ssnmun

Disarmament and
International Security
"Review and rework of international
framework/treaties to prevent the proliferation of
SALWs

DIPLOMACY. DELIBERATION. DISCUSSION

TABLE OF CONTENTS
I.

Letter from the EB

About DISEC

III.

UNGA-DISEC at SSNMUN 2016

IV.

About SALWs

V.

Case Study : South Sudan

14

VI.

International framework to combat the issue: Arms Trade

II.

Treaty (ATT)
VII.
VIII.
IX.

19

Conference of State Parties

21

Illicit Trafficking

24

Further reading

26

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Letter from the Executive board:

Hello, respected delegates.

We take immense pleasure in welcoming you all to the disarmament and
international security committee of SSN MUN 2016.All our first MUNs were
scary and weird experiences for us. To think we have come this far from back
then, it truly is hard to believe! Here we are today, with the privilege and
honour of chairing the DISEC. But, like all executive board members, true
happiness for us is to see all the delegates participate, voice their countrys
stances and come up with good, thought provoking debate, all the while keeping
in mind that he or she is a representative of their country and maintaining a
sense of respect and dignity towards everyone in committee. This, according to
us, is the essence of MUNs. It is this necessity for soft skills and diplomacy that
separate MUNs from debates.

To all the first timers, keep in mind that every single person in committee,
including ourselves, has at some point been a first timer. Do not ever be afraid
of the experienced delegates and to speak your mind. It doesnt matter if what
you say is right or wrong because the only way you can learn is from your
mistakes. And to all the delegates, dont be disheartened if you get something
wrong or if your draft resolution doesnt pass. Its all part of the process. We
cannot guarantee any single one of you the best delegate award, but we can
personally guarantee some great debates and the chance to meet some great new

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people, some of whom will be your friends for a long time to come. Of course,
no committee of ours shall lack in the fun aspect so you guys are definitely in
for one hell of an experience so come prepared!
Cheers,
Brahadeesh Srinivasan, Chairperson
Abijit Hariharan, Vice-chairperson
Yatharth Kapoor, Director

About DISEC
The United Nations Disarmament and International Security Committee
(DISEC) was created as the first of the Main Committees in the General
Assembly when the charter of the United Nations was signed in 1945. Thus,
DISEC is often referred to as the First Committee.1 The birth of DISEC
responded to the perceived need for an international forum to discuss issues of
peace and security among members of the international community. According
to the UN Charter, the purpose of DISEC in the General Assembly is to
establish general principles of cooperation in the maintenance of international
peace and security, including the principles governing disarmament and the
regulation of armaments and also to give recommendations with regard to
such principles to the Members or to the Security Council.2 Although DISEC
cannot directly advise the decision making process of the Security Council, the
fourth chapter of the UN Charter explains that DISEC can suggest specific
topics for Security Council consideration.3 Aside from its role in the General
Assembly, DISEC is also an institution of the United Nations Office for
Disarmament Affairs (UNODA), formally named in January 1998 after the
Secretary-Generals second special session on disarmament in 1982.4 The

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UNODA is concerned with disarmament at all levelsnuclear weapons,

weapons of mass destruction, and conventional weaponsand assists DISEC
through its work conducted in the General Assembly for substantive normsetting support in order to further its disarmament initiatives.5 Membership in
DISEC is extended to all 193 members of the UN, in accordance with its
purpose to foster discussion and cooperation between all parties. Each member
of DISEC, as with the other committees in the General Assembly, has one vote
in decisions made by the committee. Often times, discussions in DISEC focus
on making recommendations for peace and security, and as such, they are
deemed important questions.6 This then requires that a two-thirds majority of
voters decide in favor of such a decision.7 Once decisions are made in DISEC,
they, along with decisions made by the other five main committees, are
presented before the General Assembly as draft resolutions for consideration in
a special plenary session.8 The specific mandate of DISEC is different from the
other committees of the General Assembly in that it places its focus on the
disarmament and related international security questions faced by the
international community. In this way, many of the United Nations conventions
on disarmament and on the use of weapons have originated in DISEC. For
example, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty ratified in 1968, as well as the
creation of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), followed the
suggestion of United States President Eisenhower to the General Assembly to
facilitate the safe development of nuclear technology. Another such document is
the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), which is the first multilateral
disarmament treaty banning an entire category of weapons by prohibiting the
development, production, acquisition, transfer, retention, stockpiling and use
of biological and toxin weapons.10 Also included in this list are the

