Eurasian Studies

Transformation of the Islamic institutions and the establishing new state sponsored structures for Muslims by Russian empire after capturing Muslim dominated land of Volga region in the middle of 16 th century resulted in the marginalization of the ulama in the long run. However, it was not like a glimpse but a process conducted by the Russian tsarist bureaucracy step by step

Bu çalışmada, Ömer Seyfettin tarafından Balkan Harbi sonrasında kaleme alınan ve Tarhan takma adıyla 1912 yılında yayımlanan makalesi eski yazı nüshasından Latin harflerine aktarılmıştır. Eserde, mütefekkir tarafından diğer eserlerinde de sıkça ele alınacak olan mefkûre kavramı işlenmiştir.

This study seeks to analyze Russia’s soft power politics in Eurasia during
post-Soviet era and to show Kremlin’s perspective toward these discourses. While referring to the evolution of the Russian Foreign Policy after 1991, the focus of the study is defined under the topics contributed to the Russia’s soft power in the region which take its roots from the Soviet era. The sample area of the study composed by the 14 independent republics once they were part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, exluding Russia. Regarding its dominance by the means of both hard and soft power instruments in Eurasia, analyzing Russia’s policies would countribute to the studies.

This thesis examines the migration patterns in Kyrgyzstan that have emerged after the independence period and the approach of Uzbek community in the country to migration and the preferable migration destinations within the framework of push and pull factors. Uzbeks, who are the second major ethnic group in Kyrgyzstan, live compactly in the southern provinces- Osh, Jalal-Abad, and Batken. They comprise one third of the region’s population and 14 percent of the country’s total population. In Kyrgyzstan, migration is accepted as a prevalent phenomenon that has common impacts on the society, and in the literature, it is mainly discussed from the economic perspective since one-third of the country’s total population is living abroad and most of them are labor migrants. It is asserted that, although Uzbeks in Kyrgyzstan migrate to reach better economic standards, their migration process was prompted by the political developments and that migration is used as an avoiding strategy from nega...

This thesis studies the reasons for the differences in the attitudes of Polish and Russian minorities in regards to language policy in Lithuania within the context of the multitude of relations between language and ethnic identity. The Polish minority makes claims for the expansion of language rights, whereas the Russian minority does not demonstrate support for such claims. In this thesis, the Lithuanian national language rights framework, the attitudes of the majority community (the Lithuanians) towards minority languages, the characteristics of the two minorities (the Poles and the Russians) and their approaches towards their languages are examined with a comparative perspective. The research is based on qualitative data obtained during the fieldwork carried out in Lithuania. Research findings demonstrate that the current language conflict in Lithuania is essentially a Polish-Lithuanian conflict over the recognition of the Polish ethnolinguistic identity within the Lithuanian nat...

correspond to different policies toward cross-border migration and migrant populations, such as migration restrictions, the segregation of migrants and denial of naturalization, ethnic preferences in migration policies, the expectation of linguistic and cultural assimilation, or the accommodation of cultural peculiarities of migrant groups. The chapter also discusses the role of nationalism and nation-building in facilitating forced migration through population exchanges, mass deportations, and ethnic cleansing. Finally, the chapter addresses cases in which sustained migration flows can sometimes turn into a driving force behind the alteration of fundamental nation-building principles in destination countries.

For the last two decades, in partnership and cooperation with multiple governmental and non-governmental bodies at national, regional, and local levels, the Scottish government has achieved noticeable and commendable success in recognising, protecting, and promoting Scottish Gaelic. The effects of language policy are most notable in such areas as language visibility and use in public institutions, education through the medium of Gaelic, as well as the availability of language learning opportunities for both school students and adult learners. However, the aspect of the policy that addresses the preservation of the spoken language within traditional rural and island communities has posed the biggest challenge because it requires a need for a more comprehensive approach that combines language-related measures with attention to the improvement of the overall socio-economic conditions of these communities. The most current policy plans and proposed changes to the policy’s legal framework seem to demonstrate greater commitment to tackling this particularly challenging task. However, going further, the policy may also need to provide additional accommodations for concerns and uncertainties associated with ontological (in)security within those remaining vernacular communities in which speaking Gaelic has been closely intertwined with lived experiences, family histories, perceptions of space, and traditional ways of living. As it currently stands, the policy framework preserves an overwhelming focus on language as the system of communication, with rather limited recognition of the unique experiences of such groups and individuals. Some policy accommodations in this area could be the inclusion of the category of Scottish Gael in future censuses and public surveys and the designation of a regional unit as a symbolic Gaelic cultural “homeland,” which would also serve as an institutional nexus for closer cooperation and coordination across locally established “areas of linguistic significance” and various regional and national organisations and institutions preoccupied with the preservation and promotion of Gaelic linguistic and cultural heritage.

October 2020 marks the 20th anniversary of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on
Women, Peace and Security1. This marks a fitting moment to assess the resolution’s challenges and achievements
and to offer some suggestions for better implementation of the resolution in two Middle Eastern countries – Israel
and Turkey. Two countries with shared bilateral and regional interests as well as disputes and critical roles in many of
the area’s conflicts. Israel and Turkey responded to UNSCR 1325 positively, but did not implement it on the ground.
UNSCR 1325 led many United Nations (UN) member countries to adopt a National Action Plan (NAP) to implement
the ideas and ideals of the resolution (Peacewomen 2020). Most of those countries are in Europe, while only a few
of them are in the MENA region. There are eleven Regional Action Plans (RAP) around the world, but there is no
formal RAP for the MENA region2. Due to many barriers, such as political divisions between countries in the region,
ongoing conflicts, and women’s underrepresentation in politics and in decision-making, the push for the implementation
of UNSCR 1325 in the MENA region must be supported by the international community. Though the
implementation of UNSCR 1325 through a regionwide framework is unlikely, due to political and cultural differences
and the ongoing disputes between states, a push for its implementation could also originate from sub-regional
cooperation and bilateral agreements.
The 20th anniversary of UNSCR 1325 should also serve as an opportunity to prioritize it on the agenda of Israeli-
Turkish civil society activities. Furthermore, international exchange amongst female diplomats and security services
and gender trainings as well as leadership programs for women in such positions can support the acceptance and
the career opportunities for women in foreign and security policy.
Jointly, motivated women from the region and a push from the international community together can achieve
improvements for women through inclusion in peace building processes and regional cooperation. This needs long
term commitment from young women, who can take up the issues and set the groundwork for the next generation
of Middle Eastern women.