Gordios and Gyges as viewed from Mount Ida-3

GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Gordios and Gyges as viewed from Mount Ida (3) Pihirim of Hilakku All that is known of Pihirim of Hilakku 1 is that he took part with other kings, including Kate of Que, “in a general north Syrian alliance” (CHLI 41) that opposed Shalmaneser in 858 BC. 2 With the help of the following table by Younger (2018 332) we can have an overview of the reigns involved against the Assyrian king. Before we deal with the question of a possible ethnic affiliation of some of the peoples in the above list, as already suggested in Papi (2024b 3), some reflections on Pihirim as a virtual Anatolian name are due. His name is associated with the family of names containing the element pihra- (Zgusta 1964a 114118) 3 and in particular with Πιγραμις which goes back to the Luwian piḫa-, 4 “luminosity, splendor; might” (CLL 176). 5 As for the difference in vocalism, Πιγρινιμασις (Lykaonia) and Πιγραμασις (Pisidia) can be usefully compared: 6 if the first PN is parsed as Πιγρινι + μασις, *pigrini- would most closely match Pihirim, given that -masis is a known component of the Anatolian PNN, attested in Κιλλάμασις (Metropolis, Ionia). 7 Based on *pigra- i.e. piḫra/i-, 8 *pigrini- could represent a “diminutive” form, as for “DNinattanna/i- ‘(figurine of) Ninatta-‘ in Hitt. form (CHD 3.437)” (CLL 158). 9 Alp (1954 Hawkins (1972-1975); Zoroğlu (1994); Starke (2003). RIMA 3 (A.0.102.1 68'; A.0.102.2 i 54). Cf. Jasink (1988 103); Lemaire (1991 269-270); Yamada (2000 96, 372); Weippert (2010 251); Bryce (2012 155, 161-162, 221). 3 Cf. LPG 156-157 and 229; HEG P 605-606. 4 Starke (1990 103-106). 5 Melchert (2003b 195); Adiego (2007 337); Yakubovich (2013 99 n. 45); Melchert (2014a 5, 10); Schürr (2014). 6 LGPN VC 357. As for Pigramasis, Balzat (2015 152); Pilhofer (2015 255). 7 LGPN VA 245. 8 Cf. Pigrẽi- (N 320.15) 9 Cf. partanna/i- (CLL 171); 1 2 1 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi 459) has written illuminating pages on the suffix -n(n)-, in which he shows that “the -n(n)- formations in Hittite either have the same sense with their base words, or they express their near relation to them.” 10 Although still relying on the idea of a mere diminutive suffix criticised by S. Alp, Neumann (1994 194, 207-208) 11 explained Lycian Pigrẽi- and similar on the assumption that they consist of “suffixale Erweiterung durch ‘Nasalierung + i-’.” And he identified these extensions ẽi-, i.e. ẽni, with the HittiteLuwian suffix -n(n)i-, which occurs in Hittite Ninattanni- and armanni- (194). However, this solution, rejected by Melchert (1994 305), 12 could make sense in the case of *pigrini-, which would show i-motion 13 (*pihra- > *pihri-) and the absence of the nasalisation just observed in Lycian. 14 By analogy with the Hittite armanni- < *DArma- “Moon-god” (Hoffner 1974 152), denoting “lunula, moon-shaped emblem/loaf” (CLL 28), 15 we could interpret Πιγρινιμασις as “the god whose form is light,” bearing in mind that -masis is related to masa-, the Lycian B (Milyan) for “god.” 16 Moreover, Maseis is a rider-god attested in Cabalis (Naour 1980 108ff.), which makes the above tentative interpretation more credible. However, a brief overview of the PNN deriving from *piḫaand its extensions will provide a more accurate picture of Pihirim and its meaning. A) 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) Πιγεμις, Selge, Pisidia; 17 Πειγασις, Hippoukome, Lycia; 18 Πιγασις, Kibyratis-Kabalis and Hippoukome, Lycia; 19 Πιγασσως, Iasos, Caria; 20 Πιγαμοας?, Timbriada, Pisidia; 21 Πιγομας, Rhodiapolis and Xanthos, Lycia; 22 Πιγώλλης, Philadelpheia, Lydia; 23 Πιγεσαμυας, Myra (Tyberissos), Lycia; 24 Πιγεσαρμας, Myra (Istlada), Lycia. 25 The case of A.6-7 is important because it seems to establish an astronomical reference via the Lycian A arm̃ma- “moon(-god), month” (Bauer, Sasseville, and Simon 2024). 26 Starke (1990 104) suggests interpreting this PN as Πιγεσ-αρμας, “Glanz wie der Mond habend.” 27 Confirmation comes from Hittite names such as Armapiḫami, 28 Armapiḫaya, 29 Armapiḫa(n)zi/a. 30 10 Cf. Dercksen (2007 40-41). Cf. GLyk 270, 354. 12 Cf. Hajnal (1995a 24-25; 1995b 226-227); Melchert (2003a 135); Schaffner (2005 265); Melchert (2010 4-5; 2013 5; 2014b 261). 13 Rieken (1994 43; 2005). 14 Cf. Patri (2023). 15 Cf. Hittite *tannanni- (Brosch 2008 47-48 n. 125) and CLuwian partanni(i)- (Rieken 2022). 16 Melchert (2004 120); Neumann and Tischler (2007 196); Bauer (2024). Cf. Yakubovich (2017 46 n. 41): “[…] the names Masasa and Masauwẽti (Melchert 2004: 98), which both apparently contain the Lycian B element masa- ‘god’, a cognate of Lyc. (A) maha(na)- ‘id’.” 17 Bean and Mitford (1970 180-184, § 201); ISelge 46. Cf. Harland (2014 415); Kunnert (2019). 18 KPN 427, 1252-2. 19 KPN 427, § 1252-1. 20 LGPN VB 352. 21 SEG 37:1200; Brixhe, Drew-Bear, and Kaya (1987 154-155). 22 KPN 427, § 1254-1. 23 LGPN VA 366; Brixhe (1995 521). 