WORKING PAPER SERIES

FINDING HOME:
EXPLORING MUSLIM SETTLEMENT
IN THE TORONTO CMA

Silvia D’Addario,
Jeremy Kowalski,
Maryse Lemoine, and
Valerie Preston

CERIS Working Paper No. 68

October 2008

Series Editor for 2008/09

Michael J. Doucet, PhD
Department of Geography
Ryerson University
350 Victoria Street
Toronto, Ontario
M5B 2K3
[email protected]

CERIS – The Ontario Metropolis Centre

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 Finding Home: Exploring Muslim Settlement in the Toronto CMA1

Silvia D’Addario
E-mail: [email protected]

Jeremy Kowalski,
E-mail: [email protected]

Maryse Lemoine,
E-mail: [email protected]

Valerie Preston
E-mail: [email protected]

Department of Geography
York University
4700 Keele Street
Toronto, ON
M3J 1P3

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Toronto is home to a growing Muslim population that has arrived in large numbers since the
1990s. The Muslim population is diverse, coming from many different regions of birth. Migration
from Europe and East Africa has been replaced by the migration of Muslims coming from South and
West Asia. Despite the growing presence of Canadian Muslims, little recent geographical research
has examined the settlement experiences of Muslim Canadians. In Canada, we know little about the
ways by which religion has shaped the settlement patterns and experiences of recent Muslim
immigrants. Through a detailed case study of Muslim settlement in the Toronto metropolitan area,
we aim to illustrate the inherent diversity of those who identify as Muslim and examine the ways
that religion, specifically, proximity to places of worship, influences the settlement patterns of
Muslims in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area (CMA). We examine the residential segregation
of Muslims and through a case study of one mosque, the reasons that immigrants may locate near
a religious establishment.

The paper begins with an examination of the social characteristics of Muslims, paying
particular attention to the diversity of the Muslim population in terms of its countries of origin and
several social characteristics. The second section examines the spatial distributions of Muslims in

1
Information used in this working paper is drawn from census tabulations made available through the Data
Liberation Initiative and the Gender and W ork Database at York University developed by Leah Vosko.

i
Toronto, underscoring the population’s varied settlement patterns and the proximity of some Muslim
concentrations to mosques. The last section explores the significance of mosques for some Muslims
through a case study of the Bai’tul Islam Mosque which was constructed by the Ahmadiyya Muslim
Movement in Islam in the Toronto metropolitan area.

Findings:

A recent immigrant group, Muslims are younger than the average Toronto resident and live
in households that include an above-average number of children. Better-educated than the average
immigrant, the majority of Muslim immigrants are fluent in at least one of Canada’s official
languages. Despite their educational attainments and language fluency, many Muslims are
marginalized in the labour market. This is particularly true for Muslim immigrant women who are
over-represented in sales and service occupations and under-represented in managerial and
professional occupations.

Our research shows only moderate segregation of Muslims in the Toronto metropolitan area.
Dispersed throughout the metropolitan area, in suburban and central locations, Muslims are not
isolated from other residents of the metropolitan area. Compared with other ethno-religious groups,
such as Jews, the Muslim population in Toronto is only moderately segregated. The diversity of the
Muslim population probably contributes to its low levels of segregation. Levels of residential
segregation vary on the basis of birthplace and period of arrival. Muslims born in Afghanistan and
Bangladesh are more likely to be segregated than those from Iran and Pakistan. Our preliminary
findings for the Toronto CMA underscore the heterogeneity of the Muslim population.

The case study in suburban Toronto indicates that recent newcomers often seek mutual aid
and the social support of religious groups with which they affiliate, a well-known process that often
results in residential concentrations that are segregated from other ethnic and religious groups in the
community. Although this process of concentration is often interpreted as a turning away from the
rest of the society in which immigrants are settling, our analysis suggests an alternative
interpretation. At the Ahmadiyya Muslim Peace Village in the City of Vaughan, Muslims
concentrate around the mosque to facilitate activities that make them and their religious beliefs and
practices better known to a larger public. Locating around a mosque, Muslim immigrants seek to
signify their presence in Canada and willingness to engage with other Canadians.

The empirical findings about Muslims in the Toronto metropolitan area underscore the
heterogeneity of this religious group. In Toronto, the Muslim population and its settlement patterns
are varied. More research that provides information about other adherents of Islam and Muslims
from other countries of birth is needed, however, in order to understand fully their settlement
patterns. Our initial findings provide additional evidence that there are many reasons why Muslims
live near each other. Even in an officially multicultural society, such as Canada, the residential
concentration of an immigrant group may arise for a variety of reasons that include the imperative
to sustain religious, cultural, and social practices; the desire to mark the presence of Muslims in a
hostile and discriminatory environment; and the commitment to develop facilities and activities that

ii
will allow Muslims to inform the larger public about Islam. The analysis points to the critical role
that religion, places of worship, and the social support that often follows can play in the settlement
patterns of immigrants to Canada.

KEY WORDS: Muslim, Toronto, Residential concentration, Mosque, Religious Diversity,

Ahmadiyya community, Social Support, Gender.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors would like to acknowledge Statistics Canada and the Gender and Work Database
for providing the data for this paper. This research benefited from the comments offered by various
audience members when the paper was presented in its earlier drafts at the National Metropolis
Conference in 2007 and 2008. We would also like to thank Naseer Ahmed for his account of the
building of the Ahmadiyya Muslim community and also for his suggestions and comments regarding
the content of this paper. A final note of appreciation to Michael Doucet for his helpful comments
and suggestions.

iii
 Table of Contents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i

KEY WORDS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii

INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 1

RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND IMMIGRATION: IMPLICATIONS

FOR CANADIAN MUSLIMS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 2

MUSLIMS IN THE TORONTO CENSUS METROPOLITAN AREA (CMA).. . . . . . . . . Page 4

SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MUSLIMS IN TORONTO. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 7

RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF MUSLIMS IN THE TORONTO CMA. . . . . . . . . . Page 9

