Book Chapter by Julia Himmrich
The Politics of Recognition and Engagement, 2019
Germany is now considered to be the key member state in terms of supporting Kosovo in its stateho... more Germany is now considered to be the key member state in terms of supporting Kosovo in its statehood and European Union integration. As it has grown into a new role as a leader in the EU, there have been high expectations about its ability to influence fellow member states. However, Germany’s path to recognising Kosovo, and then becoming its champion was not straightforward. Germany’s controversial history of recognition of post-Yugoslav states made it cautious about supporting Kosovo’s independence without a consensus in the UN Security Council or in the European Union. Political divisions in Germany also led to hesitation to embrace a unilateral declaration of independence. Berlin’s eventual decision to recognise Kosovo was based on an acceptance that multilateral negotiations over status had failed and a hope that a greater EU commitment to the region would see Belgrade and Pristina overcome their differences. The German Government’s support for Kosovo’s independence was, therefore, less enthusiastic than that of other leading Western States, such as Britain and the United States. However, since then it has become a key player in increasing bilateral recognitions and Kosovo’s membership in international organisations. Among EU members, Germany is also the most outspoken against Serbia’s attempts to undermine Kosovo’s statehood and the German Parliament has used the EU accession process to put pressure on Belgrade to improve relations with Pristina. Germany’s support for an independent Kosovo is deeply embedded in the idea of European integration.
Papers by Julia Himmrich
This is the report of a Hearing of the LSE Commission on the Future of Britain in Europe that too... more This is the report of a Hearing of the LSE Commission on the Future of Britain in Europe that took place at the LSE on the 1 March 2016. Participants were invited based on their knowledge, expertise and experience of British foreign and security policy (including foreign economic and trade policy). The focus of the Hearing was the impact on British foreign policy of a possible Brexit. A secondary area of discussion centred on the consequences of Brexit on EU external relations. We are extremely grateful for the insightful contributions by the participants during the hearing. We extend special thanks to Lord Christopher Tugendhat and Professor Christopher Hill for their introductory remarks, which set the scene for the general discussion. This report is based on the ensuing discussion. None of the views or conclusions included in this report may be attributed to a single individual listed in the participant list. They are rather the summary views and conclusions drawn from the collec...
In February 2008, Kosovo declared independence. It was a highly controversial move that divided i... more In February 2008, Kosovo declared independence. It was a highly controversial move that divided international opinion. While the United States and many EU members quickly recognised the new state, many other countries, including Russia and China and several EU members, did not. Even today, Kosovo remains a contested state. Although Germany recognised Kosovo quickly, it nevertheless expressed concerns over the failed international efforts to reach an agreement. This thesis analyses Germany’s decision to recognise Kosovo as independent despite the multilateral disagreement. It traces the position of Germany on Kosovo from the early 1990s until recognition in 2008. It pays particular attention to the final months of negotiations, when Germany represented the EU in the ‘Troika talks’ that also involved the US and Russia. In 2008 Germany was less committed to a Kosovan state than its close allies in the Quint – a five state group that also included the United States, Britain, France and ...
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How would a Brexit affect the foreign policy of the UK – and the EU? Experts from the UK and othe... more How would a Brexit affect the foreign policy of the UK – and the EU? Experts from the UK and other EU member states discussed this question at an LSE Commission session chaired by Spyros Economides and Mareike Kleine, which focussed on the debates surrounding sovereignty, diplomacy, Nato, security and trade. The participants agreed that the apparently greater autonomy the UK would enjoy in fact risks shrinking the UK’s soft power and reducing its ability to negotiate favourable trade agreements. Spyros Economides and Julia Himmrich report.
Scenario methodology is one of the most resourceful foresight approaches. It facilitates contrari... more Scenario methodology is one of the most resourceful foresight approaches. It facilitates contrarian thinking and undermines the groupthink that often occurs during policymaking processes in homogeneous environments. Political elites have shown that they are not immune to the effects – at times, even fatal consequences – of such streamlining. Since scenario processes are inherently heterogeneous, they increase overall transparency and provide opportunities to include previously excluded social groups and perspectives in the decision-making process. In sum, foresight studies widen the perspective to cover a range of unexpected yet plausible outcomes and thus they represent a valuable tool for policymakers in view of the growing global uncertainties.
