Ambaris, alias Abbaites, a Mysian son of nobody

Angelo Papi GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Ambaris, alias Abbaites, a Mysian son of nobody The aim of the first version of this study was to provide an initial overview of the traces of a Lydian presence in Tabal and also to prepare the ground for a new perspective on other related topics such as Gordios, 1 the presumed father of Mita from Mušku (Wittke 2004), and the king Ḫartapus (Wittke 2023), who is known through the Luwian inscriptions of KIZILDAĞ 4, § 2, KARADAĞ 1 (Oreshko 2017) and more recently through TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK. 2 Debord (2001 129) The research expanded to other aspects of the Lydian/Mysian interface (Papi 2023b, 2024b) and could now be enriched by a new impulse resulting from the attestation of Αββαίτης, “ethnic used as a name” (SEG 40:1268.A.38), 3 in a Greek inscription found in Lycian Balboura. Abbaites, son of Motalōs 4 would deserve more attention to examine the context in which his name appears, but this is beyond the scope of my research, which will draw on Fraser’s (2000; 2009 104) extensive research on Greek ethnics used as PNN. The Greeks soon learned that foreign slaves from certain areas either bore names that could not be understood or pronounced by them, or bore no names at al1. In the Classical period at least it seems probable that these foreign slaves were called simply by their ethnics. The fact is established already in the early Classical period in Athens, since in Athenian lists of that time, in which slaves occur, they are often identified by their ethnic alone, without an individual name and without the name of their master Simon (2016, 2023). Goedegebuure et al. (2020); Osborne et al. (2020); Adiego (2021); Hawkins and Weeden (2021). 3 Hall and Coulton (1990 112, 118, 124, 135, 140). 4 Hall and Coulton (1990 112, 126, 135, 138). Cf. Valério (2023 265): “Lycian Mutlẽi and Mutli (Melchert 2004: 100) and, in Greek transmission, the following names: Μοταλως, Μοτελλος (Kibyratis-Kabalis), Μοτυλος (Caria), Μωταλης (Cappadocia); the epithet of god Mēn from Lydia, Μοτελ(λ)είτης (nom.), Μοτυλλίτην (acc.) ~ Μοτυλλείτου (gen.) ~ Μοτυλείτη (dat.); Μοταλις, possibly a tribe’s (phyle) name (Phrygia); Μωτολας (Cilicia); and Μυταλιδι, a possible patronymic based on Μυταλιδις in Hipponax’s fragment 42 (Zgusta 1964 §975.1–2; §976; §1005–2; LGPN VC: 303, 307; cf. also Melchert 2013: 34 and Dale 2013: 51, fn. 17).” Réveilhac (2024 482) counts Motalōs among the “laudatory epithets,” the prototype of which is “the Luwian adjective /muwatall(a/i)-/ ‘mighty’.” 1 2 1 Angelo Papi GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT and, though evidence is lacking, the same was no doubt true also in the great cities of the Archaic age, such as Corinth. Thus, a Thracian slave may be called simply Θρᾶιξ, a Scythian Σκύθης, a Carian Κάρ, and so on. This consideration cannot be lightly applied to our case, but it can at least provide an interesting clue for the hypothesis I will develop, namely that Ambaris (< Abbaitis) reflected an ethnic designation, probably a symptom of the humble origins of Ambaris, but also of his father Hulli, whose name I propose to derive from Kollyda, a Lydian toponym. The Lycian case of Abbaitis is remarkable for two reasons: firstly, it comes from an area, Kibyratis, where the Lydian influence was demonstrably noticeable. Secondly, since Ambaris’ father, Hulli, is described as “nobody’s son,” this certainly implies that his ancestors had a low social status. Hawkins (2019) The main obstacle to the application of the above theory is that Abbaitis looks like a Greek toponym, 5 with a typical Hellenic suffix (Redard 1949 166), which, however, goes back to the Hittite Appawiya. 