24 LGPN VB 352. 25 KPN § 1252–3. 26 Cf. Balzat (2014); Schürr (2016); Tavernier (2019). 27 Cf. Schürr (2014 114-115); Adiego (2019 159-160 n. 6). 28 BoHa 19.53, BoHa 19.54, BoHa 19.55, BoHa 19.56, BoHa 19.57. 29 BoHa 19.52. 30 BoHa 22.220. 11 2 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Recently, Adiego (2022 84) has argued that adjectival names such as “d-bikrm (Carian) (if id-/dΙδα- was a divine name)” “may also come from an epiclesis consisting of divine name + epithet. In other words, these names were originally direct designations of deities.” Following Melchert (2013 5), 31 who considers Πιγραμις and then *bikrm as “an adjective */pi:xramma/i-/ “resplendent, mighty”, Adiego interprets Ταρκυμ-βιγρεμις (Cilicia) as “Tarhunt the resplendent,” so that he proposes “Ida the resplendent” as the meaning of d-bikrm. He draws further confirmation from the following compounds, in some of which (B.3-4) the element Ρωβ-/Ρωμβ- stands for the god Runta in the Greek transmission. B) 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) Αρπιγραμος, Limyra, Lycia; 32 Κοζαπιγραμις, Cilicia; 33 Ρωβιγρεμις, Olba, Cilicia Tracheia; 34 Ρωμβιγρεμις, Korykos, Cilicia Tracheia; 35 Σουβιγραμις, Aydoğmuş (mod.), Lykaonia; 36 Ταρκυμβιγρεμις, Olba, Cilicia Tracheia; 37 Τροκομβιγρεμις, Korykos, Cilicia Tracheia. 38 The above considerations allow us to extend the analysis of Adiego to the Idaean dossier of Kil(l)a-names, taking into account Κιλαρις, the name of a Cilician woman, daughter of Ταρκυμ̣βιγρεμις. 39 Before we go any further, however, we need to interpret the Pisidian Πιγραμασις together with the Ionian Κιλλάμασις. If *-masis means “god” and *pigra- “shining,” then Πιγραμασις would stand for “shining god” and since Κιλλάμασις contains a PN as its first element, it could mean “god of *Killa”. In any case, we are in the semantic realm of light and Killa is not only the name of a famous charioteer, but also a place in Mysia associated with the cult of Apollo. This certain reference to light is independently confirmed by Keyser’s analysis (1992) of the reputation of Mount Ida as the centre of ominous light phenomena associated with Zeus’ chosen seat in Anatolia. The question now inevitably arises as to whether the name of the Cilician king Kilar reflects a cult of Killa, the mythical charioteer, and perhaps an ethnic identity that can be established with some degree of reliability. Kilar and Kilaris In the first article of this series (Papi 2024a 22) I drew attention to the Hesychian gloss κιλάριος·(κ 2761), which means helios, i. e. “sun” and pointed out that Apollo, “the sun” himself, had a famous seat in Killa. If we take κιλάριος according to its probable derivation from Luvic *kilara- “of Killa,” 40 then it is reasonable to assume an overlap between the two cults, so that Killa (the city or the charioteer or Apollo Killaios?) became “the sun” per antonomasia. 41 The PN Killa is attested in Hittite sources (StBoTB 4.6 rev. 2’) 42 and it is interesting to quote what Laroche (2016 215) notes about the Hittite ḫila-: 43 31 “*/pi:hramma/i-/ ‘resplendent, mighty’ (a blend of the preceding two [/pi:hamma/i-/ and */pi:hra-/] or a denominative adjective from an intervening noun from */pi:hra-/): Pik(a)rm- (Carian; Adiego, Carian, 397), = Πιγραμις, Πιγραμος in Lycia; Zgusta, KP, 427-8.” 32 KPN 96, § 104-1. 33 KPN 238, § 647-2. 34 KPN 445, § 1334-1. 35 KPN 445, § 1334-1. 36 KPN 472, § 1456. 37 LGPN VB 400. 38 KPN 490, § 1512-26, 39 ICilicie 30, § 11 A II, 44. 40 Cf. fḪillara in StBoTB 4.40 obv. 3 (Rüster and Wilhelm 2012 180-181). 41 On coins with a star on the reverse, probably associated with Apollo Killaios, Lenger (2011 152). 42 Rüster and Wilhelm (2012 106-107). Cf. NH 93 for Kil-names. 43 Cf. EDHIL 343; Melchert (1984 111-112). 3 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Par un phénomène remarquable de calque sémantique, le mot hittite ḫila- «enclos» a servi aux traducteurs d’astrologie babylonienne à rendre l’autre sens technique de tarbașu, «halo» de soleil et de lune. On a même formé sur ḫila- un verbe dénominatif ḫila (i)- «avoir un halo.» All we can judge at the moment of Kilar, the Cilician king according to the Neo-Assyrian sources, is that his name as Pihirim may be related to “light,” which goes back to *piḫa-. LBA Hittite names such as Piḫa-Tarḫunta, 44 Piḫa-muwa, 45 and Piḫa-ziti, 46 bear witness to the antiquity of this connection between gods and humans with the motif of “shining.” 47 Yakubovich (2013 99) translates Piha-dX (NH § 964) as “(Belonging to) the Storm-god of Splendour,” Piha-Tarhunt as “Storm-god of Splendour” and Piha-wiya (NH § 973) as “(Storm-god of) Splendour sent (her).” 48 The possible relationship between *kil(l)a- and *piha- names finds an interesting context in the tablet of the Myth of Illuyanka (CTH 321), which was composed by the scribe Piha-ziti 49 under the dictation of Killa/Kella. 