Canadian Multiculturalism: January 1999
Canadian Multiculturalism: January 1999
Canadian Multiculturalism: January 1999
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CANADIAN MULTICULTURALISM
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CANADIAN MULTICULTURALISM
Marc Leman
Political and Social Affairs Division
Library of
Parliament
Parliamentary
Bibliothèque
Research
du Parlement Branch
The Parliamentary Research Branch of the Library of
Parliament works exclusively for Parliament, conducting
research and providing information for Committees and
Members of the Senate and the House of Commons. This
service is extended without partisan bias in such forms as
Reports, Background Papers and Issue Reviews. Research
Officers in the Branch are also available for personal
consultation in their respective fields of expertise.
N.B. Any substantive changes in this publication which have been made since the preceding
issue are indicated in bold print.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
PARLIAMENTARY ACTION............................................................................................. 14
CHRONOLOGY................................................................................................................... 16
SELECTED REFERENCES................................................................................................. 17
CANADIAN MULTICULTURALISM∗
ISSUE DEFINITION
Canada can be described as a multicultural society whose racial and ethnic diversity
is expressed in different ways. In recent years, a vigorous immigration policy has attracted a
growing number of applicants from non-traditional sources such as Asia, Africa, Central America,
and the Caribbean. Current levels in immigration totals suggest that our multicultural diversity will
continue to flourish in some form into the twenty-first century. It is noteworthy that much of this
diversity is concentrated in Ontario, particularly in the metropolitan region of Toronto, as well as in
the metropolitan areas of Vancouver and Montreal.
∗ The original version of this Current Issue Review was published in January 1994. This paper replaces
an earlier text with the same title.
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Demographically, some analysts suggest that Canadian society can be divided into
three major “forces.” The first force consists of aboriginal peoples and includes status Indians, non-
status Indians, Métis and Inuit. The Constitution Act of 1982 defined all natives as aboriginal
peoples. In 1991, a total of 1,002,675 persons reported their origin as aboriginal or part aboriginal,
representing about 3.7% of the total population. The second force consists of the colonizing groups;
who eventually defined themselves as the founding members of Canadian society. Known as the
Charter groups, both the French- and English-speaking communities constitute this force. The third
force in Canadian society comprises those racial and ethnic minorities who fall outside the Charter
groups; that is, native and foreign-born Canadians with some non-French and non-British ancestry.
Members of Canada’s three major forces entered this country in trickles and droves
over the years, beginning with the arrival of the ancestors of native Indians from Asia, followed
thousands of years later by the French and the British colonizers, who appointed themselves the
official founders of Canada. At the turn of this century, the gates opened to allow other Europeans
and Asians into Canada, although not without hostility from a substantial portion of the public. In
recent years, the number of immigrants into Canada, although significant, has not matched that of
the peak periods before the First World War and after the Second World War. Patterns of
immigration have also shifted toward non-traditional sources such as Asia, the Caribbean, and
South and Central America. Equally significant has been the unprecedented influx of landed
refugees--many of them from Third World countries-- who have requested entry into Canada.
Canada’s cultural diversity is manifest at the level of ethnic and immigrant
composition. At the time of Confederation, Canada’s population was chiefly British, (60%) and
French (30%). By 1981, the combination of declining birthrate and infusion of non-European
immigrants saw the British and French total decline to 40% and 27%, respectively. The 1991
figures are even more revealing, although the decline in British-only and French-only categories
may partly reflect the inclusion of questions on multiple origins in the census forms. Of Canada’s
total population of 26,994,045, more than 11 million (11,252,335) or 41.7% reported having some
non-British or non-French ethnic origins. By way of contrast, the proportion of those with British-
only ancestry declined (to 28.6%, down from 33.6% in 1986), as did the French-only category
(22.9%, down from 24.4% in 1986). Those reporting both British and French backgrounds totalled
4%.