6 As recalled in Papi (2024a 17), Asia is derived from *Assuwiya (Assuwa > *Assuwiya > *Asswiya), 7 and presumably the Mysian Apia/Appia (Ἀπίας πεδίον) 8 is the outcome of *Appa-wa-iya > *Appa-(w)i(y)a 9 > *App(a)ia-. On this basis, a suffix -tis could be reconstructed by analogy to the Lydian adjective śfard- + -ẽt- + -is “Sardian” (LW 203). 10 Formed with -ẽt 11 < *é/ont, 12, the virtual *App(a)iẽtis may account for the different versions of the ethnonym. 5 Strabo 12.8.11: Ἀβαεῖτις; KON 38, 2-1. Cf. Magie (1950 II 782 n. 2); Jones (1971); Drew-Bear et al. (2022 8889). Ἀβαῖται in SEG 53:1357. Ἀββαιεῖται in IG XIV 1121. 6 Gander (2017 269-270, 272); Hawkins (2019 343, 365). 7 Carruba (1964 296); Bryce (1977 28); Talamo (1979 100-101); Carruba (2003 164); Melchert (2003 7); Gander (2015 453-457); Rutherford (2019 169). Cf. *Harduwiya- > *Hardiya- > *Ardia- + ios, Ἀρδιαῖος (Pl. Resp. 615 c-e), LGPN V B 49. 8 Polyb. 5.77.9, Strabo 13.1.70. Cf. Nollé (2010 (2012) 86-87) has recently made it clear that the plain of Apia near Kadoi was the core of the Mysoi Abaitai koinon. 9 cf. CLuv. duwa-, HLuv. tu(wa)-, Lyc. tuwe-, Lyd. -cu(we)- (Jasanoff 2003 98). 10 Cf. ἐξ Ἀζίτων (TAM V 1 317), Azita, Azitta (KON 49-50, § 23-2). 11 Gérard (2005 89); Sasseville (2017 141-142). 12 Melchert (1992 38; 1994; 2000 68-71). Cf. Melchert (2008 58): “∗endo “in(to)” results in [ẽd-] spelled ẽt-.“ “Lydian t spells [d] after a nasal or nasalized vowel” (Melchert 1991 135). The same suffix can also be found in the Lycian language, cf. kbijẽti- (TL 44c, 4); Schürr (2009 107 and n. 5; 2016 177; 2019 187 and n. 6); Oreshko (2021 100 and n. 19); Schürr (2021 268 and n. 45). 2 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi This tentative reconstruction can hold together two important facts: Appawiya is a Hittite/Luwian toponym, and even if we have no evidence between its first appearance in the LBA and Hellenistic Apia, we can assume that the Abbaitis region, although always associated with Mysians (Hansen 1971 183), was nevertheless in contact with Lydia. In this regard, we should bear in mind what Herrmann (2016 103-104) says about the extent of this ethnos according to the available sources: Zu überdenken sind aber auch Fragen der historischen Geographie, auch dieses auf Grund von Aufschlüssen und Anstößen, die das neue Material seit dem Erscheinen von TAM V 1 gebracht hat. Ich meine damit die überraschende Entdeckung, daß zumindest Teile von „Nordostlydien“ – auf jeden Fall in späthellenistischer Zeit – politisch zur Stammesorganisation der Μυσοὶ Ἀββαεῖται gehört haben. Damit hat im Rahmen eines schon in der Antike herausgestellten Mischcharakters dieses Gebietes bzw. seiner Bevölkerung das mysisch-phrygische Element eine stärkere Gewichtung erhalten: Besonders Christian Naour hat in seinen letzten Beiträgen immer wieder kulturelle Beziehungen nach Phrygien hin herausgearbeitet, und er wie auch Thomas Drew-Bear bezeichnen seitdem das ganze Gebiet des mittleren Hermostales und der Katakekaumene konsequent als die südliche Abbaitis, | sprechen ihm also die bisher vorausgesetzte Zugehörigkeit zu Lydien im eigentlichen Sinne ab. Another plain of Apia was located near Thebes in the Troad, where the Mysians were confronted by Lydians and Greeks. The latter expelled them from the coast of Asia Minor, so that, according to Pseudo-Skylax (§ 98), they had to move inland: 13 Past Antandros and downwards from Aiolis, this territory too was previously Mysia as far as Teuthrania, but is now Lydia; and the Mysoi migrated up into the mainland. And there are the following Hellenic cities in it and in Lydia: Astyra, where there is the sanctuary <of Artemis, and> Adramyttion. 