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Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), which prohibits ratifying

states from conducting nuclear tests or explosions of any kind and the Chemical
Weapons Convention (CWC) that shares many functions of the BWC but is
aimed at chemical weapons of mass destruction. Lastly, in addition to
discussing issues of international peace and security, DISEC and the General
Assembly communicate with other organs of the UN, especially the Security
Council, by receiving and considering their reports.11 Currently, DISEC faces
many challenges including the impact of increased technology and weapon
development on the security of the international community. In 2005, for
example, the DISEC agenda items of the 60th session of the General Assembly
included discussions on reduction of military budgets, telecommunications and
information in relation to international security, radiological terrorism, nuclear
weapon-free zones in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Middle
East, the roles of science and technology in international security, and the
protection of non-nuclear weapon states against nuclear weapons.12 In the past
year, DISEC has mainly focused on determining the future of weapons of mass
destruction (WMDs) and of nuclear proliferation worldwide.13 On 26 October
2010, the General Assembly held its 65th session and the 19th meeting of
DISEC. In this meeting, Chair Milos Koterec of Slovakia introduced the two
agenda items at hand: nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass
destruction.14 Draft resolution A/C.1/65/L.1, entitled Establishment of a
Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in the Region of the Middle East, was adopted
without a formal vote or objections. Additionally, draft resolution A/C.1/65/L.3
on The Risk of Nuclear Proliferation in the Middle East was adopted by
DISEC.15 DISEC has adopted a number of notable treaties, including the Arms
Trade Treaty, which recently received signatures from over half of all member

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states. An important part of DISECs work has also focused on the influence of
the Non-Aligned Movement, a group of member states not formally aligned
with any major power bloc that takes a firm position on peace and disarmament.
Many of these states, as members of DISEC, have been instrumental in the
introduction and adoption of the aforementioned treaties and other agreements.
Moving forward, DISEC will continue to face complex issues in which the
security of the international community is at stake. DISEC will continue to
make recommendations to both the General Assembly and the Security Council
as it pursues disarmament, peace, and security initiatives to the fullest extent of
its mandate.

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UNGA DISEC at SSNMUN 2016

The agenda for the simulation of the United Nations Disarmament and
International Security Council is:
Review and rework of international framework/treaties to prevent the
proliferation of SALWs.
Small arms are considered to be any weapons that can be carried by one or two
people, from pistols and submachine guns to mines, grenades, and even small
missiles. By their nature these weapons are easy to conceal and transport, which
has allowed for a black market of small arms to grow and thrive worldwide.
Small arms are responsible for over 50,000 deaths per year (UNODA), from
armed rebels attacking civilians in Mali to gang members shooting law
enforcement officers in Chicago.
The majority of small arms is in private hands, and because of this it is
impossible to accurately estimate the number of small arms actually in
circulationalthough the total is believed to be almost 900 million. Due to the
lack of regulation surrounding the small arms trade, less is know about these
guns than about the global nuclear weapons supply (Small Arms Survey). Small
arms are rarely moved in large, observable quantities. There are over one
thousand weapons manufacturers in over one hundred countries, any of which
could be stolen from or involved in illicit gun trading on a small scale. Small
arms trickle into conflict zones slowly and under the radar, but large amounts of
weaponry can accumulate nonetheless and upset the balance of power in fragile
social and political environments. The problem should be approached at least in
part from the production side, as proper marking and tracing can help to identify

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trade routes and finding the sources of leakage of arms into the black market
(UNIDIR). Work must also be done with governments to tighten regulations
and security around the legal arms trade, as many illegal small arms brokers are
able to exploit legal loopholes and falsify documentation to obtain weapons
from legitimate suppliers.
The presence of large numbers of small arms can aggravate existing
tensions and turn what could have been peaceful political processes into armed
uprisings and civil wars. Although guns are not the direct cause of these
conflicts, it is undeniable that the casualties resulting from them are markedly
higher owing to the prevalence of small arms. Only be working closely with
producers and traders and learning the nuances of the illegal arms trade will
DISEC be able to form plans of action to combat this worldwide epidemic of
violence.