IMMIGRANTS FROM PAKISTAN.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 13

MOSQUES, COMMUNITY AND IDENTITY: A CASE STUDY

OF “PEACE VILLAGE”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 18

CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 24

REFERENCES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 26

iv
 Page 1

INTRODUCTION

Canada is not a melting pot in which the individuality of each element is destroyed
in order to produce a new and totally different element. It is rather a garden into
which have been transplanted the hardiest and brightest flowers from many lands,
each retaining in its new environment the best of qualities for which it was loved and
prized in its native land – John Diefenbaker (Prime Minister of Canada, 1957-1963)

As the prescient quote from John Diefenbaker (as quoted in James 2005, 12) suggests, the
contemporary Canadian landscape is being transformed by immigrant settlement. In the Toronto
metropolitan area alone, there are “more than 2 million immigrants drawn from every region of the
world” (Preston et al. 2005, 91) who account for approximately 44 per cent of Toronto’s population.
As the number of immigrants has increased and their countries of origin have diversified, religion
has emerged once again as an important basis of identity in Canada as it has in the United Kingdom
and many European countries (Peach 2006, Vertovec 2002). In Canada, immigration has
contributed significantly to the rapid growth of Muslims whose numbers more than doubled between
1991 and 2001 (Statistics Canada 2003a).

The politicization of Islam that began during the 1991 Gulf War and was heightened by the
events of September 11, 2001 has drawn increasing and often unwelcome attention to Canada’s
Muslim population (Arat-Koc 2006, Abu-Laban and Alladin 1991, Kashmeri 1991). Many
Canadian Muslims feel that they live in a hostile and threatening society (Arat-Koc 2006, Kashmeri
1991) in which they are viewed as threats to the security of Canadian society, targeted by anti-
terrorist legislation, CSIS, and the police. Misunderstanding and suspicion touches the most
intimate aspects of Canadian Muslims’ lives when the roles of women and gender relations within
Muslim households are caricatured (Kashmeri 1991). In addition to vandalism of mosques and
community centres, many Muslims have been harassed in their daily lives. The popular media have
underscored differences between Canadian Muslims and other Canadians (Arat-Koc 2006, Abu-
Laban, 1991), sometimes implying that Muslim Canadians wish to live separately from other
Canadians, isolating themselves to retain and possibly promote distinct religious practices and
lifestyles.

Despite the growing presence of Canadian Muslims, their feelings of being under siege, and
the growing emphasis on security in all government activities, little recent geographical research has
examined the settlement experiences of Muslim Canadians. In Canada, until quite recently, we have
known very little about the ways in which religion has shaped the settlement patterns and
experiences of recent Muslim immigrants (Agrawal and Qadeer 2008). Research elsewhere
(Ehrkamp 2006, Peach 2002, 2006) suggests that participation in religious activities may connect
immigrants with social networks that help ease them into their new environment (Jedwab, 2008;
Statistics Canada, 2000). A few case studies (Isin and Siemiatycki 2002; Qadeer 2003; Agrawal and
Qadeer 2008) confirm that Canadian mosques, like their Australian German, and British
counterparts (Dunn 2001, 2004, Ehrkamp 2005, Gale and Naylor 2002) also serve an important
symbolic function, marking the presence of Muslim communities in Canadian society.
Page 2

Through a detailed case study of Muslim settlement in the Toronto metropolitan area, we aim
to illustrate the inherent diversity of those who identify as Muslim and examine the ways that
religion, specifically, proximity to places of worship, influences the settlement patterns of Muslims
in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area (CMA). We examine the residential segregation of
Muslims and, through a case study of one mosque, the reasons why immigrants may locate near a
religious establishment. Our findings confirm that recent newcomers often seek mutual aid and the
social support of religious groups with which they affiliate, a well known process that often results
in residential concentrations that are segregated from other ethnic and religious groups in the
community. Although this process of concentration is often interpreted as a turning away from the
rest of the society in which immigrants are settling, our analysis of one residential concentration
suggests an alternative interpretation. By locating around a mosque, Muslim immigrants seek to
signify their presence in Canada and their willingness to engage, at least on their own terms, with
other Canadians.

The paper begins with an examination of the social characteristics of Muslims, with special
attention paid to the diversity of the Muslim population in terms of its countries of origin and several
social characteristics. In the second section, the spatial distribution of Muslims in Toronto is
examined, underscoring the population’s varied settlement patterns and the proximity of some
Muslim concentrations to mosques. Finally, the significance of mosques for some Muslims is
explored through a case study of the Bai’tul Islam mosque which was constructed in the City of
Vaughan by the Ahmadiyya Muslim Movement in Islam.

RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND IMMIGRATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR

CANADIAN MUSLIMS

The current alienation of many Muslim Canadians stands in stark contrast to the promise of
multiculturalism in Canada. Indeed, the Canadian government has recognised the need for
acceptance of cultural difference in official legislation that reflects and reinforces a multicultural
ideology. This legislation has served as the foundation for policies designed to meet three goals:
1) the preservation and enhancement of the multicultural heritage of Canadians; 2) the promotion
of full participation in the economic, social, and political life of Canada by all Canadians; and 3) the
encouragement of mutual understanding among Canadians from all ethnic and racial backgrounds
(James 2005). Although multiculturalism as a national ideology provides a normative framework,
its transformation into material multiculturalism and its local expression always have been found
to be geographically and spatially contingent.

At the local level, researchers have recognized that religious institutions often play important
roles in immigrant settlement (Breton et al. 1990; Frideres 1997; Agrawal and Qadeer 2008). A
familiar religious setting often provides emotional support during the disruption that is an inevitable
aspect of settling in a different society. Many religious establishments have developed and now
house crucial settlement services such as language training, job skills training, and counselling
 Page 3

(Siemiatycki et al. 2003). Religious practices may also facilitate the retention of language and
customs and their transmission to the children and grandchildren of immigrants.

