Lydians in Tabal-1

GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Lydians in Tabal (1°) The aim of this study is to give a first overview of the traces of a Lydian presence in Tabal. Another, more ambitious goal is to prepare the terrain for a new perspective on other related topics such as Gordios, 1 the presumed father of Mita from Mušku (Wittke 2004) and the king Ḫartapus (Wittke 2023), known through the Luwian inscriptions of KIZILDAĞ 4, § 2, KARADAĞ 1 (Oreshko 2017) and more recently through TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK. 2 Ambaris Atuna 3 is “a kingdom in Tabal mentioned in royal inscriptions of the Assyrian kings Tiglathpileser III (r. 744-727 BC) and Sargon II (r. 721-705 BC).” “The name in Assyrian inscriptions is known only from ethnic names. The capital of this kingdom in Tabal was also called *Atuna, a city often identified as classical Tynna. The identification of *Atuna is not entirely certain and it has been suggested that the city was in the vicinity of Bohça, at Kızılırmak-Bogen, ca. 40 km west of Kayseri, since a Luwian inscription of Kurtis was discovered there; Kurtis might be the Kurtî of *Atuna mentioned in inscriptions of Sargon II (r. 721-705 BC)” (Novotny 2020). Cf. Aro (1998c 104-106). Ušḫitti, the name of a king of Atuna, (Bryce 2012 146), father of the above-mentioned Kurtis, 4 attracts attention because in Hieroglyphic Luwian epichoric sources we find Ashwa/i- (Hawkins 2000 479; Weeden 2010 41) and in Assyrian Ušḫitti or Ašḫitu (Hawkins and Postgate 1988). Scholars concede that this may be the same person and postulate a substantial convergence of the Hieroglyphic sources with the Assyrian annals (Hawkins 1979 166), but one can go further and assume a connection with the Lydian ethnonym Axiottenos (Herrmann 2016 73-79; Ricl 2016), which is also documented in the form Axittenos (Manganaro 1985 201 e n. 18). Linguistically, Ašḫitu (Aro 1998b) seems closest to the Lydian Axi(o)tta, given that both the Neo-Assyrian and Lydian version are expected to preserve the intervocalic laryngeal (Simon 2011; 2013 287-288). The toponym and its theonym (Paz de Hoz 1999) are closely related to the city of Kollyda (Malay and Petzl 2017 135-154), which is located about thirty kilometers as the crow flies from Iulia Gordos. The Lydian city of Julia Gordos (Herrmann 1970) is epigraphically linked to the cult of Zeus Porottènos (Ma 1999 358-359, 248; Herrmann 2016 54-59), a deity invoked to protect a particular ethnic group, the tribal federation of the Mysian Abbaites (Robert and Robert 1984 484-487; Nollé 2010 (2012) 81), suggesting the existence of a nearby site or the ancient name of the city, such as Porotta. This toponym is the same one used in the chronicles of Sargon II instead of Tabal, namely Bit-Purutaš (Hawkins 1979 161; Jasink 1995 128; Hawkins 2000 427). 5 It is not clear why a new name for Tabal was used on the Assyrian side (Melville 2010 95 n. 51), characterized by the Semitic prefix bit, “home”, which usually denotes what the Greeks call ethnos (Aro 1998c 98 and n. 570). Is it plausible to see in this an explicit reference to the common ethnic matrix of the kingdoms of Tabal? 6 Perhaps they were receptive to Mušku’s appeal against the 1 Simon (2016, 2023). Goedegebuure et al. (2020); Osborne et al. (2020); Adiego (2021); Hawkins and Weeden (2021). 3 RGTC 7/1 35-36; Jasink (1995 144-150); Aro (1998c 104-106); Kossian (2002); Simon (2013). 4 It is not possible to prove, although very likely, that Kurtis of the Luwian inscription of Bohça and Kurtî of Atuna are the same person. Cf. Simon (2013 282-283). 5 The area between Kululu-Sultanhan-Kültepe was defined by historians as “Tabal in the strict sense” at the time of Sargon II. 6 “In den meisten Abhandlungen ist Bit-Purutaš mit dem von Wasusarmas/Wassurme beherrschten Territorium von Tabal gleichgesetzt worden, doch ist der Ursprung dieses Toponym bisher nicht zufriedenstellend geklärt worden. In A26 und A30 bekommt -puruta/paruta einen Personendeterminativ, was eigentlich dafür spricht, daß es einen Dynastiegründer dieses Namens gegeben haben sollte“ (Aro 1998c 97-98). Cf. Hawkins (2000 427 n. 40). 2 1 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Assyrians (Lanfranchi 1988) because they were animated by an ethnic kinship (Börker-Klähn 1997). In other words, Bit-Purutaš could be the banner that Sargon II used with Ambaris (Aro 1998a), the son of Hulli (Melville 2010 93, 103), to revive a coalition in Tabal, but this time against Mita of Mušku (Melville 2016 143-146). 7 The land of Bit-Purutaš (Aro 1998c 97-98) was given to Ambaris, the son of Hulli. 