50 The collaboration of the priest of Tarhunt in Nerik with the “Man of light/might”51 may suggest a chronotope in which names associated with the splendour of gods were highly valued, but in fact it seems that such esteem was widespread and long held in Anatolia. Kilamuwa and Mysia In the previous article in this series, I wondered whether a Mysian presence had left traces in south-east Anatolia in the Iron Age or even earlier, and suggested that the LÚ.MEŠ mi-ši of the Amarna tablets could be interpreted as a reference to Mysian mercenaries (Papi 2024b 23). Beyond the speculative aspect of the matter, progress can be made by considering the symbolic apparatus that is fortunately available about the kingdom of Sam ͗al and its rulers. Yadin (1970 201-203) has made a decisive contribution to this topic with his analysis of the divine symbols on the Kilamuwa’s orthostat (KAI 24), 52 especially with the second, the most original and exclusive of the royal dynasty, the chariot yoke, 53 but also by shedding light on the “the broken orthostat of Bar-Rakkab” (Yadin 1970 207 fig. 5), 54 on which we find a row of symbols and, second from right to left, a “janiform with horned cap” (208), 55 which he proposes to interpret as follows (209-210): Who is indicated by the janiform head? Donner and Barnett have identified it with El. This is unacceptable, not only because only on this monument would it signify El (and thence the symbol of this god would appear on no other stele), but also because of the axiom which we have tried to prove above, that the symbols appearing on these stelae are divine attributes peculiar to the gods of Samal. Thus we 44 Mora, Balza, and De Pietri (2023 98, 106, 108-109, 114-115). Cf. Tarḫunpiḫanu, HKM 72 obv. 3. Mora, Balza, and De Pietri (2023 98, 108-109, 118-119). 46 Mora, Balza, and De Pietri (2023 107-108). 47 Cf. NH 139-141; Yakubovich (2013 100). For an update list of Hittite Piha-names, see HPN. 48 Cf. HF 249. 49 On Piha-ziti, “a leading official from Carchemish,” Singer (2011 61, 428). Cf. Cline (1991 139). 50 Beckman (1982). “The Myth of Illuyanka was dictated by the priest Kella to the scribe Piha-ziti at the time of Hattušili III when this king restored the cults of the Nerik region. Kella transmitted two different versions of the myth, both with some archaic features. It is not unusual for ‘oral’ (and ‘written’) cultures to use an archaic language for their liturgy” Archi (2010 43). 51 Gordin (2017 101) translates this PN as “Mighty man.” 52 Cf. DBMAP #S 1645 [https://base-map-polytheisms.huma-num.fr/source/1645]. 53 “I believe it was Eduard Meyer, however, who first correctly perceived its meaning: a chariot yoke. This interpretation was accepted by Donner, who further demonstrated that this symbol has in fact no practical resemblance to the Hittite-Luwian one, in which the points of the crescent although pointing downward are not rounded as in the Zinjirli symbol but are rather pointed. Meyer’s interpretation was also accepted by Galling. However, credit must be given to Barnett not only for accepting this meaning but also for providing proof for it on the basis of many parallels” (Yadin 1970 201). 54 Donner (1955 74); KAI 217; DBMAP #S 2453 [https://base-map-polytheisms.huma-num.fr/source/2453]. 55 Although the janiform head also appears to be depicted in the so-called Ördekburnu Stele, the conditions of the monument do not allow us to clearly distinguish the motif, see Brandl (2016 49); cf. Lemaire and Sass (2013 68 fig. 11; 71 fig. 12). Yadin (1970 210), in his “schematic restoration of the symbols in the Ordek-bumu monument,” recognizes only three symbols: 45 4 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi arrive at the conclusion that the janiform head, too, signifies Baʿal Ṣemed. In other words, the horned cap is the general symbol of the various “Baʿals,” including Baʿal Ṣemed; whereas, the janiform head with the horned cap is the symbol peculiar to Baʿal Ṣemed. The interpretation of the janiform head criticised by Yadin is accepted by Tropper (1993 25, 140),56 but it seems that the scant evidence that it is a symbol for El should be abandoned in favour of other evidence. Lewis (2022 229-230) has aptly described the status of the question as follows: The long-standing consensus is that the janiform symbol represents the deity El. No other deity has found support apart from Usmu (Isimud), a lesser deity who functioned as a minister of Enki/Ea and who is attested, according to Lambert, “from late Early Dynastic to Late Assyrian times.” Bossert sees his presence at Zincirli due to Hittite mediation. The strength of the El nomination lies in large part due to his presence in Panamuwa I’s inscription (KAI 214), where El is attested four times within a fivefold group of deities: Hadad, El, Rakib-El, Shamash, and Rashap. Fig. 1: Yadin (1970 207). Cf. KAI3 III Tafel XII 57 Fig. 2: Yadin (1970 207) This crux could become even more complicated, or perhaps be on the way to a workable solution, if we consider that “KAI, 216 has a five-pointed star within a circle between the chariot yoke and the winged disc” (Hvidberg-Hansen 2007 12). If we want to overcome the impasse due to the uniqueness of the star motif, one way was recently recalled by Younger (2019 334): 56 57 Younger (2023 224ff.). Cf. Hogue (2022 33 fig. 4). 