Geographers have paid little attention to the impact of religion on immigrant settlement.
Immigrants’ desires to live near social institutions, such as religious establishments, often have been
cited as an important reason for residential concentration, however, only a few researchers have
investigated how religion influences immigrants’ settlement patterns (Ghosh 2005; Peach 2006) and
even fewer have considered the settlement patterns of Muslims. Nevertheless, three trends can be
gleaned from these studies.

The Muslim population is heterogeneous in terms of its countries of birth, language, cultural
practices, and even, religious practices. In London, England, approximately two-thirds of Muslims
are from South Asia, while the remaining third includes converts born in Britain and immigrants
who originate from almost every major world region (Peach 2006). The same diversity is found in
Canadian cities where Canadian-born Muslims are outnumbered by Muslim immigrants from Africa,
the Caribbean, Southeast Asia, East Asia, and Europe, as well as South Asia (Abu-Laban 1991).
Canadian cities are home to adherents of all sects of Islam, including Shia, Sunni, Ismaili, and
Ahmadi.

The diversity of the Muslim population often reduces its overall segregation (Peach 2006;
Ghosh 2005). In London, England, Sikhs and Jews have been identified as the most segregated
religious groups, while Muslims, when taken as a single group, were found to have low to moderate
levels of segregation from other religious groups (Peach 2006). Similar trends in segregation are
evident in Canadian cities, where Jews persistently have been discovered to be more segregated than
any other ethnic or visible-minority group (Balakrishnan and Gyimah 2003). Among South Asians,
a group that includes many Muslims, segregation in Canada’s largest urban areas decreased slightly
during the 1990s (Balakrishnan 2001), just as it did in Bradford and Leeds in the United Kingdom
(Phillips et al. 2007).

Research that takes account of the linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity of the Muslim
population in each of these cities has revealed complex patterns of segregation for Muslims. For
example, Bangladeshis have been identified as the most segregated Muslim group in London, while
Indian and Pakistani Muslims often were found to live in close proximity to each other (Peach
2006). In Bradford and Leeds, England, Pakistani and Bangladeshi immigrants have been found to
cluster in central neighbourhoods, while Indian immigrants have a more dispersed and suburban
settlement pattern (Phillips et al. 2007). In Canada, Bangladeshis, who are mainly Muslim, also
have been found to be concentrated in the central part of the Toronto metropolitan area (Ghosh
2005), while immigrants born in India have been more likely to be dispersed across the metropolitan
area, particularly in the suburbs adjacent to the City of Toronto.

Case studies that provide some insight into the processes that result in these complex patterns
of residential settlement also raise questions about the desire of Muslims to live in homogeneous
residential concentrations. For some Muslims, locating near a mosque is a crucial consideration
when deciding on a place of residence. In Leeds and Bradford, England, Phillips et al. (2007) found
that some Muslim residents preferred to live in existing central concentrations to maintain their
Page 4

involvement in activities at mosques and their social ties to other Muslims. Moving away from the
mosques to suburban locations would threaten their capacity to practice their religion and the ability
of their children to learn about Islam. Younger Muslims, particularly young women and educated
professionals, were more comfortable living far from the mosque in ethnically mixed residential
settings. Indeed, some stated a strong preference for living outside existing residential
concentrations of Muslims to avoid so-called traditional social practices and informal social
controls.

Based on findings in the United Kingdom and one case study in Toronto, we expect that the
residential patterns of Muslims in the Toronto metropolitan will be diverse, reflecting the diverse
countries of origin of Muslims living in the metropolitan area and their adherence to diverse sects
of Islam. To explore the impacts of these factors on the residential distributions of Muslims, we
begin by outlining briefly the social characteristics of the Muslim population in the Toronto
metropolitan area. We describe the growth in the numbers of Muslims, their periods of arrival in
Canada, and their places of origin before outlining basic demographic and social characteristics of
Muslims living in the Toronto metropolitan area. Drawing on census information, the spatial
distributions of Muslims in the metropolitan area are examined in detail. Specifically the residential
patterns of the largest group of Muslim immigrants; those from Pakistan, are compared, and their
proximity to mosques is evaluated. A qualitative case study of the community locating around one
mosque allowed us to explore the reasons why some Muslims have chosen to live near places of
worship. In the process, we also examined the extent to which residential concentration has been
employed as a strategy to maintain separation or as one intended to mark the group’s presence in
Canadian society.

MUSLIMS IN THE TORONTO CENSUS METROPOLITAN AREA (CMA)

In 2001, the Toronto CMA had a population of 4,647,844 of which 256,181 people identified
as Muslim,2 approximately half of the Muslim population of 579,600 in Canada at that time. In
Toronto, the Muslim population is mainly foreign-born, with immigrants accounting for 78 per cent
of the total Muslim population in the CMA.3 The recent arrival of Muslim immigrants has been due,
in part, to the removal of racial, cultural, and religious barriers that once prevented their entry into
Canada. This change came about through the introduction of the points system in the 1960s which
placed more weight on educational attainments, work history, and occupation as selection criteria,
along with Canada’s refugee policies that welcomed specific groups of Muslims, such as the Ismailis

2
Analysis was carried out using data from the Canadian 2001 Census in which Muslim refers to Sunnis, Shi’as and
Sufis, Ahmadis, Druzes, and Ismailis. The last three groups often do not consider themselves as Muslims and they
are not always considered to be Muslims by other Muslims (Israel n.d). This broad definition adds to the
heterogeneity of the Muslim population in Canada. Note that the 2006 census contains no information about religion.
3
This number includes both permanent (75 per cent) and non-permanent immigrants (3 per cent).
 Page 5

who fled Uganda (Li 2003). Not surprisingly, then, a considerable proportion of Toronto’s Muslim
population, 44.1 per cent, arrived between 1996 and 2001 (Table 1).

Table 1: Period of Arrival for Muslim Immigrants in the Toronto CMA, 2001

% N
Before 1961 .01 221
1961-1970 2.1 4,025
1971-1980 12.1 23,168
1981-1990 18.3 34,888
1991-1995 23.2 44,273
1996-2001 44.1 84,002

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001.