8 Although he and his father had been deported to Assyria by Shalmaneser V , he had been able to win the trust of his successor, Sargon II, and thanks to him, returned home with honor. He followed his father to the throne and married Sargon’s daughter (Bryce 2009; 2012 279). The dowry of the princess was the land of Hilakku, a sign that this bordered on the territory of Ambaris (Lemaire 2000 58). Ambaris’ fate experienced a final collapse in 713 when he was again deported to Assyria for treason, having entered into an alliance with Rusa of Urartu and Mita of Mušku (Jasink 1995 183), but in the meantime he had enjoyed the favor of the Assyrian king, who granted him the title of “King of Bit-Purutaš.” Why so much concern for the traitor and his son, if they had not been leaders of a “federation”? Ambaris 9 could be the Neo-Assyrian and/or Luwian adaptation of Abbaetis, the Mysian ethnos that rallied around Zeus Porottènos in Hellenistic time. From a linguistic standpoint, the Mysian Abbaetis may have been transmitted in a Luwian context as *Abbaeris, given the well-known Luwian rhotacization. A later dissimilation of geminates attested in Neo-Assyrian sources 10 would explain the development from an intermediate *Ambaeris to the extant versions Ambaris and Ambris. If the name Ambaris corresponds to a Mysian ethnonym, 11 namely Abbaetis, it should be no coincidence that Kurtî (Galil 1992 56-57), king of Atuna, who received Sinuhtu from the hands of Sargon II in 718 (Weeden 2010 41; Fuchs 2017 255), took over Bit-Purutaš in 709 (Postgate 1973 25; Hawkins 2000 428, 432 n. 75). Ambaris and Kurtî are both favored by the Assyrian king, the former becoming his son-in-law, the latter tolerated in his autonomy (Melville 2010 95-96), both eventually conspiring against him in 713 despite the favor they received. Kollyda It cannot be a coincidence that Kollyda agrees with Hulli(ya), 12 given the phonetic value of Lydian /d/, which should correspond to an interdental fricative (Melchert 1994; Oreshko 2019). The proximity of Kollyda and Tabala in Lydia 13 could lead to the assumption that the petty kingdoms of Tabal are the result of a migration documented by KIZILDAĞ 4, § 2, which, according to the reinterpretation of Oreshko (2017), would have brought people from Masa, from Mysia Abbaetis, to the region between Kululu-Sultanhan-Kültepe. 14 The origin of these peoples could be *Porotta,15 probably the same Iulia Gordos (BATL 56 G4), thirty kilometres as the crow flies north of Satala, the ancient city of the Lydian “Burnt Lands” (Katakekaumene), 16 an area of volcanic origin known for 7 A reading of the conflicts in Tabal that attaches no importance to the adoption of an alternative dynastic name would underestimate the significance of royal titles, especially for those who, like Hulli and Ambaris, were interested in accrediting themselves as new rulers. See the considerations of Aro (1998c 133) and Weeden (2010 42-43, 59). 8 Hulli, “nobody’s son”, held the land of Tabal on behalf of the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser (Hawkins 1979 161; Aro 1998c 130). He had replaced the rebel Wassurme/Wasusarmas (Jasink 1995 132, 178). 9 Ambaris (mam-ba-ri-is); Amris (mam-ri-is); Amriš (mam-ri-iš). 10 Lipiński (2001 182) mentions the dissimilation of “the name of the Aramaean tribe Gabbūl,” which “appears as Ga-am-bu-lu.” Cf. Lipiński (1993 160; 2000 472-479; 2004 32; 2006 441). 11 Musa is one of the toponyms mentioned by Yariris, the scribe of Carchemish at the end of the ninth century BC (Simon 2012). It is thought to correspond to the classical Mysia (Widmer 2004 198). 12 Weeden (2010 54 n. 92). See Malidos instead of Maliya (Fowler 2000 I 195, § 1112a). 13 Cf. the detailed discussion by Naour (1981), which includes a detailed map of the area. Cf. Ricl (1991 52). 14 On the mobility of the Masa, Poetto (1998). 15 KON § 1089, p. 305. 16 Robert (1962 280-317); Debord (1985); Daubner (2013). 2 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi the production of pozzolan (Jackson 2014 154; Oleson 2014 17-18). It is interesting to note that *Porotta may ultimately be derived from the Hittite purut- “clay.” 17 This would confirm the Lydian origin of Purutaš, which probably referred to a “mass of buildings made of mudbricks” (CHD P 396397, s. v. purut-). Originally Published: 22 October 2023 Bibliography Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier. 2021. "Observacions sobre la nova inscripció lúvia jeroglífica del gran rei Hartapu (TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK 1)." In "Sentido de un empeño". Homenatge a Gregorio del Olmo Lete, edited by Lluís Feliu Mateu and Jordi Vidal, 13-22. Barcelona: Edicions Universitat Barcelona. Aro, Sanna. 1998a. "Ambaris." In The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Volune 1, part. I: A, edited by Karen Radner, 99-100. 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