5 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Significantly, on the Barrākib orthostat, one of the deity symbols is a five-pointed star contained within a double circle. This is its only attestation, and so it is difficult to know which deity it was meant to represent. Tropper has suggested that was the emblem of the god Rašap and/or ʾArqû-Rašap, and that the choice of this symbol may be explained from the fact that the North Arabian-Palmyrene war-god Ruḍâ/ʾArṣu represents the personification of Venus (evening or morning star). As for the proposed interpretation of the five-pointed star in KAI 216, 58 we should first consider what Chase (1994 220) said about the “symbols associated with the Zinčirli texts”: Unfortunately, it is not possible to establish a one-to-one correspondence between the symbols and the deities attested in the Zinčirli texts. It is even impossible to correlate the images of any individual text with the deities mentioned in the same text, since in the Kilamuwa inscription three deities are invoked in the curse but four symbols appear near the head of the king, while in the Bir-Rakib texts only Râkib’il is mentioned, but in both instances five symbols are extant. According to D. A. Chase, there seems to be an exception to this seemingly erratic correspondence between emblems and texts: It is noteworthy, however, that in the examples of multiple symbols associated with inscriptions (KAI Nrs. 24 [Kilamuwa], 216, 217 [Bir-Rākib]), the horned crown (cap with a knob on top and a pair of horns) is the only symbol that maintains its position: it is the first emblem, in all instances juxtaposed to the king’s head. The horned cap must be associated with Hadad at Zinčirli. The statue dedicated to Hadad by Pannamuwa (KAI Nr. 214) has such a headdress, and Hadad’s nature as a storm deity is congruent with the history of the emblem. However, the author adds an important note that can certainly help to reduce the uncertainty about the interpretation of the Samalian emblems (Chase 1994 220 n. 45): Four of the five emblems on Bir-Rakib’s summer palace orthostat correspond to those of the Kilamuwa orthostat, and three of those on the orthostat fragment also correspond to those of Kilamuwa. Since the question of how the symbols on the orthostats can be properly assigned to the theonyms is still controversial, I will limit myself to new clues that could arise from the possibility of a Mysian connection, and one of these concerns the five-pointed star, for which Chase (1994 302 n. 21) summarises some of the scholarly interpretations: With regard to the star that is adjoined to the winged sun-disk on Bir-Rākib’s summer palace orthostat (KAI 216) (identified as Rākib’il by Barnett, a divine determinative by Yadin, and “Rešef?” by Donner and Röllig, KAI II, p. 232), it is noteworthy that the star appears regularly with the sun-disk in Hittite and Mitannian monuments (H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals [London: Macmillan, 1939], p. 209). The best match I can see is the pentagram or pentangle on the bronze coins of Pitane (Foss, Reger, et al. 2020a), 59 a town very close to Mysia, 60 whose coinage also shows the horned head of Zeus Ammon. The basic information is given by Sekunda (2023 22) as follows: Pitane, the modern Çandarlı, was an Aeolian city on a small peninsula to the NE of Phocaea, near the mouth of the Kaikos (Diod. 17.7.9; Keil 1950; Stillwell 1976: 715). Its bronze coins of the fourth century BC show on the obverse the horned head of Zeus Ammon and on the reverse a pentangle (Wroth 1892: 9-10, pl. xxxiv). Imperial bronze coins from the time of Domitian (?) show the pentangle on a hoplite shield (Wroth 1892: 171-173, pl. xxxiv 6-10). The probable significance of the pentangle in this case is that it serves as a ‘label’ of Ammon. One of these coins bears a striking resemblance to the five-pointed star within a double circle in KAI 216. 58 DBMAP S# 2444 [https://base-map-polytheisms.huma-num.fr/source/2444]. “Three coins carrying the head of Ammon and a star, unearthed during the Pergamon excavations and the similarity to the depiction of the star on the reverse of the Gambreion coins make us consider that these coins might have been struck not in Thymbra but in a town whose name we do not know in South Mysia or Aeolis” (Lenger 2011 151). 60 IACP 1049, § 890; Cf. Laufer (2020). Cf. Papi (2024b 4) for a possible connection between Pitane and Lykaonian toponyms, such as Bidana. 