Recent increases in the numbers of Muslims settling in Canada can be associated with shifts
in the main source countries for Muslims (Table 2). South Asia (including India) and West Asia are
now the most frequent places of birth for Muslim immigrants, the origins of more than 40 per cent
and 35 per cent, respectively, of all Muslim immigrants to the Toronto CMA.4 Muslim migration
from East Africa has declined precipitously, while migration from Europe has largely ceased.

Table 2: Period of Arrival for Muslim Immigrants in the Toronto CMA

by Region of Birth, 2001 (N=174,043)

Period of
Arrival Region of Birth
West South Southeast East Other
Europe Asia India Asia China Asia Africa Africa
Before 1961 66.5 0.0 0.0 16.7 0.0 0.0 16.7 0.0
1961-1970 8.3 16.5 15.6 21.1 1.8 3.7 1.8 6.4
1971-1980 3.0 9.6 14.2 18.2 0.2 0.6 27.8 8.1
1981-1990 2.2 33.3 7.3 16.7 0.4 0.8 19.8 3.2
1991-1995 4.3 35.8 6.3 23.1 0.3 0.8 18.4 4.2
1996-2001 4.8 35.3 7.1 41.4 0.2 0.5 4.3 3.2
N 7,883 60,004 15,166 55918 518 1,370 25,194 7,990
% 4.5% 34.5% 8.7% 32.1% 0.003% 0.1% 14.5% 4.5%

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001.

4
The manner in which ‘regions’ have been divided is problematic and is a contentious topic amongst researchers.
See Appendix A for a full list of the specific countries that are included in Place of Birth ‘regions.’
Page 6

Another indication of the diversity of Toronto’s Muslim population comes from their
identification as visible minorities (Figure 1). Although many Muslims living in the Toronto CMA
identify as visible minorities,5 place of birth influences identification with a specific visible minority
group. In the Toronto CMA, the vast majority of Muslims born in South Asia and India identify
themselves as ‘South Asian.’ Visible-minority status is more complicated among Muslims born in
other regions. Close to half of all Muslims born in South and Central America, Southeast Asia, East
Africa, and Canada also identified themselves as South Asians for the 2001 Census. Among
Muslims born in Africa and West Asia, other visible-minority designations, such as Arab and West
Asian, were common. Muslims born in China were the only group of Canadian Muslims who were
likely to claim a Chinese origin in 2001, while Muslims born in Europe also were the only Muslim
group in which a majority did not self-identify as belonging to a visible minority.

Figure 1

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001.

5
Isajiw (1999) has criticized the term ‘visible minority’ for being non-symmetrical using a benchmark of
‘whiteness’ as the normal identifier in Canada. Please see Isajiw (1999) for a fuller discussion on this topic.
 Page 7

SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MUSLIMS IN TORONTO

Almost equally divided between men and women, the Muslim population in the Toronto
metropolitan area is much younger than the population as a whole (Table 3). Almost one-third (31
per cent) of the Muslim population was under the age of fifteen in 2001, while only 6 per cent was
over the age of 60 years. Muslims born in Canada were even more youthful, with 80 per cent under
the age of 15 years and 98 per cent under the age of 29 years.

Table 3: Age Distribution for All Muslims in the Toronto CMA, 2001

Female Male Total

Age
0-15 31.2 30.5 30.9
16-29 22.7 21.1 21.9
30-45 27.6 28.7 28.1
46-60 12.2 14.4 13.3
61-85 6.3 5.3 5.8
N 125,793 130,388 256,181

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001.

The youthfulness of the Muslim population in the Toronto CMA is reflected in large households.
Among Muslims, 33 per cent of households contained at least five people in 2001, while only 18
per cent of Canadian-born households and 15 per cent of immigrant households had five or more
members at that time.

Immigrant Muslim men and women are better educated than the average Canadian adult in
the Toronto CMA. On average, immigrant Muslim men and women have higher levels of
educational attainment than the total adult population over the age of 15 years and than all
immigrant men and women in the metropolitan area (Figure 2). According to the 2001 Census,
more than a third of immigrant men who were Muslims, 37 per cent, had attended university, while
less than 5.4 per cent had not graduated from high school. Underscoring the impressive educational
qualifications of Muslim immigrant men, about 1 in 10 had some post-graduate education as
compared to 1 in 20 for all people over the age of 15 years in the Toronto CMA. Immigrant Muslim
women were almost as well educated as their male counterparts, and their educational attainments
often were greater than those of all immigrant women in the metropolitan area. Approximately one
third of immigrant Muslim women, 32 per cent, had attended university and another third had
graduated from high school. Although higher than the percentage for immigrant Muslim men, the
percentage of Muslim immigrant women who had not completed high school, approximately 11 per
cent, was smaller than the equivalent figure for all immigrant women in the metropolitan area.
Page 8

Figure 2

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001.

The exceptional educational achievements of immigrant men and women who are Muslims
are reflected in their knowledge of Canada’s official languages. The vast majority speak at least one
official language. In 2001, 88 per cent reported some knowledge of English.6 Again, consistent with
Muslim immigrant women’s educational achievements, knowledge of English did not differ much
between Muslim immigrant men and women.

Despite their educational attainments and fluency in English, Muslim immigrant women in
the Toronto CMA displayed low levels of labour-force participation in 2001. Almost half of all
immigrant Muslim women, 49 per cent, were not in the labour force at that time, compared with 43
per cent of immigrant women and 31 per cent of Canadian-born women in the metropolitan area.
Immigrant Muslim men also were less likely than immigrant and Canadian-born men to be in the
labour force in 2001, however, the differences in labour force participation rates were much lower
for immigrant Muslim men than for immigrant Muslim women. They ranged from a high labour

6
This figure did not change substantially when Muslims were disaggregated either by immigrant and non-
immigrant status or by gender.
 Page 9

force participation rate of approximately 75 per cent for Canadian-born men to slightly under 70 per
cent for all immigrant men and for Muslim immigrant men.