On December 8, 2017, Forum 2015 organized the next discussion that aimed to explore ways in which... more On December 8, 2017, Forum 2015 organized the next discussion that aimed to explore ways in which EU Member States politically interact with Kosovo. Kosovo’s declaration of independence, in February 2008, resulted in a deep division within the European Union. While 23 members recognised Kosovo, five refused to accept its statehood. At the time, many observers expected the non-recognisers to fall into line eventually and accept Kosovo. However, in the decade since then, that has not happened. If anything, the picture has become more complex. Rather than two distinct camps, four broad groups now exist. First, there are the countries that have recognised Kosovo, and have forged meaningful relations with it. These include Britain and Germany and most of the other members of the EU. At the other end of the scale there are the states that still refuse to recognise Kosovo, and continue to have very little to do with it. Spain and Cyprus fall into this category. However, between those two p...
What can academics learn from how civil society organisations and NGOs approach policy impact? Ju... more What can academics learn from how civil society organisations and NGOs approach policy impact? Julia Himmrich argues that academics have a lot to gain from embracing the practices of longterm advocacy. Advocacy is about establishing relationships and creating a community of experts both in and outside of government who can give informed input on policies. Being more aware of the political aspects of research can help academics understand and re-evaluate their own arguments about the impact of research.
German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier announced earlier this year that Germany would be... more German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier announced earlier this year that Germany would be pursuing a more active approach to foreign policy issues. Julia Himmrich writes that while this was an important break from the country’s reluctance to become involved in foreign conflicts since the end of the Second World War, the on-going Ukraine crisis has revealed the difficulties in putting such an approach into practice. She notes that there have been substantial divisions within Germany over the country’s policy on Ukraine and Russia, including within the governing grand coalition.
The Politics of Recognition and Engagement
Germany has become a key European Union member state supporting Kosovo’s statehood and European U... more Germany has become a key European Union member state supporting Kosovo’s statehood and European Union accession process. However, prior to 2008, Germany was careful about supporting a unilateral declaration of independence. This was due to the backlash over its controversial recognition policy in the Balkans in the 1990s and due to its relationship to Serbia and Russia. This chapter traces Germany’s journey to its new role on Kosovo’s status and explains how its support for the new state is deeply embedded in the idea of European integration.
review-bosnias-million-bones-by-christian-jennings/ What it would be like to be tasked with findi... more review-bosnias-million-bones-by-christian-jennings/ What it would be like to be tasked with finding, exhuming from dozens of mass graves, and then identifying the body-parts of an estimated 8,100 victims of the 1995 Srebrenica massacre in eastern Bosnia? In 1999 one DNA laboratory, run by the International Commission on Missing Persons in Sarajevo, decided to try and solve "the world's greatest forensic puzzle'. In this book Christian Jennings aims to describe how this was done, and how these new forensic techniques are now being used identify the victims of Hurricane Katrina and the Indian Ocean tsunami. Julia Himmrich finds that although this book may disappoint academics, it does deliver some informed insights on different aspects of the conflict for new readers.
blogs.lse.ac.uk /lsereviewof books/2013/12/19/book-review-policy-analysis-in-germany/ Blog Admin ... more blogs.lse.ac.uk /lsereviewof books/2013/12/19/book-review-policy-analysis-in-germany/ Blog Admin This book aims to outline the development of policy analysis activities in Germany, identify its role in academic education and research, and examine its styles and methods. The authors focus on the role of policy analysis for governments and parliaments, for parties, social partners, and interest groups. Julia Himmrich finds that the volume grapples with the question of the role academics play in policy analysis by raising issues around independence, academic rigour, methodology, and political interest.
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Bridging the gap between academia and policy has been the effort of many projects and institution... more Bridging the gap between academia and policy has been the effort of many projects and institutions. This aim is also at the heart of the Dahrendorf Forum and its affiliate organisations. In this brief, I will highlight the academic debate about influencing policy and the often cited issues, such as access and communication between researchers and policy makers. I will argue that one way for academics to start bridging the gap is to learn from others who seek to influence policy and to think in advocacy terms. This entails engaging more deeply with the research community in and outside academia, thinking more politically about one's research, and being more strategic with regard to political allies.