14 The second point in favour of the Lydian origin of the toponym Abbaitis is its compatibility with a transmission via the Luwian Tabal to the Sargonic scribes. If Ambaris with his ethnonymic PN, i.e. *Abb(a)iẽtis, moved from Mysia to Tabal, we should first admit that -ie- was reduced to -a-. I have already hinted at this in an earlier article, in which I compared the toponym Kietis with Kate, the name of the Cilician king mentioned in the Neo-Assyrian chronicles. The Mysian Keteians (Papi 2023c), but also the Lokrians from the Aeolian Kane (Papi 2023a), perhaps had more historical connections to Cilicia and Tabal than we would like to admit today. Ambaris Atuna 15 is “a kingdom in Tabal mentioned in royal inscriptions of the Assyrian kings Tiglathpileser III (r. 744-727 BC) and Sargon II (r. 721-705 BC).” The name in Assyrian inscriptions is known only from ethnic names. The capital of this kingdom in Tabal was also called *Atuna, a city often identified as classical Tynna. The identification of *Atuna is not entirely certain and it has been suggested that the city was in the vicinity of Bohça, at KızılırmakBogen, ca. 40 km west of Kayseri, since a Luwian inscription of Kurtis was discovered there; Kurtis might be the Kurtî of *Atuna mentioned in inscriptions of Sargon II (r. 721-705 BC).” 16 Ušḫitti, the name of a king of Atuna, (Bryce 2012 146), father of the above-mentioned Kurtis, 17 attracts attention because we find Ashwa/i- in the Hieroglyphic Luwian epichoric sources (Hawkins Cf. Ghione (1905 54): “Dando uno sguardo complessivo alla provincia della Misia, vediamo come la parte centrale fosse costituita da città suddite di tipo greco, accanto alle quali si stendevano, verso l’interno, alcuni comuni pure sudditi, ma di tipo indigeno; poche antiche città greche, sulla costa del mare, ritenevano ancora una traccia della primiera potenza, conservandosi nella condizione di alleate.” 14 Shipley (2011 75). Cf. Debord (2001 131). 15 RGTC 7/1 35-36; Jasink (1995 144-150); Aro (1998c 104-106); Kossian (2002); Simon (2013). 16 Novotny (2020). Cf. Aro (1998c 104-106). 17 It is not possible to prove, although very likely, that Kurtis of the Luwian inscription of Bohça and Kurtî of Atuna are the same person. Cf. Simon (2013 282-283). 13 3 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi 2000 479; Weeden 2010 41) and Ušḫitti or Ašḫitu in Assyrian (Hawkins and Postgate 1988). Scholars concede that this could be the same person and postulate a substantial convergence of the Hieroglyphic sources with the Assyrian annals (Hawkins 1979 166), but one can go further and assume a connection with the Lydian ethnonym Axiottenos (Herrmann 2016 73-79; Ricl 2016), which is also attested in the form Axittenos (Manganaro 1985 201 e n. 18). Linguistically, Ašḫitu (Aro 1998b) seems to be closest to the Lydian Axi(o)tta, since both the NeoAssyrian and the Lydian versions are expected to retain the intervocalic laryngeal (Simon 2011; 2013 287-288). The toponym and its theonym (Paz de Hoz 1999) are closely associated with the town of Kollyda (Malay and Petzl 2017 135-154), which is about thirty kilometers from Iulia Gordos as the crow flies. The Lydian city of Julia Gordos (Herrmann 1970) is epigraphically linked to the cult of Zeus Porottènos, 18 a deity invoked to protect a particular ethnic group, the Mysian Abbaites tribal confederation, 19 suggesting the existence of a nearby site or the ancient name of the city, such as Porotta. This toponym is the same one used in the chronicles of Sargon II instead of Tabal, namely Bit-Purutaš. 