59 6 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Fig. 3: Cook (1940 342) Angelo Papi Fig. 4: Cook (1940 342) We can be sure that the pentalpha was παράσημον of Pitane, 61 but now we can wonder whether it looks like a shield 62 or is simply a circle. As we can see in KAI 216, there are three dots inscribed in the pentalpha. Only one is found on the coins of Pitane (Fig. 4) and a globe is also part of Dioscuri’s iconography. 63 Due to the role of these deities as protectors of sailors to whom they appear as stars, 64 this symbol is commonly attributed to them as heroes who bring the saving light (Tallet 2020 193-194): Un cas paradigmatique est celui des Dioscures. Particulièrement populaires à l’époque impériale, souvent sous une forme solaire, ces deux dieux jumeaux à la personnalité très complexe sont les héritiers d’un culte héroïco-divin d’origine laconienne, qui les honore sous le nom de «Tyndarides». À Naucratis, c’est sous la forme ionienne de «Dioscures» qu’ils apparaissent, semble-t-il comme protecteurs des marins, sauveurs des dangers de la mer, et donc probablement avec une connotation astrale forte. La thématique de la transformation astrale des Dioscures, figurée au moyen d’une étoile au-dessus de leur tête, qui apparaît à partir du Ve s., fait d’eux des êtres de processus, de transformation, comme le manifeste l’accès à l’immortalité de Castor plaidée auprès de Zeus par Pollux, le jumeau divin. Très vite l’étoile devient la marque de la divinité acquise des Dioscures, un signe de leur épiphanie. De même le rayonnement illustre l’aboutissement d’un processus de transition vers un statut divin. Both the duplicity of the yokes and the janiform head in KAI 217 suggest that these could be symbols for the Dioscuri as heavenly horsemen. 65 The name Kilamuwa, which is perhaps derived from that of the Mysian charioteer Killos, 66 offers a valuable clue in this direction, provided we take into account the Baʿal Ḥmn of BMH/BNH67 mentioned in KAI 24. 68 This god is associated with a 61 SEG 47:1659: “Kyme. Proxeny decree for Athanaos from Pitane, undated. Upper part of a marble pedimental stele; in the stele a five-petalled star (i.e. the parasēmon of Pitane, whose coins carry precisely the same symbol”; Manganaro (1997; 2009 91 n. 29). 62 One might think of the light shield of the Mysians, Ma (2008). 63 Lippolis (2009 129 fig. 5, 132 fig. 7); Blakely (2018 454 fig. 9); Gagliano (2018 62 fig. 8); Pisano (2019 102 fig. 3). 64 Diod. Sic., 4.43.1: “Scoppiata una violenta tempesta, i nobili condottieri disperavano della salvezza; si dice che allora Orfeo, il solo dei compagni di navigazione ad aver preso parte all’iniziazione, rivolse agli dèi di Samotracia le preghiere per ottenere la salvezza. E subito il vento si affievolì e due stelle si posarono sulla testa dei Dioscuri, tutti rimasero colpiti per l’inatteso e sorprendente evento e compresero di essere stati liberati dai pericoli dalla provvidenza degli dèi” (Scarpi 2003 II 29). Cf. Cook (1914 760-775); Detienne and Vernant (1978 156, 246-248); Detienne (1982 198-200); Guarducci (1984 144 and n. 41); Platt (2018); Tomassi (2019 77, 142-143). 65 The janiform head of Dioscuri is attested in the inventory of Roman coins of the 3rd century BC, Crawford (1974 133, 141, 144-147, 152, 304; 1985 52-53, 112). Cf. Simon (1990 37; 1996 47); Carbone (2020b 47; 2020a 118). Not all scholars agree on this identification, Wiseman (2004 337). For other series of janiform heads in the Hellespontine cities such as Lampsakos, Baldwin (1914); Kroll (1981). For Tenedos, Kisbali (2020). 66 Cf. Hansen (2000 21-23); Dolcetti (2011); Acerbo (2017); Pagès (2020); Patay-Horváth (2023) on the myth of Hippodameia and Pelops, in which Killos plays a role as the latter’s charioteer and drives him to Pisa in the golden chariot and winged horses bestowed by Poseidon. 67 Sperling (2017 70 n. 6). 68 Bonnet and Marano (2022 12): “l’inscription phénicienne de Samʾal, datée de 830-825 av. n.è., […] contient une formule de malédiction mobilisant «Baal Hammon qui appartient à BMH et Rakib-El, Baal de la dynastie».” Cf. DBMAP T #2118 [https://base-map-polytheisms.huma-num.fr/attestation/2118]. 7 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi five/six-pointed star in a tessera from Palmyra (RTP 215): 69 Dans la tessère R. 213, le signe de la pluie a été tracé au milieu du texte, sur chaque face. Dans deux autres (R. 212, 215), le signe est au revers, et sur l’une il orne la panse d’une amphore encadrée de branches d’arbres. Bêl Ḥammôn détenait évidemment le vase de la pluie. Il semble donc que le maître de la chaleur, qui dessèche la terre, finisse par tempérer son action et par envoyer de la pluie. […] La tessère 215 (fig. 137) porte l’inscription BL ḤMN […], «Bêl Ḥammôn (écrit défectivement ) ... », entourant un buste, de face, sans calathos, présentant l’aspect habituel de Shamash, mais avec cette particularité notée par le Recueil, que la tête est «comme entourée de pétales» (R., p. 31). Aux minces rayons lumineux est substituée une corolle qui fait peut-être allusion à la chaleur: nous aurions ici la Maître de la