Dahrendorf Forum Working Paper, 2019
From 2018 and into 2019 Radical Right (RR) parties were in government in Austria, Hungary, Italy,... more From 2018 and into 2019 Radical Right (RR) parties were in government in Austria, Hungary, Italy, and
Poland. This development provides an opportunity to examine whether RR parties in government have a
distinct approach to foreign policy. The four RR governments did not engage much with foreign policy,
but the Global Compact for Migration (GCM) was the one instance in which the RR succeeded in
affecting the EU’s position. Arising from this case, the paper firstly examines whether this opposition to
the GCM was due to a systematic hostility to multilateralism. Secondly it examines whether the RR had a
role in shaping the EU’s position on the GCM. The paper concludes that the RR’s antagonism to
multilateralism focuses on its opposition to further EU integration in foreign policy. The RR
governments, particularly in Hungary and Austria, succeeded in their campaign to diminish the actorness
of the EU in the GCM negotiations and in undermining the credibility of the whole negotiations process
This paper examines the driving forces behind Europe’s resort to the military in migration policy... more This paper examines the driving forces behind Europe’s resort to the military in migration policy in
recent years and how it is likely to develop in the near future. It argues that a key reason for more
extensive military involvement is the perception of ‘hybrid threats’ associated with migration,
particularly the weaponisation of migrants, human smuggling and trafficking, and terrorist
infiltration. It then discusses recent military operations intended to address migration and assesses
their limitations, highlighting the confusion in the logic behind many of the deployments. The
paper concludes by exploring an alternative policy approach and its implications for the military’s
role. It argues that EU leaders need to clarify the nature of threats, strengthen resilience, and
address hybrid aspects more effectively without relying on such strong military participation.
Policy Papers by Julia Himmrich
Dahrendorf Policy Brief, 2019
The EU’s anti-trafficking and anti-smuggling naval operation in the Mediterranean, EU NAVFOR MED ... more The EU’s anti-trafficking and anti-smuggling naval operation in the Mediterranean, EU NAVFOR MED Sophia (Operation Sophia), is due to finish at the end of March and it is unclear whether or not it will be extended. The operation has had limited success due to its confused mandate and unrealistic expectations of what a military deployment can reasonably achieve in managing migration.
In this policy brief, Julia Himmrich argues the EU needs to reframe its overall approach to managing migration through the Mediterranean and strictly limit the roles assigned to the military to those it is suited to fulfil and outlines policy recommendations that would help the EU do so.
Surveying the Spectrum of EU Member State Policies Towards Kosovo
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Book Chapter by Julia Himmrich
Papers by Julia Himmrich
Poland. This development provides an opportunity to examine whether RR parties in government have a
distinct approach to foreign policy. The four RR governments did not engage much with foreign policy,
but the Global Compact for Migration (GCM) was the one instance in which the RR succeeded in
affecting the EU’s position. Arising from this case, the paper firstly examines whether this opposition to
the GCM was due to a systematic hostility to multilateralism. Secondly it examines whether the RR had a
role in shaping the EU’s position on the GCM. The paper concludes that the RR’s antagonism to
multilateralism focuses on its opposition to further EU integration in foreign policy. The RR
governments, particularly in Hungary and Austria, succeeded in their campaign to diminish the actorness
of the EU in the GCM negotiations and in undermining the credibility of the whole negotiations process
recent years and how it is likely to develop in the near future. It argues that a key reason for more
extensive military involvement is the perception of ‘hybrid threats’ associated with migration,
particularly the weaponisation of migrants, human smuggling and trafficking, and terrorist
infiltration. It then discusses recent military operations intended to address migration and assesses
their limitations, highlighting the confusion in the logic behind many of the deployments. The
paper concludes by exploring an alternative policy approach and its implications for the military’s
role. It argues that EU leaders need to clarify the nature of threats, strengthen resilience, and
address hybrid aspects more effectively without relying on such strong military participation.
Policy Papers by Julia Himmrich
In this policy brief, Julia Himmrich argues the EU needs to reframe its overall approach to managing migration through the Mediterranean and strictly limit the roles assigned to the military to those it is suited to fulfil and outlines policy recommendations that would help the EU do so.