In the 1996 census, at least one ethnic origin other than British, French or
Canadian was reported by 44% of the Canadian population. Canadians of German, Italian,
Aboriginal, Chinese, South Asian and Filipino origins were among the top 15 largest ethnic
groups. Moreover, 3.2 million persons, representing 11.2% of the total population of Canada,
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identified themselves as members of a visible minority. Chinese, South Asians and Blacks
represented two-thirds of this visible minority population.
Language diversity is also at the core of Canadian pluralism. According to the 1991
census, English dominates as the first language (mother tongue) in 60.6% of the population, French
comes next at 23.8%, while the other category has 13%. When people with more than one mother
tongue are included, these proportions stood respectively at 62.9%, 24.9% and 14.9% respectively.
The degree of diversity is somewhat diminished with regard to the language that is used at home.
Census figures point out to the predominance of English in the homes of 68.5%, compared with
French at 23.5%, and “other” at 8%. With respect to the other “heritage” languages, census
statistics reveal that Italian and German are the most frequently reported known non-official
languages, with approximately 700,000 speakers each. Next come the more than 550,000 Chinese
speakers, more than 400,000 Spanish speakers, and more than 250,000 Portuguese speakers. When
home languages are taken into account, the order is Chinese, Italian, Portuguese, Spanish and
German. The facts speak for themselves: Canada is a multilingual society at the level of empirical
reality.
The era preceding 1971 can best be interpreted as a time of gradual movement
toward acceptance of ethnic diversity as legitimate and integral to Canadian society. Nation-
building in the symbolic and cultural sense was oriented toward the replication of a British type of
society in Canada. Culturally, this was reflected Canada’s political, economic and social
institutions. All Canadians were defined as British subjects until the passage of the Canadian
Citizenship Act in 1947 and a variety of cultural symbols legitimized the British underpinnings of
English-speaking Canada. For the most part, central authorities dismissed the value of cultural
heterogeneity, considering racial and ethnic differences as inimical to national interests and
detrimental to our character and integrity. Only the massive influx of post-Second World War
immigrants from Europe prompted central authorities to rethink the role and status of “other
ethnics” within the evolving dynamic of Canadian society.
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Events and developments during the 1960s paved the way for the eventual demise of
assimilation as government policy and the subsequent appearance of multiculturalism. Pressures for
change stemmed from the growing assertiveness of Canada’s aboriginal peoples, the force of
Québécois nationalism, and the increased resentment of ethnic minorities towards their place in
society.
example was the Canadian Consultative Council on Multiculturalism, established in 1973 and later
renamed the Canadian Ethnocultural Council.
The architects of the 1971 policy had perceived barriers to social adaptation and
economic success largely in linguistic or cultural terms. The marked increase in the flow of visible
minority immigrants whose main concerns were employment, housing, education and fighting
discrimination required a shift in policy thinking. Equality through the removal of racially
discriminatory barriers became the main focus of multicultural programs and race relations policies
and programs were put in place to discover, isolate and combat racial discrimination at personal and
institutional levels. A strong emphasis was put on encouraging and facilitating the ways in which
cultural minority groups can fully participate in Canadian society.
This clause is critical in locating multiculturalism within the wider framework of Canadian society.
The clause empowers the courts to take Canada’s multicultural reality into account at the highest
levels of decision-making. In the words of a former Human Rights Commissioner it provides a
useful “interpretative prism” to assist the courts when balancing individual and multicultural (and
often collective) rights. A relevant example is the issue of freedom of individual expression, which
conflicts with the prohibition against racial slurs or circulation of racially based hate propaganda.
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Hence, the principle underlying the freedom of individual expression does not extend to absolute
free speech.
Moreover, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms addresses the elimination of
expressions of discrimination by guaranteeing both equality and fairness to all under the law,
regardless of race or ethnicity. Section 15 (1) states:
Every individual is equal before and under the law and has the right to
equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination
and, in particular, without discrimination based on race, national or
ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age, or mental or physical disability.
• Race Relations and Cross-Cultural Understanding “to promote among Canadian and in
Canadian institutions appreciation, acceptance and implementation of the principles of
racial equality and multiculturalism;”
• Heritage Cultures and Languages “to assist Canadians to preserve, enhance and share
their cultures, languages and ethnocultural group identities;”
• Community Support and Participation “to support the full and equitable participation in
Canadian life of individuals and communities from Canada’s racial and ethnocultural
minorities.”