20 It is not clear why a new name for Tabal was used on the Assyrian side (Melville 2010 95 n. 51), characterised by the Semitic prefix bit, “home”, which normally denotes what the Greeks call ethnos (Aro 1998c 98 and n. 570). Is it plausible to see in this an explicit reference to the common ethnic matrix of the kingdoms of Tabal? 21 Perhaps they were receptive to Mušku’s appeal against the Assyrians (Lanfranchi 1988) because they were inspired by an ethnic kinship (Börker-Klähn 1997). In other words, Bit-Purutaš could be the banner that Sargon II used with Ambaris (Aro 1998a), the son of Hulli (Melville 2010 93, 103), to revive a coalition in Tabal, but this time against Mita of Mušku (Melville 2016 143-146). 22 The land of Bit-Purutaš (Aro 1998c 97-98) was given to Ambaris, the son of Hulli. 23 Although he and his father had been deported to Assyria by Shalmaneser V , he had been able to win the trust of his successor Sargon II and returned home with honour thanks to him. He followed his father to the throne and married Sargon’s daughter (Bryce 2009; 2012 279). The princess’ dowry was the land of Hilakku, a sign that it bordered the territory of Ambaris (Lemaire 2000 58). Ambaris’ fate came to a final collapse in 713, when he was again deported to Assyria for treason after entering into an alliance with Rusa of Urartu and Mita of Mušku (Jasink 1995 183), but in the meantime he had enjoyed the favour of the Assyrian king, who bestowed upon him the title “King of Bit-Purutaš.” Why so much concern for the traitor and his son if they had not been the leaders of a “federation”? Ambaris 24 could be the Neo-Assyrian and/or Luwian adaptation of Abbaitis/*Abb(a)iẽtis, the Mysian ethnos that gathered around Zeus Porottènos in Hellenistic times. From a linguistic point of view, the Mysian Abbaitis may have been transmitted in a Luwian context as *Abb(a)ris, given the well-known Luwian rhotacization. A later dissimilation of geminates, which is attested in NeoMa (1999 358-359, 248); Herrmann (2016 54-59). Robert and Robert (1984 484-487); Nollé (2010 (2012) 81); Thonemann (2022 12-20). 20 The area between Kululu-Sultanhan-Kültepe was defined by historians as “Tabal in the strict sense” at the time of Sargon II. Cf. Hawkins (1979 161); Jasink (1995 128); Hawkins (2000 427). 21 “In den meisten Abhandlungen ist Bit-Purutaš mit dem von Wasusarmas/Wassurme beherrschten Territorium von Tabal gleichgesetzt worden, doch ist der Ursprung dieses Toponym bisher nicht zufriedenstellend geklärt worden. In A26 und A30 bekommt -puruta/paruta einen Personendeterminativ, was eigentlich dafür spricht, daß es einen Dynastiegründer dieses Namens gegeben haben sollte“ (Aro 1998c 97-98). Cf. Hawkins (2000 427 n. 40). 22 A reading of the conflicts in Tabal that attaches no importance to the adoption of an alternative dynastic name would underestimate the significance of royal titles, especially for those who, like Hulli and Ambaris, were interested in accrediting themselves as new rulers. See the considerations of Aro (1998c 133) and Weeden (2010 42-43, 59). 23 Hulli, “nobody’s son”, held the land of Tabal on behalf of the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser (Hawkins 1979 161; Aro 1998c 130). He had replaced the rebel Wassurme/Wasusarmas (Jasink 1995 132, 178). 24 Ambaris (mam-ba-ri-is); Amris (mam-ri-is); Amriš (mam-ri-iš). 