Poland. This development provides an opportunity to examine whether RR parties in government have a
distinct approach to foreign policy. The four RR governments did not engage much with foreign policy,
but the Global Compact for Migration (GCM) was the one instance in which the RR succeeded in
affecting the EU’s position. Arising from this case, the paper firstly examines whether this opposition to
the GCM was due to a systematic hostility to multilateralism. Secondly it examines whether the RR had a
role in shaping the EU’s position on the GCM. The paper concludes that the RR’s antagonism to
multilateralism focuses on its opposition to further EU integration in foreign policy. The RR
governments, particularly in Hungary and Austria, succeeded in their campaign to diminish the actorness
of the EU in the GCM negotiations and in undermining the credibility of the whole negotiations process
recent years and how it is likely to develop in the near future. It argues that a key reason for more
extensive military involvement is the perception of ‘hybrid threats’ associated with migration,
particularly the weaponisation of migrants, human smuggling and trafficking, and terrorist
infiltration. It then discusses recent military operations intended to address migration and assesses
their limitations, highlighting the confusion in the logic behind many of the deployments. The
paper concludes by exploring an alternative policy approach and its implications for the military’s
role. It argues that EU leaders need to clarify the nature of threats, strengthen resilience, and
address hybrid aspects more effectively without relying on such strong military participation.
In this policy brief, Julia Himmrich argues the EU needs to reframe its overall approach to managing migration through the Mediterranean and strictly limit the roles assigned to the military to those it is suited to fulfil and outlines policy recommendations that would help the EU do so.
Spyros Economides (LSE) Mareike Kleine (LSE)
Assistant Rapporteur:
Julia Himmrich
Experts from the UK and other EU member states discussed the effects of a possible Brexit
on British foreign policy and European security. The discussions were structured around
the themes of sovereignty, diplomacy, the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, its
Security and Defence Policy and trade.
that divided international opinion. While the United States and many EU members
quickly recognised the new state, many other countries, including Russia and China
and several EU members, did not. Even today, Kosovo remains a contested state.
Although Germany recognised Kosovo quickly, it nevertheless expressed concerns
over the failed international efforts to reach an agreement. This thesis analyses
Germany’s decision to recognise Kosovo as independent despite the multilateral
disagreement. It traces the position of Germany on Kosovo from the early 1990s until
recognition in 2008. It pays particular attention to the final months of negotiations,
when Germany represented the EU in the ‘Troika talks’ that also involved the US and
Russia.
In 2008 Germany was less committed to a Kosovan state than its close allies in the
Quint – a five state group that also included the United States, Britain, France and
Italy. Domestically the coalition parties had different approaches towards the status
question. Also the international division on the status in the EU and the United Nations
Security Council were a significant obstacle for the German leadership to accept a
unilateral declaration of independence. The acceptance of this international divide
came when domestic actors were persuaded that the Troika negotiations had exhausted
all possibilities for a resolution.
From a theoretical standpoint, Germany’s decision to recognise is examined in regards
to its Civilian Power identity and specifically to intervention and multilateralism. It is
argued that Germany recognised Kosovo due to its long-standing involvement in the
intervention in the conflict and due to concerns that an unresolved status would bring
greater instability to the Western Balkans. Germany’s recognition was therefore built
on a rationale of conflict management and expectations of an increasing role of the
European Union in this process.
Germany’s foreign policy identity, described by Hans Maull as a Civilian Power, is thus challenged by the changing behavior of Germany on issues of self-determination. Here particularly the argument for German commitment to international law, a cornerstone of the definition of Civilian Power, is weakened by the ad hoc and changing response Germany has shown in response to claims for independence. Post-unification Germany generated significant tension in the literature between the value-based constructivist approaches, which predicted continuity of German foreign policy and neo-realist approaches, which expected a return to Realpolitik and expansionist ambitions. Cases of security issues such as military interventionism were particularly used as case studies in this debate.
I will argue that the subtler interventionist issue of recognition has given Germany an opportunity to be more assertive and more involved in international issues than it could ever be militarily. Defining factors that enable such actions are the grey area of secessionism in international law, and the ability to change the domestic discourse on foreign conflicts after violence.
The paper builds on primary sources such as government, EU and Troika documents as well as extensive interviews with diplomats, EU officials and other actors involved in the negotiations. The paper also relies on the detailed literature on the Kosovo negotiations by Weller (2009) and Ker-Lindsay (2009, 2010). Knoll (2005).