Sales and Stats about SALWs

More than 1,000 companies from some 100 countries produce small arms and
light weapons and their ammunition. Only about a dozen countries produce
advanced guided light weapons. Procurement analysis suggests that within a 50
year period, world production of military assault rifles, carbines, pistols, and
light and heavy machine guns would range between 36 million and 46 million
units, with an annual production of small arms alone (firearms, rather than light
weapons) averaging 700,000900,000. Research suggests that close to 80
countries currently produce small arms ammunition for pistols, revolvers, rifles,
carbines, sub-machine guns, and machine-guns. Producers with the capacity to
make the equipment necessary to manufacture small arms ammunition are far

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less numerous, however.

In 2010, the number of countries exporting at least $100 million of small arms
annually rose from 12 to 14. The exporters' list was led by the U.S., followed by
Italy, Germany, Brazil, Austria, Switzerland, Israel, Russia, South Korea,
Belgium, China, Turkey, Spain and the Czech Republic. Sweden dropped off
the list because its exports fell from $132 million in 2010 to $44 million in
2011.
The eight countries that imported at least $100 million of small arms in 2011
were the United States, Canada, Germany, Australia, Thailand, United
Kingdom, France and Italy. South Korea dropped from the list because its
imports fell from $130 million in 2010 to $40 million in 2011.

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Analysis of SALW proliferation:

Small arms can enter the illicit market in nine different ways:
1. The first and most serious transfer of illegal arms occurs when states and
organizations defy weapons trade embargos on nations. By doing so, they
directly fuel the conflict in nations that have already been pre-identified as wartorn. Cases on regional, national and international scales can be found where the
embargos were not monitored closely enough, such as the embargos on Angola
and Liberia.
2. Another important transgression occurs because of corruption in the system.
In many countries, such as Russia, the illegal passage of weapons is allowed
through and across the border of a country as officials are bribed to cooperate.

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These officials will often accept payoffs, especially in countries where

government officials receive meagre salaries and have little to no incentive to
enforce the law.
3. The inadequate management of weapons stockpiles has meant that many
legal weapons, often stored once they are out-dated, leak into the black market.
It is in this way that most legal arms leach into illicit trafficking networks.
4. Another important source of illegal weapons can again be linked to the poor
management of weapon caches. During times of civil unrest, many opportunists
find the time to raid weapon arsenals. In 1997, for example, Albanian
government arsenals emptied as the country descended into chaos and more
than half a million weapons flowed into the hands of Albanian citizens. Many of
these guns made their way throughout the Balkans and into other regions. In the
most extraordinary case, that of Iraq, the loss of control of millions of small
arms and light weapons, ammunition and explosives helped to undermine the
stability of an entire country.
5. Often times, weapons are also lost from military stocks. Each year,
approximately 1 million light weapons are stolen or lost from military arsenals.
6. There are also known cases where members of the military who have legal
access to guns and other weapons sell them or provide them to the black market.
Israeli soldiers are known to sell weapons to Palestinians with the full
understanding that these weapons will be used against Israeli soldiers and
citizens.
7. Weapons have been stolen from owners, a case that occurs in countries where

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it is legal to carry firearms, such as the U.S.

8. Ambiguous or unclear domestic laws can allow persons to own and purchase
multiple guns. These owners then go on to sell these weapons to other parties.
9. Lastly, there are many organizations in the black market that make their own
weapons directly.