The occupations of many Muslim immigrants provide additional evidence that they have
been marginalized in the labour market. Despite their educational achievements, Muslim immigrant
women were concentrated in clerical and sales and service occupations in 2001, occupations that
often were poorly paid and frequently insecure (Figure 3). At the other end of the occupational
hierarchy, fewer than 1 in 10 of immigrant Muslim women were working as senior and middle
managers in 2001, and fewer than 15 per cent were professionals despite the high proportions who
held at least one university degree. Although Muslim immigrant men also were over-represented
in poorly paid sales and semi-skilled manual jobs, many more immigrant Muslim men than
immigrant Muslim women were working in professional and technical occupations in 2001, and the
percentages of immigrant Muslim men in these occupations were similar to those for Canadian-born
and all immigrant men. More than 20 per cent of Muslim men were professionals, compared with
slightly less than 20 per cent of Canadian-born and immigrant men.

RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF MUSLIMS IN THE TORONTO CMA

The economic marginalization of Toronto’s Muslim population, its youthfulness, and its
diversity can influence where Muslims settle within the metropolitan area. Moreover, the group’s
social diversity may serve to reduce the overall segregation of the Muslim community. To explore
this expectation, two measures of residential concentration were evaluated. Following Logan, Alba,
and Zhang (2002) and Allen and Turner (2005), we defined a residential concentration as a census
tract where the percentage of a group exceeded a threshold set at five times the metropolitan
percentage of the group. For Muslims, that threshold was 27.1 per cent, since 5.4 per cent of the
population in the Toronto metropolitan area was Muslim in 2001. To evaluate the degree of
residential concentration, we also draw on the typology developed by Johnston, Poulsen, and Forrest
(2006) that examines residential patterns at a more detailed geographic scale, the dissemination area.
Dissemination areas are much smaller than census tracts, with typical populations of 400 to 700,
compared to the usual figure of 2,500 to 8,000 that is associated with census tracts. The most
extreme form of spatial segregation occurs in a ghetto where a single group represents 60 per cent
of a dissemination area’s population, and at least 30 per cent of the group lives in those areas. In the
case of enclaves, minority ethnic groups form the majority of an area. If one group accounts for 46-
100 per cent of the total population, the enclave is polarized.
Page 10

Figure 3

Source: Statistics Canada, 2001.

The description of Muslim residential patterns is influenced by the amount of information

available in the Canadian census. Canadian census information does not identify the adherents of
different branches of Islam, so Muslims were disaggregated on the basis of country of birth. As a
result, some Muslim groups, such as Indo-Caribbean Muslims, were omitted, while adherents from
 Page 11

different branches of Islam were likely combined. For example, Pakistanis who comprise the largest
population of Muslims in the Toronto CMA are mainly Sunnis, however their numbers also include
a sizeable Shia population. The analysis excludes Canadian-born Muslims for two reasons. As
mentioned earlier, the vast majority, 78 per cent of all Muslims living in the CMA in 2001, were
foreign-born. Clearly, the advantages and disadvantages of residential concentration are different
for the foreign-born and their descendants (Philips et al. 2007).

Analysis of the 2001 census data revealed that there were few residential concentrations of
Muslims in Toronto (Figure 4). At that time, only 8.6 per cent of Muslims lived in census tracts
where the percentage of Muslims exceeded the threshold of 27.1 per cent required by Logan, Alba,
and Zhang (2002) for a residential concentration. When looking at the degree of concentration in
more detail, comparison with the definition of a ghetto proposed by Johnston, et al. (2006) revealed
no Muslim ghettos in the metropolitan area. Muslims rarely accounted for more than 60 per cent
of the population in any dissemination area, and far less than 30 per cent of all Muslims lived in such
concentrations in 2001. Within the Toronto metropolitan area, few Muslims lived in enclaves. Only
3.5 per cent of Muslims lived in dissemination areas where they represented more than 60 per cent
of the population, and another 1.8 per cent live in a polarized enclave where 46 to 60 per cent of
residents were Muslims. The vast majority of Muslims lived in dissemination areas where they
accounted for less than 45 per cent of the population.

The dissimilarity index (D)7 that indicates the share of individuals who would have to
relocate to achieve an even spatial distribution (Joassart-Marcelli, et al. 2005) confirms that there
is only moderate segregation of Muslims in the Toronto metropolitan area (Massey and Denton
1993). Indeed, the level of segregation of all Muslims in the Toronto CMA was only 0.39 when
Muslims were compared to all non-Muslims (Table 4). When the residential pattern of Muslims was
compared with those of other religious groups, the values of the dissimilarity index confirmed
moderate levels of segregation between Muslims and Catholics, the largest Christian group, and
between Muslims and two smaller religious groups, Hindus and Buddhists. The moderate level of
segregation between Hindus and Muslims is noteworthy, showing no evidence of the animosity that
sometimes characterizes relations between the two groups in their countries of origin. In contrast,
Muslims in the CMA are highly segregated from Jews and Sikhs. The segregation of Muslim
immigrants from Jews largely reflects the high levels of concentration of the Jewish population in
Toronto. Jews are the most segregated group in the Toronto metropolitan area and in other Canadian
metropolitan areas with many Jews living in residential concentrations (Balakrishnan and Giymah
2003).

7
D is highly dependent on the size of geographical units, especially when dealing with smaller population, census
tracts have been used for the calculation of D and the isolation index.
Page 12

Figure 4

Table 4: Index of Dissimilarity for Selected Religions in the Toronto CMA, 2001

Religion D N
Muslims 253,745
Non-Muslims 0.391 4,386,360
Buddhists 0.444 97,050
Catholics 0.423 1,551,780
Hindus 0.356 191,305
Jews 0.792 164,215
Sikhs 0.668 90,545

Statistics Canada 95f0495xcb01005

 Page 13

Highlighting the internal diversity within the Muslim population, the index of dissimilarity8
had high values for Muslim immigrants from some countries of birth, but not for immigrants from
other countries of birth (Table 5).9 Immigrants who were born in Afghanistan and Bangladesh were
found to be highly segregated from the Canadian-born population in 2001, while moderate levels
of segregation characterized immigrants from Iran and Pakistan. Period of arrival also seemed to
affect the segregation of Muslim immigrants. Recent arrivals were more segregated from the
Canadian-born than immigrants who had arrived earlier.

