articulation of these standards in comparable judgments could be supported through moderation procedures appropriate to the subject and phase. The aim of the standards would be to establish a shared vocabulary for talking about the setting of assessable tasks, the judging and gauging of student performance, and the translation of these into useful and comprehensible statements of achievement. Syllabus documents necessarily indicate where systemic standardised instruments and mandated moderated assessment are linked to specific domains and learnings, but they should also provide suggested guidelines for school and teacher assessment practices. Technical details, exemplars and models would be available in adjunct materials, such as the proposed common task or project assessment bank. These principles suggest a particular technical format of the syllabus with categories used to cut the school subject in ways that provide teachers with a productive means to do the curriculum work required. To achieve this syllabus documents should include a statement of the philosophy and logic of the school subject it details, noting key developments and benchmarks in research on the subject and local contextual variables. This would enable curriculum developers to choose stronger alignments with disciplines and applied fields, or more loosely coupled and multidisciplinary relationships as appropriate. The statement should be brief and defensible, and preclude an unprincipled ‘collection’ of outcomes or contents that was not justifiable on foundational grounds or benchmarked against relevant fields. It would make transparent and accessible any paradigm selections from a particular discipline or field. Of equal importance is a statement of the overall educational purposes and goals of the school subject, noting the benefits and value of mastery of the subject and its affiliated learnings. This would enable curriculum developers and teachers to consider how and where mastery of the school subject fits into the philosophy of the system and the overall goals for 41 the development and pathways of students. It would require that the curriculum writers engage with and state the overall goals of the subject (e.g., scientific literacy for all, the production of specialised scientific expertise, skills for active citizenship, values) and briefly state how these would have longitudinal educational benefit to the students, the community and society. It would require that subject content decisions be justified with reference to the overall educational development and benefit of the students in the system. It would preclude content inclusion on the grounds of past inclusion or disciplinary precedent without educational justification. Additionally, syllabi should include a statement on the phase/age/developmental issues of the diverse communities of learners (e.g., by gender, language, Indigeneity, age, location, special needs) that the subject is to be taught to. This would enable curriculum developers and teachers to consider how to shape the interpretation and translation of syllabus content and select appropriate resources that match student background knowledge, cultural and linguistic diversity, approaches to learning, prior achievement, and special learning needs. Curriculum developers need to consider the varied phase-specific cohorts of students likely to study the subject and their diverse resources, capabilities and potential challenges – the equity focus characteristic of high quality and high equity systems. Developing such a statement would require explicit consideration of the instructional and assessment variables impacting on a diverse cohort of students. It would enable curriculum developers and teachers to consider how to shape the delivery of the syllabus and select appropriate resources that match student age/phase, background knowledge, cultural and linguistic diversity, approaches to learning and prior achievement. It would enable curriculum developers and teachers to consider how to shape curriculum and instruction in relation to the distinctive resources and challenges of Indigenous and ethnically diverse students. It would dovetail with policy foci on equity and provide the explicit equity focus that characterises 42 high quality, high equity systems. This approach would preclude statements of content within syllabi of official curriculum documents that were not based on due consideration of all the system’s learners. Of course all official curriculum documents need to include clear, simple and economical statements of expected learnings. These could be framed as any locally relevant combination of knowledges, skills, behaviours, performances, experiences, competences, and capacities, in language technically accessible and useful for teachers. This would enable curriculum developers to focus and define the content of specific school subjects according to different curriculum models. It would enable teachers to select instructional approaches and assessment practices that fit the learners and the expected learnings. They should be essential and expected for all students, but would not be minimum competency statements. Each expected learning could be accompanied by a “teacher prompt”, several specific heuristic questions that would briefly clarify the expected learning as the teacher turns to consider which relevant lesson planning materials and resources they might consider. These resources would need to be available from relevant system and professional development providers. Syllabus documents should also include a common nomenclature for describing student performance in the subject. These should be framed as ‘aspirational goals’ for students and teachers to set as targets for achievement and used for reporting achievement. In this way they would provide the system, teachers, parents and students with a common, accessible vocabulary for gauging their learning. They must set high ‘aspirational’ standards for all students, be consistent across subject, phase and student groups; and clarify the goals of a system in relation to high quality and high equity and improved public opinion of education within the system. And finally syllabus documents must have notes of relevant assessment strategies to guide the development of systemic, school and classroom assessment and moderation that are 43 linked closely to the standards statements. The documents would note alignments and misalignments with systemic testing programs and other assessment tasks as appropriate to the subject and phase. The syllabus should not provide explicit guidelines on how to assess per se, but instead refer to relevant documents and approaches provided elsewhere by the system and other relevant agencies and organisations. The approach we suggest here is underpinned by a set of clear high quality, high equity goals about the articulation of high expectations and standards for all students; the goal of improved learning opportunities and outcomes for all children; and improved public trust in schools and relevant