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Need for a framework: Case study of South Sudan

SALW have many uses beyond their primary function as weapons of war. As a
consequence, the effects of their proliferation are widespread. The first cluster
of effects is connected with conflict and insecurity, and includes both the direct
costs (deaths and injuries in conflicts) and the indirect costs (post-conflict
insecurity, inter-communal tensions, etc.) of SALW proliferation and use.
Although the presence or proliferation of small arms and light weapons does not
cause the conflicts that are evident around the world, they do contribute to their
level of violence, and generally therefore make the resolution of these conflicts
more difficult.
The second cluster relates to development and governance issues. Investments
of time and money by governments, the international development
community, major international aid agencies and NGOs often have little
impact in conflict-affected environments because gains are undermined by
violence and insecurity. Up to 1.5 billion people live in countries that are
affected by conflict and fragility, and 70% of fragile states have experienced
conflict since 1989.SALW misuse is one of the factors that cause insecure
situations and therefore undermines development. At the same time, a lack of
development and a state that does not provide security to its people are some of
the factors causing people to have weapons.
For this reason, international focus on SALW issues has often been cast more
broadly to address the roots of conflict and strengthen security provision
through processes like security sector reform.

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South Sudan

Until the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, South Sudan
experienced decades of armed conflict, and was in 2011 still suffering from the
consequences, including underdevelopment, large-scale displacement and
continuing armed conflict at the community level. There are many different
causes and levels of conflict in South Sudan, ranging from conflicts between
individuals and groups over such things as marriage, cattle, water and pasture to
conflicts at the political level. The presence of small arms contributes to these
conflicts and makes them more deadly. For example, violence between
pastoralists and crop farmers or among pastoralists over cattle rustling or
grazing rights has historically occurred in South Sudan. Traditionally, these
conflicts were fought with spears and sticks. However, this has changed due to
the circulation of small arms during the civil war. Cattle raids with the use of
guns can now lead to dozens or even hundreds of deaths. Traditional conflict

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resolution mechanisms, such as negotiations between community elders, are

also less effective, as power is now often wielded by well-armed young men.

In 2009, South Sudan experienced a major spike in armed violence, causing

some 2,500 deaths and displacing 350,000 (see Map below). The violence took
place as implementation of the CPA reached crisis point, with the (then)
Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) almost exclusively preoccupied with
countering perceived Northern aggression, at the expense of security and
governance issues closer home.

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Impacts of SALW on development

Socio-economic underdevelopment presents both a breeding ground for and a
consequence of the proliferation and misuse of SALW. The long-term impacts
and costs of SALW in terms of human and economic development affect
societies as a whole, and the adverse effects of armed violence on poverty,

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social spending and economic development perpetuate human suffering. SALW

can have a negative and destructive impact on human development, including
health and mortality, knowledge and education, income and standard of living,
and community participation. SALW also play a key role in criminal activities
and damage to property and can become an integral part of day-to-day business
and commerce, which have a negative impact on employment, investment and
growth of post-conflict countries. Widespread use of small arms in business and
commerce frequently has a detrimental effect on business activity and
employment which in turn fuels poverty. As a result, there may be less
opportunity to work and earn an income as investment declines not only largescale Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), but also by local or regional
entrepreneurs who may not want to take the risk.

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International framework to combat the issue: Arms Trade Treaty (ATT)

The ground-breaking Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) adopted in April 2013, is the
first global treaty to regulate the conventional arms trade. The Treaty creates a
new global norm against which states practice will be measured, by other states
and by international civil society. A global Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) became
international law on 24 December 2014.The ATT means that every state that
has signed-up must now obey strict rules on international arms transfers. This
will at last help to stem the flow of weapons that fuel bloody conflicts, atrocities
and state repression around the world. The Treatys rules are simple if a
country knows that the arms about to be sold will be used for genocide, crimes
against humanity, or war crimes, then they must stop the transfer. The ATT
provides crucial ground rules for the global arms trade. It is important to ensure
strict implementation of the ATT and further encourage states not party to the
same to sign and ratify it.

How does the ATT regulate the conventional weapons trade?