Table 5: Index of Dissimilarity for Immigrants from Selected Countries of Birth in the
Toronto CMA, 2001

All immigrants Recent immigrants

Birth Place N N
Afghanistan 0.689 11,595 0.797 5,360
Bangladesh 0.694 11,965 0.790 6,985
Iran 0.585 35,055 0.712 15,425
Pakistan 0.492 51,250 0.578 30,195
Canadian-born 1,048,505

Statistics Canada 95f0495xcb01005

In sum, Muslim immigrants in 2001 were dispersed across the Toronto metropolitan area.
As observed elsewhere, Muslims from specific countries of birth were more concentrated than the
Muslim population as a whole, and recently arrived Muslims were more concentrated than those
who had lived longer in Canada. To explore the factors that contribute to this dispersed residential
pattern, we examined the settlement pattern of one group of Muslim immigrants, the Ahmadis from
Pakistan.

IMMIGRANTS FROM PAKISTAN

A case study of immigrants from Pakistan shows how the locations of religious
establishments often coincide with residential concentrations of Pakistani immigrants. In the case
of Pakistani immigrants, there is a strong association between being born in Pakistan and being
Muslim. In 2001, 90.5 per cent of Pakistani immigrants reported that they were Muslim. The first
Pakistani immigrants to Toronto arrived after the Second World War. The number of migrants
remained low until the mid-1960s, increasing slightly during the 1970s. It is only in the late 1980s

8
The index of dissimilarity was calculated according to the following equation: D=.5*Ó|(x/X)-(y/Y)| where x is
equal to the number of the first group’s members divided by X, the total number of the first group members in the
entire Census Metropolitan Area. y stands for the members of the second group for each geographical area, divided
by Y, the total members of the second group in the Census Metropolitan Area.
9
Although data is also available for Algerian and Bosnian migrants, their high level of D was probably due more to
their small number than their actual segregation.
Page 14

that immigration from Pakistan began to grow significantly (Figure 5). Of the 51,590 Pakistan-born
immigrants living in the Toronto metropolitan area in 2001, 9,090 (17.6 per cent) arrived between
1991 and 1995 and 30,175 (58.5 per cent) between 1996 and 2001. A large number of Ahmadi
Muslims began migrating to Canada (in many cases through step migration) from Pakistan in the
mid-1980s owing to religious persecution (this will be covered in more detail in the following
section).

Figure 5

Source: Gender and W ork Database, M IG CNS A-1

Pakistanis in Toronto have located mainly in the inner postwar suburbs and in the developing
outer suburbs (Wong 2004; Israel n.d), where they are highly dispersed (Figure 6). Within the
metropolitan area, Pakistani immigrants have settled in Scarborough and North York. While these
suburbs continue to receive recent Pakistani immigrants, immigration is increasingly shifting
towards high-rise buildings located in East York, more particularly Thorncliffe Park, Crescent Town
and Little India. Outside the City of Toronto, Pakistan-born immigrants have tended to settle in
Mississauga.
 Page 15

Figure 6

Recent immigrants from Pakistan tend to live near their peers in small concentrations that
are scattered throughout the metropolitan area. In 2001, 54 per cent of recent migrants from
Pakistan lived in dissemination areas where Pakistani immigrants were 6 per cent or more of the
total population. The small number of residential concentrations in the Toronto CMA was confirmed
by evidence that only one dissemination area qualified as an enclave. Recent Pakistani immigrants
comprised 45.9 per cent of the population in a dissemination area located in Mississauga near the
intersection of Erin Mills Parkway and the Queen Elizabeth Way Highway. Notably, the
dissemination area also was very close to the Islamic Centre of Canada, an important religious
establishment for many Muslims in the metropolitan area (Figure 7). Indeed, many Pakistani
immigrants lived in close proximity to a place of worship in 2001 (Figure 8). Within the
metropolitan area as a whole, 75.9 per cent of recently arrived Pakistani immigrants lived within 2
kilometres of a mosque or other Muslim place of worship.
Page 16

Figure 7
Islamic Centre of Canada,
2200 South Sheridan Way, Mississauga

Photo by M. Doucet, 21 July 2004

 Page 17

Figure 8

In Mississauga, a municipality that, in 2001, was home to 13,575 people born in Pakistan,
recent Pakistani immigrants lived even closer to religious establishments, with 86 per cent living
within 2 kilometres of a place of worship (Figure 9). The close proximity of many Pakistani
immigrants to Muslim places of worship served to underscore the importance of religious
institutions in their daily lives. In this respect, Pakistani immigrants in Toronto were similar to
Muslim immigrants from Bangladesh and Somalia who emphasized the importance of living near
a mosque when settling in Toronto (Ghosh 2005; Berns-McGown 1999). For Bangladeshis and
Somalis, economic difficulties and experiences of discrimination in Canada seem to have
encouraged Muslim immigrants to be observant and to participate in activities at mosques.
Page 18

Figure 9

MOSQUES, COMMUNITY AND IDENTITY: A CASE STUDY OF “PEACE VILLAGE”

The complex meanings attached to mosques and their potential significance to Muslim
communities in Canada are apparent from detailed analysis of one mosque constructed by a
Pakistani Muslim community in Toronto. According to Isin and Siemiatycki (2002), the appearance
of mosques around Metropolitan Toronto is one of the most identifiable transformations of the urban
landscape, signalling the presence of Muslims in Canada. The construction of mosques is linked
intimately to Muslims’ citizenship claims (Dunn 2001, 2004; Gale and Naylor 2002). Other authors
(Berns-McGown 1999; Ghosh 2005) have noted that Muslims often value regular participation in
mosque activities as a means of maintaining their faith and cultural practices in a hostile Canadian
environment.