Multiculturalism was appointed within the portfolio of the Minister of Canadian Heritage. The
citizenship activity (citizenship registration and promotion) was amalgamated in the newly
established Department of Citizenship and Immigration.
Following increased criticisms of the multiculturalism program voiced by various
groups and individuals from different parts of Canadian society, the Department launched a
comprehensive review of its multiculturalism programming activities in 1995. At the end of October
1996, Secretary of State for Multiculturalism Hedy Fry announced a renewed program which
focused on three objectives: building a fair and equitable society, civic participation (ensuring that
Canadians of all origins participate in the shaping of our communities and country), and identity
(fostering a society that recognizes, respects and reflects a diversity of cultures so that people of all
backgrounds feel a sense of belonging to Canada.
The renewed program priorizes proposals that: assist in the development of
strategies to facilitate the full and active participation of ethnic, racial, religious and cultural
communities in Canada; support collective community initiatives and responses to ethnic,
racial, religious and cultural conflict and hate-motivated activities; improve the ability of
public institutions to respond to ethnic, racial, religious and cultural diversity; encourage and
assist in the development of inclusive policies, programs and practices within federal
departments and agencies; and increase public awareness, understanding and public dialogue
with respect to multiculturalism, racism and cultural diversity in Canada.
At the same time, the Secretary of State announced the official establishment of the
Canadian Race Relations Foundation, whose mandate includes undertaking research, collecting
data, and developing a national information base to further understanding of racism and racial
discrimination; providing information to support effective race relations training and the
development of professional standards; and disseminating information to increase public awareness
of the importance of eliminating racism. The Foundation, whose headquarters are in Toronto, is
governed by a board consisting of a Chairperson, 15 directors appointed for a term of up to three
years, and a full-time executive director. It was initially funded by a one-time endowment of
$24 million from the federal government and operated thereafter on income derived from
investments, donations and fundraising. Mr. Lincoln M. Alexander, former Lieutenant-Governor of
Ontario, was appointed the first Chair of the Foundation.
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C. Attitudes to Multiculturalism
Various publications and polls suggest that Canadians are generally supportive of a
multicultural society, at least in principle if not always in practice. Yet many Canadians are unsure
of what multiculturalism is, what it is trying to do and why, and what it can realistically accomplish
in a liberal-democratic society such as ours. Multiculturalism can encompass folk songs, dance,
food festivals, arts and crafts, museums, heritage languages, ethnic studies, ethnic presses, race
relations, culture sharing and human rights. Much of the confusion results from the indiscriminate
application of the term to a wide range of situations, practices, expectations, and goals.
Quebeckers have expressed uneasiness about, or even resistance to, federal
multiculturalism policy since its inception. This uneasiness is largely explained in terms of their
perception of it as another intrusion by federal authorities into their province’s internal affairs. Many
are inclined to view multiculturalism as a ploy to downgrade the distinct society status of
Quebeckers to the level of an ethnic minority culture under the domination of English-speaking
Canada. Multiculturalism is thus seen as an attempt to dilute the French fact in Canada, weakening
francophone status and threatening the dual partnership of English-speaking and French-speaking
Canadians. For many Quebeckers, the idea of reducing the rights of French-speaking Canadians to
the same level as those of other ethno-racial minorities in the name of multicultural equality is
inconsistent with the special compact between the two founding peoples of Canada.
However, the Citizens’ Forum on Canada’s Future established in 1991 also reported
an uneasiness about the Canadian public’s attitude to multiculturalism policy. It uncovered a wide
gap between a largely positive reaction to the growing ethnic diversity of Canada on the one
hand and opposition to what was considered to be official multiculturalism on the other. The
strong attachment to cultural diversity was balanced by an ever stronger belief that if the
country was to remain united, citizens must learn to be Canadians first.