At the heart of the ATT is the obligation on countries that have joined it to make
an assessment of how the weapons they want to transfer will be used. They
must determine if the arms would commit or facilitate genocide, crimes against
humanity, war crimes and serious human rights violations. Each state must
assess if there is an overriding risk that a proposed arms export to another
country will be used for or contribute to serious human rights abuses. If so,
those arms must not be sent. This is the key element of the Treaty, found in
Articles 6 and 7.

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Other parts of the Treaty set out guidelines for states that are importing
weapons, and requires importers and exporters to cooperate in sharing
information necessary to make the above assessment. It also includes
obligations for countries that have weapons transiting through their borders and
for brokering activities.

Why is it ground-breaking?
The ATT is the first time that human rights and humanitarian concerns have
been so deeply integrated into a global arms control agreement. It introduces a
notion of responsibility into the global arms trade that was absent before. While
certain regional and national export laws did include these considerations others
did not. These gaps are what enabled weapons to fall into the wrong hands or be
diverted onto black markets. The ATT has helped to level the playing field and
close the loopholes used by arms dealers and unscrupulous governments.

What weapons does it include?

The Treaty covers conventional weapons (meaning not nuclear, chemical or
biological). The arms specifically mentioned in the Treaty are battle tanks,
armoured combat vehicles, large-caliber artillery systems, combat aircraft,
attack helicopters, warships, missiles and missile launchers and small arms and
light weapons. Ammunition, as well as the parts and components that make up
weapons systems, also fall under its regulation.

What about the illicit trade in weapons?

Bringing the licit trade under control is the first necessary step toward
addressing a reduction in the illicit trade. This has always been one of the

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motivating factors behind the ATT.

When was it adopted and how long did it take?

The ATT is the outcome of over a decade of advocacy and diplomacy. After
years of preparation, a UN diplomatic conference was formally convened in
July 2012, but fell short of reaching consensus on a final text and another two
week-long diplomatic conference was convened in March 2013 to complete
work on the treaty. However, Iran, North Korea, and Syria blocked consensus
on the final treaty text, leading treaty supporters to move it to the UN General
Assembly on for approval. On April 2, 2013, the UN General Assembly
endorsed the ATT by a vote of 156-3, with 22 abstentions. The treaty opened
for signature on June 3, 2013. The ATT requires 50 ratifications before it can
enter into force.

Who has joined it?

There are currently 82 States Parties and a further 51 are signatories.

What is the Conference of States Parties?

The Conference of States Parties (CSP) is the annual meeting for states that
have joined the Treaty. It is an important place to report on progress made in
implementing the Treaty as well as address challenges or concerns. The first
CSP took place in Cancun, Mexico from 24-27 August 2015.

Conference of States Parties

As called for by Article 17 of the Treaty, a Conference of States Parties (CSP)
was convened by the Provisional Secretariat one year after the Treaty entered

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into force.
Mexico hosted the First Conference of States Parties from 24-27 August 2015 in
Mexico City.
The adoption of the Arms Trade Treaty was a historic victory. However, its
humanitarian impact will depend on the effectiveness of its implementation.
The CSP is an important part of this, since the annual forum is where States
Parties, signatories, UN bodies and civil society meet to assess and discuss
implementation progress.

Extraordinary Meeting of States Parties

Geneva
29 February 2016
Over 75 governments including 52 States parties, 22 signatories, and 3
observers attended the Geneva meeting, along with more than 30 NGO and
UN representatives.
The meeting did make progress on some procedural issues, including
administrative and budget arrangements for the ATT Secretariat, and
arrangements for the second Conference of States Parties (CSP), to be held in
August later this year. The meeting also agreed to the re-establishment an
Informal Working Group on Reporting, with the aim of making progress on
templates for States Parties official reports.
Despite irrefutable evidence of serious violations of international law in a
conflict that has killed more than 35,000 people, several States Parties and

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Signatories to the ATT have continued sending weapons to Saudi Arabia, in

violation of the Treatys obligations.