The Bai’tul Islam Mosque located north of Major Mackenzie Drive and West of Jane Street
in Vaughan (a suburban municipality bordering the city of Toronto) is the literal and figurative heart
 Page 19

of a South Asian Muslim community that extends beyond the Toronto metropolitan area (Figure 10).
Moreover. This mosque is the focal point of a faith-based housing and community development
project known as the Ahmadiyya Muslim Peace Village. Interviews in 2006 and 2008 with a
community leader and the local planner of Peace Village, Naseer Ahmad, and analyses of local and
national newspaper articles provided information about the significance of the mosque and its
adjacent neighbourhood Peace Village.

Figure 10
Bai’tul Islam Mosque
10610 Jane St., City of Vaughan

Photo by M. Doucet, 3 August 2008.

Page 20

The main Ahmadi migration to Toronto originated in Pakistan during the 1970s and 1980s.
Initially, most Ahmadis in Canada and the United States were single men who migrated to obtain
postsecondary education or employment (Walbridge and Haneef 1999). In 1974, the Ahmadiyya
Muslim faith was no longer recognized by the Pakistani government, thereby placing all Ahmadis
in a status of second-class citizens alongside all other non-Muslims. In 1984, Military Ordinance
20 was imposed by Zia-ul Haq in Pakistan which targeted the Ahmadiyya community. The
ordinance included several clauses that targeted Ahmadis stating “that the Ahmadis could not
identify themselves as Muslims, refer to their house of worship as a masjid (mosque), or utter the
kalimah, the Muslim profession of faith” (Walbridge and Haneef 1999, 130). As a result of the
ratification of Military Ordinance 20, the Ahmadiyya Muslim community in Pakistan was subject
to acts of state and non-state violence. Fearing for their personal safety, a mass exodus of Ahmadis
from Pakistan ensued.

Toronto, with its existing but small Ahmadiyya Muslim community was an attractive
destination for many Ahmadis who were initially dispersed throughout the Toronto CMA with no
formal place of worship. In 1985, the Ahmadiyya Muslim community purchased 25 acres of land
in Vaughan, on the undeveloped fringes of the village of Maple. In 1992, the construction of the
Bai’tul Islam Mosque was completed after only three years of construction. In addition to being
the largest mosque in North America at the time (Brennan 1998, BE2), the Bai’tul Islam mosque
has functioned as an important locale for practicing a Muslim identity.

Symbolically, the Bai’tul Islam Mosque is a powerful cultural and religious marker. It
symbolizes both the cultural and religious presence of Ahmadis in Toronto, and their permanence
in the multicultural mosaic of the CMA. In effect, the Bai’tul Islam Mosque serves as a cultural and
religious reference point for the entire Ahmadiyya Muslim community, a space that ties the
Ahmadiyya Muslim community to a particular place. According to Islamic doctrine, a mosque is
permanent and, therefore, it can never be sold, traded, removed, or destroyed (Ahmad 2006). The
permanence of the mosque on the landscape, therefore, symbolizes the permanence of the
Ahmadiyya Muslim community in the Toronto landscape. Furthermore, the Bai’tul Islam mosque
symbolizes a renewed historical and cultural narrative for the Ahmadiyya people, signifying,
simultaneously, a continuity with the past and the continuation of the existing culture in the present
and into the future (Caney 2002).

The Bai’tul Islam Mosque serves as a focal point for the Ahmadiyya Muslim community in
the CMA and beyond. It is a place where the Ahmadiyya Muslim community gathers for religious
and social purposes. Furthermore, by enabling community members to meet regularly, the mosque
helps them develop:

a sense of solidarity with its other members. The bonds grow out of shared beliefs,
common objects of love, shared historical memories and so on…. One acquires a
network of close relations and a system of support, and becomes bound to other
members by the ties of mutual expectations and common interests (Parekh 2000,
156).
 Page 21

As one member of the Bai’tul Islam Mosque told a Toronto journalist: “instead of reading
the prayers at home, we can now do it together with a whole bunch of brothers. Not only are we
more motivated in following our Islamic faith, it gives us a stronger sense of community” (Keung
2000, B1). Another community member suggested that the mosque “gives you a stronger sense of
community.” He then continued: “I’d rather spend time with my Muslim brothers here than watch
television at home” (Keung 2000, B1).

The Bai’tul Islam mosque has reconfigured the surrounding landscape with the construction
of the adjacent Peace Village, a faith-based development that was designed and constructed by
Naseer Ahmad in the 1990s to meet the religious and cultural needs of the community. Built on 50
acres of property north of the initial parcel of land purchased for the Bai’tul Islam Mosque, Peace
Village currently consists of approximately 265 semi-detached and detached homes, with another
50 homes now under construction. Each home has been designed to meet the needs of the
Ahmadiyya Muslim lifestyle. For example, the houses have gender-separated social areas that meet
the cultural-religious needs of the community. The homes are also constructed with enclosed
kitchens that have extensive exhaust systems that address the community’s culinary preferences
(Ahmad 2008). Furthermore, all of the streets were named after Muslim leaders and other eminent
Ahmadiyya Muslim figures (Figure 11). The community planner noted that naming the streets after
prominent members of the Ahmadi community brought a sense of ownership to residents. The
street names convey a “…message to the community that if your kids achieve the work of these
people, then one day your kids will have a street named after them” (Ahmad 2008).

According to Walbridge and Haneef, “the Ahmadis stress a strong community life” (1999,
138). Although community is a contested concept, a community can be conceptualized and defined
as being “constituted by a group of people who share a range of values, a way of life, identify with
the group and its practices and recognize each other as members of that group” (Mason, 2000, 21).
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Peace Village is the material manifestation of this concept of community.
As one resident informed a Toronto journalist: “it’s nice to have your own space where you can
share the same kind of values and beliefs with your neighbours” (Keung 2000, B2; Townsend 2007).