education system. This is a deliberate shift. We have aimed to reset and shift our policy answers with the aim of providing a new set of ‘running rules’ for teachers, policy-makers, teacher educators, researchers and scholars, community and industry representatives who develop and write syllabi. We have argued here that changing the syllabus without aligning system and school conditions will not enhance informed professionalism, is unlikely to change the enacted curriculum, and is unlikely to generate high quality and high equity achievement patterns. The syllabus design proposed here will set enabling conditions for informed professionalism in pedagogy and assessment aimed at high quality and high equity student achievement. But it can only set enabling conditions. It will not be successful without the delivery standards of other systemic policies and resources. To begin with, high quality, high equity systems begin from reviews of current syllabi and involve practicing teachers, industry partners and community elders, disciplinary and educational researchers directly in the syllabus development process. They cannot be composed by curriculum experts and then presented in a consultative process after their development. They should involve a three stage design process and this should be consistent across subjects and phases and transparent to all stakeholders. The three stages are: 44  Technical and field analysis of current documents and of current best practice in the field;   Syllabus writing; and a process of Trial and release with appropriate mechanisms for feedback and revision. In preservice teacher education, curriculum subjects need to be aligned to the current local syllabus, with student teachers working directly with syllabus documents and adjunct materials, while at the same time being prepared as curriculum workers to work with a variety of documents. High expectations of the teaching profession are built on raising qualification levels and not lowering entry levels and implementing subsequent exit tests in low-level basic skills tests as is the current policy drive in certain systems. High quality, high equity systems have either put in place or are moving towards the expectation of masterslevel qualifications (in education and in relevant cognate fields) for all teachers. There should be an emphasis on qualification upgrades in classroom-based curriculum and assessment. This continued learning in inservice programs should include principals and school leaders because what is required is school leadership that focuses on curriculum and pedagogy. Inservice training should always be supported by a range of online and print materials as resources to assist school and cluster-based curriculum development. This will require systems to put in place a process of authorising and validating resources and professional development used, so that their alignment with the curriculum is assured (see Levin in this volume for a discussion of the Ontario approach to this issue). This decreases the risk of textbook publishers leading and directing the curriculum. The technical form of the curriculum constrains and specifies the delicate policy balance of what the OECD refers to as informed prescription and informed professionalism (Schleicher, 2008). This balance is central in the literature on different approaches to accountability and systems governance (Nichols, Glass & Berliner, 2005; Welner & Oakes, 45 2007), in the literature on sustainable school reform (e.g., Fullan, 2008), in the literature on teacher development and professionalism (Cochran-Smith, 2001; Timperley, Wilson, Barrar & Fung 2007) and in recent work on educational policy reform (Barber & Sebba, 1999; Levin, 2008). Further, the achievement of this balance is central to current educational policy debates over quality and equity. There are currently strong curriculum policy bids to control what goes on in classrooms through prescription of approach and drives to enforce these measures through testing and accountability. These moves can generate inverse and unintended effects. As we and others have argued, and continue to argue here, high quality, high equity systems balance the central setting of expectations and standards, the careful and parsimonious use of a range of accountability measures, with coordinated systemic resourcing of professional development and training, appropriate technology, and explicit policy and practical attention to students from socio-economically marginalised and minority backgrounds. It is our view that the technical form of the syllabus is a neglected area of current curriculum debates that have largely been preoccupied with questions of curriculum content variously construed as cultural values, ideologies, specific skills sets, competences and disciplinary knowledge. So while we recognise the important cultural, intellectual, cognitive, social and economic questions about which school subjects, which knowledges, skills, competences and capabilities should be included in the curriculum, here we have discussed a programmatic, principled, and educationally defensible direction for the shape, structure and purposes of syllabi or official curriculum documents. We make the simple and yet multidimensional claim that low definition, clear, accessible and short syllabus documents those that:   specify core knowledges, skills and competences as ‘aspirational’ targets; provide a common and transparent professional vocabulary for standards; 46  matched with a parsimonious and appropriately used testing and examination systems;  a system-wide emphasis on building teacher professional capacity to enhance local school and classroom-based curriculum planning and assessment practice; and  a strong equity focus on the specific learning needs and challenges for children from socioeconomically marginalised communities will provide the foundation of a high quality and high equity system. Our suggestion in this chapter has been that redesigning the syllabus can set enabling conditions for high quality, high equity outcomes. It cannot ‘cause’ change and progress in any direct or simple way. But it can be one of the key elements of an overall system strategy for enhancing teaching and learning. The syllabus must aim towards informed, parsimonious and comprehensible ‘prescription’ that enhances rather than deters or discourages informed professionalism. We conclude that the technical form of the syllabus matters. It must enhance professionalism at all levels to achieve equity. It must be accessible and economical. It should provide a ‘map’ and not attempt to describe an entire curriculum field, relevant pedagogy and assessment strategies. These can be provided through adjunct resources for teachers to use as part of informed professionalism. The technical form selected for syllabi by systems must accommodate different curriculum models, different phases and different paradigmatic approaches to content, so that the documents have local relevance. 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