First Conference of States Parties

Cancun
24-27 August 2015
The first Conference of States Parties (CSP) to the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT)
took place from 24-27 August 2015 in Cancun, Mexico. It followed five
informal and formal preparatory meetings that took place over the previous 12
months, and represented a critical opportunity for States Parties to make
decisions to guarantee that the ATT will be implemented robustly.
It was overall a successful meeting, with decisions made including the adoption
of the Rules of Procedure; agreeing Financial Rules; agreeing the location, Head
and remit of the ATT Secretariat, and agreeing the President, Vice-Presidents
and Management Committee for CSP 2016.
Disappointingly, however, despite a considerable amount of work being done
ahead of the CSP, States Parties could not agree on templates that they could
use as the basis for either their initial or first annual reports that will be falling
due starting from 24 December 2015 and on 31 May 2016 respectively.
Additionally some debates and decisions highlighted political tensions and a
North-South divide in approach and perspectives. Going forward, States must
show greater ambition and courage if the ATT is to really make a difference and
fulfill its potential.

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Illicit Trafficking
The illicit trade in small arms and light weapons occurs in all parts of the globe
but is concentrated in areas afflicted by armed conflict, violence, and organized
crime, where the demand for illicit weapons is often highest. Arms trafficking
fuels civil wars and regional conflicts; stocks the arsenals of terrorists, drug
cartels, and other armed groups; and contributes to violent crime and the
proliferation of sensitive technology.
Black market trafficking usually takes place on a regional or local level;
publicly available data suggests that the multi-ton, inter-continental shipments
organized by the merchants of death account for only a small fraction of illicit
transfers. Among the most important forms of illicit trafficking is the ant
tradenumerous shipments of small numbers of weapons that, over time,
result in the accumulation of large numbers of illicit weapons by unauthorized
end users. Data analyzed in the Small Arms Survey 2013 indicates that
thousands of firearms seized in Mexico are traced to the United States annually.
These weapons are often purchased from gun shops in small numbers and then
smuggled over the border. While individual transactions occur on a small scale,
the sum total of the weapons trafficked into Mexico is large.
While most arms trafficking appears to be conducted by private entities, certain
governments also contribute to the illicit trade by deliberately arming proxy
groups involved in insurgencies against rival governments, terrorists with
similar ideological agendas, or other non-state armed groups. These types of
transfers, which are prevalent in Africa and other regions where armed conflict
is common, are often conducted in contravention of UN arms embargoes and
have the potential to destabilize neighbouring countries. In recent years,
governments have covertly delivered tens of thousands of small arms and light

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weapons to various armed groups in Somalia despite a long-standing UN arms

embargo. As revealed in the Small Arms Survey 2012, these weapons range
from Kalashnikov-pattern assault rifles to third-generation SA-18 MANPADS,
one of which was used to shoot down a Belarusian cargo aircraft delivering
supplies intended for peacekeepers in March 2007.
The prices of illicit firearms and their relation to security dynamics have
attracted interest among journalists and researchers for some time. In the Small
Arms Survey 2013 finds a clear link between illicit market prices in Lebanon
and reported fatalities during the first 19 months of the conflict in Syria. The
particularly strong correlation between ammunition prices in Lebanon and
fatalities in Syria underlines the value of monitoring ammunition prices. Yet
available reporting from conflict zones has tended to neglect this important
piece of the puzzle, focusing on prices for the most common weapons instead.
The Small Arms Survey 2014 reveals that newly produced ammunition is
circulating in conflict-affected countries in Africa and the Middle East. Tracing
investigations presented in this edition conclude that Sudan government
stockpiles are the primary source of weapons for non-state armed groups of all
allegiances in Sudan and South Sudanboth through deliberate arming and
battlefield capture. Such arms monitoring is, however, increasingly hampered
by the production of unmarked ammunition and the deliberate removal of
weapons markings.

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Further Reading
https://www.un.org/disarmament/convarms/salw/
https://unoda-web.s3-accelerate.amazonaws.com/wpcontent/uploads/assets/HomePage/ODAPublications/OccasionalPapers/PDF/OP
23.pdf

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