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The fear that the multiculturalism policy is promoting too much diversity at the
expense of unity has been voiced increasingly in recent years. Critics say the policy is divisive
because it emphasizes what is different, rather than the values that are Canadian. Canadian
culture and symbols, it is felt, are being discarded in the effort to accommodate other cultures.
In his book Selling Illusions: the Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada, published in
1994, Trinidad-born novelist Neil Bissoondath leads the charge against the government’s
multiculturalism policy. His book reiterates his concern over the potential divisiveness inherent in
government promotion of cultural diversity. In Bissoondath’s opinion, the government’s
encouragement of ethnic differences leads immigrants to adopt a “psychology of separation” from
the mainstream culture. Multiculturalism is blamed for isolating ethno-racial groups in distinct
enclaves by fostering an inward-focused mentality that drives a wedge between Canadians of
different ethnic backgrounds. The author argues that unity and cohesion are being sacrificed for a
philosophy that separates, intensifies misunderstanding and hostility, and pits one group against
another in the competition for power and resources. Bissoondath argues that instead of
“Canadianizing” newcomers into a binding social fabric, official multiculturalism encourages them
to cling to their traditional culture and the ancestral homeland and to believe that there is more
important than here. By encouraging ethnic and cultural groups to perpetuate their distinctiveness,
the multiculturalism policy prevents them from being integrated into the mainstream society.
Bissoondath recommends removing personal culture and ethnicity from the realm of public policy
and returning it to individuals and families. In his view, multiculturalism programs and activities
should concentrate on battling racism, establishing inclusion and funding community programs that
sensitize children to each other and stress not the differences that divide them but the similarities
that unite them. While he favours maintaining government funding for such programs, Bissoondath
advocates the establishment of an autonomous agency responsible for their implementation, on the
lines of the Canada Council in the arts sector.
Other prominent authors, such as Richard Gwyn, in his book Nationalism
without Walls, and Jack Granatstein, in his essay Who Killed Canadian History, have criticized
what they see as the negative impacts of the multiculturalism policy. Gwyn argues that the
political elite was mistaken in rationalizing that the backlash against multiculturalism was
caused by temporary “employment anxiety” in the early 1990s, rather than a widespread fear
that Canadians were becoming “strangers in their own land.” In his essay, Granatstein
implicates official multiculturalism and political correctness in the death of Canadian history
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in the schools and among Canadian youth in general. He claims that a number of studies in
schools and at post-secondary levels of education show that Canadians are learning less and
less about their history and cannot pass relatively basic tests about historical events or
personalities. In a chapter entitled “Multicultural Mania,” Granatstein recounts how the
holder of a chair in ethnic studies at a major university was forced to resign because one of his
books was unacceptable to the local ethnic community, which, together with the federal
government program of multiculturalism, had funded the chair. Granatstein also argues that
multiculturalism policies have helped spread the idea among immigrants and even native-
born Canadians that Canada, particularly English-speaking Canada, has no culture and
identity of its own. The multicultural and anti-racist emphasis on grievances, he argues, has
led to the disappearance of history, and political history in particular, as a course; instead, we
have accounts of discrete and isolated heritages. Where history is still taught, it has to be
inoffensive and be linked to current concerns.
All provinces and several municipal governments have adopted some form of
multiculturalism policy. At present, six of the ten provinces-- Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba,
Ontario, Quebec and Nova Scotia -- have enacted multiculturalism legislation. In four provinces --
Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario and Quebec-- multiculturalism is implemented by an advisory
council that reports to the Minister responsible for the Act. In Nova Scotia, the Act is implemented
by both a Cabinet Committee on multiculturalism and advisory councils.
Saskatchewan was the first province to adopt legislation on multiculturalism. The
Saskatchewan Multiculturalism Act was first passed in 1974 and amended in 1983. The Act defines
multiculturalism as the right of different communities to preserve their distinct cultures and to share
them with others. The Act established a Multicultural Council whose duties are to advise the
Minister on multicultural issues; to evaluate government programs on multiculturalism; to liaise
with government departments with multicultural responsibilities; and to promote programs to
preserve and promote multiculturalism in the province.