18 19 4 Angelo Papi GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Assyrian sources, 25 would explain the development from an intermediate form *Abb(a)ris to the final versions Ambaris/Ambris. If the name Ambaris corresponds to a Mysian ethnonym, 26 we should seriously consider whether Kurtî, 27 the king of Atuna, who received Sinuhtu from the hands of Sargon II in 718 28 and took over Bit-Purutaš in 709, 29 belonged to the same ethnos. Ambaris and Kurtî are both favoured by the Assyrian king, the first becomes his son-in-law, the second is tolerated in his autonomy, 30 both finally conspire against him in 713 despite the favour they have received. For a new interpretation of the PN Kurtî, its connection to Gordios and to Mysia in a broader perspective, I invite to refer to my contribution on this topic (Papi 2024a). Kaye (2023 194) Hulli from Kollyda? Having suggested a Mysian candidate for Ambaris, I would like to draw attention to his father Hulli, who was described by Sargon II as “son of nobody,” and in line with the above premises we should focus on a toponym that could explain the PN. Kollyda (Drew-Bear et al. 2012) seems to agree with Hulli(ya), 31 given the phonetic value of the Lydian /d/, which should correspond to an interdental fricative (Melchert 1994; Oreshko 2019). If we agree with what Naour (1981 12) said about the cultural unity of the regions north and south of Simav Dağı (ancient Temnos), namely that “la région au Sud de la montagne appartenait au même pays que celle située au Nord, et formait une unité culturelle,” 32 then Kollyda has strong ties to Lipiński (2001 182) mentions the dissimilation of “the name of the Aramaean tribe Gabbūl,” which “appears as Ga-am-bu-lu.” Cf. Lipiński (1993 160; 2000 472-479; 2004 32; 2006 441). 26 Musa is one of the toponyms mentioned by Yariris, the scribe of Carchemish at the end of the ninth century BC (Simon 2012). It is thought to correspond to the classical Mysia (Widmer 2004 198). 27 Galil (1992 56-57). 28 Weeden (2010 41); Fuchs (2017 255). 29 Postgate (1973 25); Hawkins (2000 428, 432 n. 75). 30 Melville (2010 95-96). 31 Weeden (2010 54 n. 92). See Malidos instead of Maliya (Fowler 2000 I 195, § 1112a). 32 Cf. Herrmann (2016 81 and n. 1). 25 5 GENESIS HYPERTEXT PROJECT Angelo Papi Abbaitis (thus to Ambaris?), even if it lies south of Temnos. In addition, the proximity of Kollyda and Tabala 33 could lead to the assumption that the petty kingdoms of Tabal are the result of a migration documented by KIZILDAĞ 4, § 2, which, according to the reinterpretation of Oreshko (2017), would have brought people from Masa, from Mysia Abbaitis (?), to the region between Kululu-Sultanhan-Kültepe. 34 The origin of these peoples could be *Porotta, 35 probably the same Iulia Gordos (BATL 56 G4), thirty kilometres as the crow flies north of Satala, the ancient city of the Lydian “Burnt Lands” (Katakekaumene), 36 an area of volcanic origin known for the production of pozzolan (Jackson 2014 154; Oleson 2014 17-18). It is interesting to note that *Porotta may ultimately be derived from the Hittite purut- “clay,” 37 which would confirm the Lydian/Mysian origin of Purutaš, which probably referred to a “mass of buildings made of mudbricks” (CHD P 396-397, s. v. purut-). Originally Published: October 22, 2023 Last Updated: April 28, 2024 Abbreviations BATL = Talbert (2000). CHD = Güterbock and Hoffner (1980-). KON = (Zgusta 1984).< KPN = Zgusta (1964). LGPN VB = Balzat et al. (2013). LGPN VC = Balzat et al. (2018). LW = Gusmani (1964). RGTC 7/1 = Bagg (2007-2020). SEG = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. TAM V 1 = Herrmann (1981). TL = Kalinka (1901). Bibliography Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier. 2021. "Observacions sobre la nova inscripció lúvia jeroglífica del gran rei Hartapu (TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK 1)." In "Sentido de un empeño". Homenatge a Gregorio del Olmo Lete, edited by Lluís Feliu Mateu and Jordi Vidal, 13-22. Barcelona: Edicions Universitat Barcelona. Aro, Sanna. 1998a. "Ambaris." 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