chaleur. […] Au-dessous du buste figure le globe de Bêl. Au revers, un étoile à six rais «semble portée sur les dos d’un cheval bridè» et sellè (1). En regardant de plus près, on remarque que l’animal représenté n’est pas un cheval. Il contraste particulièrement avec le pur sang arabe que l’on rencontre encore parfois dans la steppe syrienne. On reconnaît sur la tessère un mulet, à la tête grosse et courte, et à la queue à peu près semblable à celle d’un âne. Il est bridé et porte la matelassure qui sert encore de selle dans le milieu arabe. Il n’y a pas d’étriers. Cet accessoire n’a été inventé qu’au moyen âge. La grande étoile représentée au-dessus pourrait être un sacrum processionnel fixé à la selle (2). Il faut certainement y voir un astre et l'on songera naturellement au soleil, l’astre de la grande chaleur. La sphère figurée devant le mulet rappelle que cette tessère est dédiée à Bêl, et le signe de la pluie dessiné au-dessous indique le bienfait qu’on en attend. La présence de ce mulet de selle n’est pas facile à expliquer. Fig. 4: Du Mesnil du Buisson (1962 203 fig. 137) Fig. 5: McDaniel (1924 25 fig. 2) Interestingly, the same complex of symbols can also be found on one of the mysterious terracotta discs from Taranto (Fig. 5), 70 which shows an eight-pointed star standing over a horse. 71 Of course we cannot pursue this question now, but the aim of this study is to point out the connection between four motifs: the horse/mule, the star, the globe and bʿl ḥmn, whereby “ḥmn deserves a special treatment since its interpretation is debated and variously understood” (Garbati and Porzia 2024 368). 72 What we know with certainty about this Phoenician god is that KAI 24 (ca 830-825 BC) “represents the most ancient attestation of the Baal Ḥammon cult known so far” (Garbati 2019 12) and is “invoked in the Kulamuwa inscription (line 16) as the god of Gabbar’s dynasty,” which according to Amadasi 69 Du Mesnil du Buisson (1962 202-203); cf. Kaizer and Raja (2018 304, 309 fig. 45); Raja and Seland (2020 317, § T3, Pl. 10 b). “Judging from their iconography, they all stem from the Roman period; however, their chronology remains fairly broad and is based on a few that are dated by year and span between ad 89 and ad 188 (Colledge 1976, 54)” (Raja 2024 517). 70 Cf. Wuilleumier (1932). In the Tarentine pinakes, Dioscuri hold starred discs, Pirzio Biroli Stefanelli (1977). 71 Cf. the description of the reverse of the Palmyrene tessera (RTP 215) by Raja and Seland (2020 317): “R: A standing horse with bridle, appears to carry an insignia with a star on its back. Below, the symbol of the divine.” 72 Cf. Xella (1991); Lancel (1994 183-189); Xella (1994, 2010); EDPC 2, s. v. Baal Hammon. On this god in the pantheon of Palmyra, Teixidor (1979 12-18). 8 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Guzzo (2019 162) probably betrays a Tyrian influence in the West. In fact, this first mention drew attention to the epithet of Baal, which has been variously interpreted and also pointed to Mount Amanus as a possible origin. 73 The main task now is to collect the many threads that have emerged so far, and this can be achieved with the help of Kühn (2014 48): 1. “The oldest inscription from the Samʾal king Kulamuwa enumerates the tutelary gods of his ancestors (KAI 24: 15–16) and presents Rakkabʾel as the tutelary god of his dynasty.” 2. “Every dynasty seems to have had its own tutelary god: Baʿal Ṣemed (dynasty of Gabbar), Baʿal Hammon (dynasty of Banah), Rakkabʾel (from Hayyan to Bar-Rakkab)” (48 n. 71). 3. “At the same time, the tutelary god of the family remained important for the dynasty. In Samʾal, Rakkabʾel was the god of the dynasty probably from the time of King Hayyan, whose family or clan god he might have been. He was also called the ‘Lord of the House’ (bʿl byt: KAI 24: 16; 214: 22).” As already mentioned, Rakkabʾel is the most important deity in the Samalian pantheon, which is evident both in the name of Bar-Rakib (ca. 730 BC) and in his seal, 74 on which the winged solar disc and the yoke appear together. My working hypothesis is that the ambiguity found first in the Zincirli monuments, which nevertheless testify to a clear Neo-Hittite influence, 75 and then in the royal onomastics, in which Luwian PNN such as Kilamuwa or Panamuwa appear together with Aramaic names, 76 can be resolved in favour of a Luwian basic identity, 77 if one considers that Killa/Killos could be the mythological reference of both kings Kilamuwa and Bar-Rakib, whose names contain an explicit mention of a divine charioteer. Killa- is found in Anatolian onomastics and leads to Mysia/Troad, but also to Sparta, via the fragment by the seventh-century poet Alcman (fr. 212), 78 in which Cyllarus appears as the horse of the Dioscuri. Fig. 6: Yadin (1970 203) 79 73 Xella (1991 147ff.). Tropper (1993 150). 75 Tropper (1993 4-5). 