Manitoba adopted the Manitoba Intercultural Council Act in 1984. Under the Act,
the Council’s mandate is to advise the government, through the Minister responsible for
ethnocultural matters in the province, on education, human rights, immigrant settlement, media and
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communication and cultural heritage. In the summer of 1992 the Manitoba legislature adopted a
new provincial Multiculturalism Act, whose preamble states that:
A Multiculturalism Secretariat was established under the direction and control of the minister and
through which the minister administers and carries out the provisions of this Act. The Secretariat is
to “identify, priorize and implement actions to contribute to the achievement of a successful
multicultural society.”
Alberta first adopted multiculturalism legislation in 1984 with the passage of the
Alberta Cultural Heritage Act. The Act defined multiculturalism as a fundamental characteristic of
Alberta society which confers economic as well as social and cultural benefits on all Albertans. It
was replaced in 1990 by the Alberta Multiculturalism Act, whose main objectives are to encourage
respect for and promote an awareness of the multicultural heritage of Alberta and to foster an
environment in which all Albertans can participate and contribute to the cultural, social, economic
and political life of their province. The Act established a Multiculturalism Commission to advise
the government on policy and programs respecting multiculturalism, as well as a Multiculturalism
Advisory Council to advise the Commission on policy matters. A Multicultural Fund was also set
up to finance programs and services related to its objectives and to provide grants to eligible persons
and organizations.
As part of its efforts to streamline government programs and operations, the
Conservative provincial administration introduced new legislation in the spring of 1996 which
merged the human rights and multiculturalism programs. Under the Human Rights and Citizenship
Act, the Alberta Human Rights Commission took over the duties of the former Multiculturalism
Commission and now operates under the name Alberta Human Rights and Citizenship Commission.
Similarly, the Multiculturalism Fund continues as the Human Rights, Citizenship and
Multiculturalism Fund.
Although Ontario inaugurated an official multicultural policy that promoted the
cultural activities of the various ethnic groups in 1977, formal legislation establishing a Ministry of
Citizenship and Culture came into force only in 1982. Under the Act, the Ministry is responsible for
the promotion of multiculturalism within the province and is advised by a Multiculturalism
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Advisory Council. One of the chief objectives of the Ministry is to “stress full participation of all
Ontarians as equal members of the community, encouraging the sharing of cultural heritage while
affirming those elements held in common by all residents.” In 1987, the Ontario government
reaffirmed its policy of multiculturalism based on the following principles:
• a commitment to ensuring that people of all cultures and races have equal access and
participate as responsible citizens;
• Facilitate the integration of cultural communities into Quebec society, especially those
sectors historically excluded or underrepresented within institutional settings.
In 1984, the National Assembly passed legislation creating the Conseil des
communautés culturelles et de l’immigration (Council of Cultural Communities and of
Immigration). The Council advises the Minister on the planning and implementation of government
policies relating to cultural communities and immigration. It also commissions studies and
undertakes research on relevant issues.
Quebec’s intercultural orientation toward immigrants and diversity was further
confirmed with the release at the end of 1990 of the White Paper (“Let’s Build Quebec Together. A
Policy Statement on Immigration and Integration”). Three principles were reinforced in the
government’s policy:
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• Quebec is a pluralistic society that respects the diversity of various cultures from within
a democratic framework.
To meet these obligations, the White Paper proposed a formal “moral contract”
between immigrants and native-born Quebeckers. Quebec would declare itself a francophone,
pluralistic society, yet one that is mindful of cultural differences. Immigrants would subscribe to
Quebec’s Charter of Rights and contribute to Quebec nation-building in cooperation with native-
born Quebeckers.
Nova Scotia adopted its multiculturalism legislation in 1989. The Act to Promote
and Preserve Multiculturalism recognizes multiculturalism as an inherent feature of Nova Scotia
society and pledges the government to the maintenance of good relations between cultural
communities. The Act created two administrative structures to manage its implementation: a
Cabinet Committee on Multiculturalism oversees the application of the policy on a government-
wide basis and a Multicultural Advisory Committee advises the Cabinet committee and reviews the
programs.