Peace Village, both as a place and a community, symbolically and materially is best
described as “The End of Migration,” the title of an article written about the Ahmadis. (Ahmad
2008). For the Ahmadi who fled persecution before settling in Canada, the mosque and the adjacent
residential area signify the end of migration and the establishment of roots and permanence. That
very sense of permanence has encouraged the community to continue place-making and community-
building. Currently, the Ahmadiyya Muslim community is planning to expand by developing the
land around the mosque (Ahmad 2008). Plans filed with the City of Vaughan entail doubling the size
of the mosque and building a number of community facilities, including an Islamic library for the
propagation of Islamic thought and practices, a community and banquet hall, a television station,
recreational facilities and parks, one for men and one for women. The proposed developments will
strengthen community members’ commitment to the Ahmadiyya Muslim movement and their
knowledge of Islamic thought. The mosque and the surrounding residential and community
facilities symbolize the presence of Muslims in the Toronto region, and they are a source of
information about the Islamic faith and this Muslim sect. Although the Ahmadis in Toronto are
similar to many Muslims in the United Kingdom who live near each other and community facilities,
Page 22

such as mosques, to reinforce and maintain distinctive religious, cultural, and social practices, their
development plans suggest that the residential concentration of Ahmadis may also be an avenue by
which the community publicizes the community and its beliefs to outsiders.

Figure 11
Ahmadiyya Peace Village
City of Vaughan
 Page 23

Figure 11, continued

Ahmadiyya Peace Village
City of Vaughan

Photos by M. Doucet, 3 August 2008.

Page 24

CONCLUSIONS

Toronto is home to a growing Muslim population that has arrived in large numbers since
1990. The Muslim population is diverse, coming from many different regions of birth. Migration
from Europe and East Africa has been replaced by the migration of Muslims coming from South and
West Asia. As Muslim immigrants arrive from different regions of birth, their religious practices
have changed. For example, many Muslim immigrants from East Africa are Ismaili while those
coming from West Asia are predominantly Shia and Sunni adherents of Islam. A recent immigrant
group, Muslims are younger than the average Toronto resident and live in households that include
an above-average number of children. Better-educated than the average immigrant, the majority of
Muslim immigrants are fluent in at least one of Canada’s official languages. Despite their
educational attainments and language fluency, many Muslims are marginalized in the secondary
labour market. This is particularly true for Muslim immigrant women, who are over-represented
in sales and service occupations and under-represented in managerial and professional occupations.

Our research shows only moderate segregation of Muslims in the Toronto metropolitan area.
Dispersed throughout the metropolitan area, in both suburban and central locations, Muslims are not
isolated from other residents of the metropolitan area. Compared with other ethno-religious groups,
such as Jews, the Muslim population in Toronto is only moderately segregated. As in London (Peach
2006), the very diversity of the Muslim population probably has contributed to its low levels of
segregation. Levels of residential segregation vary on the basis of birthplace and period of arrival.
Muslims born in Afghanistan and Bangladesh are more likely to be segregated than those from Iran
and Pakistan. However, our preliminary findings for the Toronto CMA are similar to those for
British cities (Peach 2006, Philips et al. 2007) that underscore the heterogeneity of the Muslim
population.

In Toronto, some Muslims live in close proximity to mosques, a pattern true of many but not
all Muslims in British and Australian cities (Dunn 2001, 2004; Peach 2006; Philips et al. 2007). A
case study of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Peace Village in Vaughan suggests several reasons why
Muslims may concentrate around a mosque. Proximity to a mosque enables Muslim immigrants to
participate in activities that reinforce and sustain religious, cultural, and social practices (Berns-
McGown 1999; Ghosh 2005). In the case of the Ahmadis, the mosque is also a symbol of their
presence in Canadian society and, in this sense, a classic example of Muslims claiming space and
citizenship rights through the construction of a religious establishment (Gale and Naylor 2002; Isin
and Siemiatycki 2002). In this case, concentration does not imply a turning away from the rest of
Canadian society. Rather, the residential concentration provides the foundation for facilities and
activities that will make Muslims and their religious beliefs and practices better known to a larger
public.

The empirical findings about Muslims in the Toronto metropolitan area underscore the
heterogeneity of this religious group. In Toronto, the Muslim population, and its settlement patterns
are varied. The case studies reported here have concentrated on Muslim immigrants from Pakistan,
particularly the adherents of one small sect. Additional research that provides more information
about the adherents of other Islamic sects and Muslims from other countries of birth is needed to
 Page 25

understand fully their settlement patterns. Our initial findings provide additional evidence that there
are many reasons why Muslims live near each other. Even in an officially multicultural society,
such as Canada, the residential concentration of an immigrant group may arise for a variety of
reasons that include the imperative to sustain religious, cultural, and social practices, the desire to
mark the presence of Muslims in a hostile and discriminatory environment, and the commitment to
develop facilities and activities that will allow Muslims to inform the larger public about Islam. The
analysis underscores not only the complexity of the socio-spatial processes of settlement (Ray 1999),
but also points to the critical role that religion, places of worship, and the social support that often
follows can play in the settlement patterns of immigrants to Canada.
Page 26

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CERIS - The Ontario Metropolis Centre
246 Bloor Street West, 7 th Floor, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S 1V4
Telephone: (416) 946-3110 Facsimile: (416) 971-3094
 The Metropolis Project

Launched in 1996, the Metropolis Project strives to improve policies for managing migration and diversity
by focusing scholarly attention on critical issues. All project initiatives involve policymakers, researchers,
and members of non-governmental organizations.

Metropolis Project goals are to:

• Enhance academic research capacity;

• Focus academic research on critical policy issues and policy options;

• Develop ways to facilitate the use of research in decision-making.

The Canadian and international components of the Metropolis Project encourage and facilitate
communication between interested stakeholders at the annual national and international conferences and
at topical workshops, seminars, and roundtables organized by project members.

For more information about the Metropolis Project

visit the Metropolis web sites at:
http://canada.metropolis.net
http://international.metropolis.net