76 “Various languages were used in Sam’al. Luwian was not the official language, although it is found in personal names such as Kulamuwa, perhaps his mother’s name, as well as in the names of the two kings called Panamuwa, a military officer, and Kuttamuwa, an official under king Panumuwa II. Luwian was used until the end of the kingdom, as shown by a signet ring in Luwian of king Barrakib, when Old Aramaic was the official language” (Cornelius 2019 191). 77 “Cependant il faut souligner que la culture louvite se manifeste aussi alors dans la sculpture ainsi que dans l'onomastique des rois tels que Kilamuwa et Panamuwa (I et II), la finale -muwa étant caractéristique de l'onomastique louvite” (Lemaire 2001 186). Cf. Younger (2018 403 n. 97). 78 Calame (1983 173-174, 611). 79 von Luschan (1943 73 and pl. 38b). 74 9 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Spartan Dioscuri or simply Cabiri? Although the janiform head also appears to be depicted on the so-called “Ördekburnu stele,” 80 the conditions of the monument do not allow us to clearly distinguish the motif, about which we can, however, say with the help of KAI 217, that the united heads wear a pilos, i.e. the hat typical of Dioscuri (Gartrell 2021 7, 89). This iconographic aspect of the divine twins has been thoroughly investigated by Gagliano (2018) and is a feature they share on 5th-century Samothracian coins (Schwabacher 1952) 81 with the Cabiri, another pair of heroes equated with the Dioscuri in Greek literature. 82 One solution to the puzzle of the many divine symbols on the Samalian royal inscriptions is to consider the winged sun disc as it appears in other Neo-Hittite inscriptions, i.e. as an emblem of kingship, 83 while the yoke following it on Bar-Rakib’s seal (Fig. 6) can be interpreted as a sign for Killa, the “charioteer god”. The janiform head could stand for the gods of Gabbar, whose name can be viewed from a different perspective, in view of his enigmatic patron god Baʿal Ṣmd. 84 In my article mentioned above, after an overview of Kil(l)a-names in Anatolia, I suggested investigating the connection of Kilamuwa with Mysia, to which this onomastics seems to refer (Papi 2024a 23). The possibility of this interpretation can be supported by the following preliminary considerations: 1) The Luwian seal, which bears the name of the king as pa+ra/i-ki-pa-sa, “(of) Parakipas” (CHLI 576), 85 testifies to the permanence of the Anatolian background of the Samalian dynasty. 2) If one assumes with Cross (1997 67 n. 82) 86 that rkb’l could stand for “the god is a charioteer and not for “charioteer of El,” 87 Killa/Killos is a suitable Anatolian candidate, since he is a deified charioteer. 3) In Papi (2024a 21) I pointed out the co-occurrence of Κιλλαβιας and Τβαραμοτας (her father) in Pamphylia/Rough Cilicia, which proves that Κιλλα is a theonym or a famous GN, since -βιας is known to stand for -piya. Τβαραμοτας is a typical Luwian name, whose second part *-motas- is the known Lydian equivalent of CLuw. *muwatta- (CLL 152). 88 As for the first part, tba- (=twa-?), which is attested in Cilician Τβαρωνις, 89 I have suggested a comparison with Κβαρουης 90 (at Kotenna) 91 and Κβαιερουνις 92 (at Hamaxia) 93 to show that 80 Brandl (2016 49); cf. Lemaire and Sass (2013 68 fig. 11; 71 fig. 12). Yadin (1970 210) recognizes only four symbols in his “schematic restoration of the symbols in the Ordek-bumu monument”: winged sun disk above and below from right to left, crescent moon with disc, yoke, horned cap. 81 IACP 771. 82 Scarpi (2003 II A17, 19; C 26; F 5-6, 9-10). 83 Kübra Ensert (2005, 2006). 84 Tropper (1993 21); Hvidberg-Hansen (2007). Cf. DBMAP E #1050 [https://base-map-polytheisms.humanum.fr/element/1050] where ṣmd is translated as “mace” or “axe”. 85 Friedrich (1957); Liverani (1961 186). Cf. Rakib-ʾEl, the new established vocalisation for rkb’l, usually rendered as Rakkab-ʾEl. 86 KAI3 II 34; “Ein Problem stellt jedoch die in seinem Namen beinhaltete Titulatur des Gottes als ‘Wagenfahrer des El’ oder, alternativ, als ‘göttlicher Wagenfahrer’ dar.” (Novák 2004 333). On rkb’l as “lord of the (royal) house”, Lemaire and Sass (2013 128). 87 van der Toorn (1999). 88 Neumann in (İplikçioğlu, Çelgin, and Çelgin 1992 30). 89 Bean and Mitford (1970 113, §§ 97). 90 Bean and Mitford (1970 32, § 31); Zgusta (1970 § 563a); Adak (2018 220-222). 91 Foss et al. (2023); KON 294, § 594-2. Cf. Adak (2018). 92 Bean and Mitford (1970 81, § 54); LGPN VB 231. 93 Foss, Mitchell, et al. (2020). Zgusta (KON 67, § 53) considers the toponym to be derived from Greek. Cf. Nollé (1987 250-251); Tomaschitz (1998 41). Hamaxia can be compared to Hamaxitos, “a Greek city in the southwestern Troad which was considered to mark the boundary between the Troad and Aeolis. Its territory included the temple of Apollo Smintheus” (Foss, Reger, et al. 2020b). 10 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi such PNN can be parsed as follows: *kba/tba- + ro(n)-, where the second element is the well-known Luvic avatar of Luwian Runta. 