PARLIAMENTARY ACTION
This bill, which provided a statutory framework for the existing policy, was adopted
by Parliament in July 1988 and immediately given Royal Assent. Passage of this legislation has
imbued the principle of racial and cultural equality with the force of law.
The Act recognizes the need to increase minority participation in society by
mainstreaming Canada’s major institutions. Moreover, all government agencies, departments and
Crown corporations--not just the ministry responsible for multiculturalism--are currently expected
to provide leadership in advancing Canada’s multicultural mix.
It is also noteworthy that the Act makes the government accountable to both
Parliament and the public for ensuring compliance with its provisions by requiring annual reports.
A multiculturalism secretariat was established to support the government in implementing improved
delivery of government services in federal institutions.
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This bill, introduced in the House in September 1989 and adopted by Parliament in
January 1991, provided for the establishment of a Heritage Languages Institute in Edmonton, with
the purpose of developing national standards for teacher training and curriculum content for ethnic
minority languages classes in Canada.
The February 1992 Budget tabled by Finance Minister Don Mazankowski deferred
the establishment of the Canadian Heritage Languages Institute until further notice.
Introduced in the House in February 1990, this legislation was also adopted by
Parliament in January 1991. It established a Race Relations Foundation in Toronto, with the
purpose of helping to eliminate racism and racial discrimination through public education. Funding
for the establishment of the Foundation was, however, deferred by the federal government in the
budgets tabled in subsequent years.
At the end of October 1996, Secretary of State for Multiculturalism Hedy Fry
announced the establishment of the Foundation with a one-time endowment of $24 million from the
federal government.
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CHRONOLOGY
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December 1994 - The federal government announced that it would not pay out any
compensation to national ethnic groups to redress past indignities
meted out by the Canadian government. This decision contrasted
with the precedent set by the previous Conservative government
which paid out millions of dollars in compensation to the families
of Japanese Canadians interned during the Second World War.
SELECTED REFERENCES
Abu-Laban, Yasmeen and Daiva Stasiulis. “Ethnic Pluralism under Siege: Popular and Partisan
Opposition to Multiculturalism.” Canadian Public Policy, XVIII: 4, p. 365-386, 1992.
Bibby, Reginald W. Mosaic Madness: The Poverty and Potential of Life in Canada. Stoddart,
Toronto, 1990.
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Bissoondath, Neil. Selling Illusions: The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada. Penguin Books,
Toronto, 1994.
Burnet, Jean. “Myths and Multiculturalism.” Canadian Journal of Education, 4: 43-58, 1979.
Canada, Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism. Book IV, The Cultural
Contribution of Other Ethnic Groups. Queen’s Printer, Ottawa, 1970.
Canadian Human Rights Foundation. Multiculturalism and the Charter. Carswell, Toronto, 1987.
Driedger, Leo, ed. Ethnic Canada: Identities and Inequalities. Copp Clark Pitman, Toronto, 1987.
Fleras, Augie and Jean Leonard Elliott. Multiculturalism in Canada: The Challenge of Diversity.
Nelson Canada, Scarborough, 1992.
Gwyn, Richard. Nationalism without Walls: The Unbearable Lightness of Being Canadian.
McClelland and Stewart, Toronto, 1995.
Kallen Evelyn. “Multiculturalism: Ideology, Policy and Reality.” Journal of Canadian Studies
17:1 51-63, 1982.
Kay, Jonathan. “Explaining the Modern Backlash against Multiculturalism.” Policy Options,
Vol. 19, May 1998, p. 30-34.
Reitz, Jeffrey G. and Raymond Breton. The Illusion of Difference. Realities of Ethnicity in Canada
and the United States. C.D. Howe Institute, Toronto, 1994.
Renaud, Viviane and Jane Badets. “Ethnic Diversity in the 1990s.” Canadian Social Trends,
Autumn 1993, p. 17-22.
Wilson, Seymour V. “The Evolving Policy of Multiculturalism in Canada.” State of the Art Review
of Research on Canada’s Multicultural Society. Multiculturalism and Citizenship Canada,
1992.