4) The first parts of these names, namely *kba-, could be variants of Thebes, corresponding to a different rendering of the /tw/ cluster found for Lycian A and B. 94 The Lycian origin of these names could be confirmed by a PN such as Κβαιμιος, 95 which is attested at both Kadyanda 96 and Pinara. 97 5) As for Τβαραμοτας, the coexistence of *-motas-, which shows a Lydian influence, and *tba-, which is possibly Lycian, could be explained by the assumption that the GN is rooted in Kybiratis, where Killa-names are frequently attested (Papi 2024a 20-22). Moreover, the above name occurs close to the so-called “Kibyra Mikra,” 98 a GN that betrays its origin in Kybiratis. 6) As suggested in Papi (2024a 11-12), the suffix -ra, widely used in Anatolian GNN, also shows its adjectival value in *tbara-, which together with *kilara- (see Κιλλαραμως, at Hamaxia), should refer to Hypoplakian Thebes in a Milyan form (tb- < tw- + -ra as suffix), probably through Lydian mediation. 7) In Papi (2024a 21 n. 178) I invited to compare Hamaxia, the city near Pisasrissos, where the above PNN occur, with Hamaxitos, “a Greek city in the southwestern Troad which was considered to mark the boundary between the Troad and Aeolis. Its territory included the temple of Apollo Smintheus” (Foss, Reger, et al. 2020b). 8) ἁμαξῐτός, the name of the city just mentioned, is a synonym of ἅμαξα, “wagon.” The presence of a temple of Apollo Smintheus in Hamaxitos supports the hypothesis that ṣmd, the epithet of Gabbar’s Baʿal, could have Mylian roots and correspond to the Greek Σμινθεύς. 9) The Samalian gbr 99 could stand for *kbara-, i.e. “Theban”. 100 Beekes (2004 468-469), 101 who thoroughly investigated the etymology of the Greek Κάβειροι, came to the conclusion that the name has a Pre-Greek origin in the form *Kabar(y)-. 10) Y’dy, the oldest name of the Samalian country, could be an ethnonym (Garbini 1956) and mean “Idaeans,” i.e. “inhabitants of Mt. Ida.” 11) The mškbm mentioned in KAI 24 102 as part of the Samalian population can be interpreted as *-kbm, “Gabioi” from *mš-, Mysia. Γάβιοι or Ἄβιοι (Il. 13.6) 103 could be two names for the same mythical people who came from the north and could have settled in Mysia, where the “plain of Apia” (Foss et al. 2022) is attested in Greek sources. 104 12) Kilamuwa’s patronymic ḥyʾ 105 or Ḫaiānu (according to Neo-Assyrian sources), 106 could reflect the Lokrian Αἰάνης (Strabo, 9.4.2), 107 if one considers what Lipiński (2000 236) found about the Semitic Ḥayyān: “In Greek inscriptions from the Syrian steppe , the name is transcribed as Αειανης, Αιαν, Αιανιου. The latter form corresponding to Palmyrene Ḥyny.” 94 Carruba (1980 292-295). SEG 47:1806; LGPN VB 231. 96 Foss, Mitchell, DARMC, Talbert, Gillies, Åhlfeldt, et al. (2017). 97 Foss et al. (2019). 98 Foss, Mitchell, DARMC, Talbert, Gillies, Elliott, and Becker (2017). 99 Cf. Hunger (1998). 100 On the Theban Kabeiroi, Schachter (2005). 101 Cf. Hemberg (1950 318-325). 102 Tropper (1993 39-41; 1994). 103 Reece (2001 38-43); Yordanov (2017 184ff.); Dan (2018 38-43). 104 “Temnon is a mountain that makes the boundary between it [the plain of Kaikos] and what is called the Plain of Apia, which lies in the interior above the Plain of Thebe” (Strabo, 13.1.80-82). Hasluck (1910 88-94); Leaf (1923 344). Cf. Dmitriev (1999 398-401); Nollé (2010 (2012) 85-87). 105 Cf. Younger (2018 401-402). 106 Ambos and Fuchs (2000). “Ha-a-ni, Ha-a-nu, Ha-ia-a-nu or Ha-ia-ni in the annals of Shalmaneser III for 858, 857, and 853 B.C.” (Lipiński 2000 236). 107 Fowler (2000 II 537). 95 11 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi 13) What at first glance sounds mirabile dictu can perhaps be reconciled with the previously assumed Mysian origin of the Samalian dynasty if one goes back to what I wrote in Papi (2023) about the Aeolian Kane and its colonisation by Lokrians according to tradition. Originally Published: March 18, 2024. Abbreviations BoHa 19 = Herbordt (2005). BoHa 22 = Dinçol and Dinçol (2008). CHD = Güterbock and Hoffner (1980-). CHLI = Hawkins (2000). CLL = Melchert (1993). DBMAP = Mapping Ancient Polytheisms Database DGE = Adrados (1980-). EDHIL = Kloekhorst (2008). EDPC 2 = Niehr and Xella (2021). GLyk = Neumann and Tischler (2007). HED = Puhvel (1984-). HEG = Tischler (1977-2016). HF = Zehnder (2010). HKM = Alp (1991). HPN = Marizza e Cammarosano. IACP = Hansen and Nielsen (2004). ICilicie = Dagron and Feissel (1987). IManisa = Malay (1994). ISelge = Nollé and Schindler (1991). KAI3 = Donner and Röllig (1971-1976). KAI = Donner and Röllig (2002). KON = Zgusta (1984). KPN = Zgusta (1964b). LGPN VA = Corsten, Catling, and Ricl (2010). LGPN VB = Balzat et al. (2013). LGPN VC = Balzat et al. (2018). LPG = Houwink ten Cate (1961). LSJ = Liddell and Scott (1996). NH = Laroche (1966). NI = Robert (1963). NP = Melchert (2013). RIMA 3 = Grayson (1996). SEG = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. 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