O lof S und Q vist

Aspects of Rulership Ideology in Early Scandinavia with particular references to the Skaldic Poem Ynglingatal
In earlier stages of the history of religions, it was argued that the ancient Svear had a sacral kingship with a centre in Uppsala (e.g. Schck, 1904; von Friesen, 193234; Strm, 1954). There the ruler was regarded as a god, contracting a symbolic marriage with a goddess, playing ritual roles in cultic contexts, and even letting himself be sacrificed to guarantee the welfare of his people. This theory was largely built on the skaldic poem Ynglingatal which was considered Lecturer Olof Sundqvist to be of pre-Christian origin. In 1991, Department of Humanities and Social Claus Krag published his dissertation Sciences, University of Gvle, Sweden Ynglingatal og Ynglingesaga, in which he [email protected] questioned the traditional dating of CAS Fellow 2007/2008 Ynglingatal, arguing that this poem was young and should be dated to the 12th century. Although this opinion was not new in the research on Ynglingatal (cf. Bugge,1894, pp.108153; Neckel, 1908, pp. 389421), Krag emphasised it even more strongly. He also stated that the content of the poem never originated from Eastern Scandinavia, but was rather built on traditions circulating in medieval Iceland. Hence this poem lost most of its relevance as a source for a pre-Christian kingship in Svetjud. This criticism of Krag represents serious problems for those supporting the sacral theory. The question is whether the arguments on which it has been based are tenable and valid. I will therefore examine some of Krags arguments and discuss the value of Ynglingatal as a source of information about the religious and political conditions which prevailed in ancient Svetjud. Thereafter, I will illuminate some aspects of the rulership ideology discernible in this poem.

Ynglingatal dating and provenance

Ynglingatal has been preserved to the present via Snorri Sturlusons prose text Ynglinga saga (c. 1230), where it is quoted. According to Snorri, it was composed by Thjodolf of Hvin who was King Harald Finehairs skald sometime towards the end of the 9th century. It is a genealogical poem composed in his native tongue, which recounts the reigns of 29 rulers from the Swedish-Norwegian royal Ynglinga family. This poem was made in honour of King Rognvald, a minor ruler in Vestfold, Norway, the son of Olaf Geirstadaalf and a relative of King Harald. Ynglingatal has 27 stanzas. Each stanza briefly describes the deaths, burials and sometimes

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the burial places of the kings. The first eight stanzas concern heroic rulers of the Svear. The next 13 stanzas are about legendary Svea kings. Finally, the last six stanzas describe six possibly historical Norwegian kings. Scholars have commonly held that Snorris information concerning the dating of Ynglingatal is reasonable, i.e. c. 890 (see e.g. kerlund, 1939). This dating was, however, challenged by Krag (1991). He argued that there are medieval Christian values and ideas present in the poem, indicating an anachronism, and he presented a few examples of this. Krag stated, for instance, that the kenning of fire in the poem, svar nir, i.e. the relative of sea, presupposes the Christian medieval teaching on the four elements. This doctrine of Empedocles was disseminated in Christian Europe through Bedes commentary on the Bible and a Latin translation of Platos Timaeus. According to Krag, the poem must have been composed after this doctrine had become known in Scandinavia, i.e. in about the 12th century. In my opinion, this argument is questionable. Ideas about the relations of the different elements to each other are not exclusive to Christian culture. There are expressions similar to svar nir, for instance, in Vedic literature (see e.g. Krause, 1930, p. 17; Fidjestl, 1994, p. 195). The Indic fire-god Agni is sometimes called apa m napa t the child of water. Perhaps this is an ancient formula connected to a fire god among those people who spoke Indo-European languages. Thus the kenning svar nir could not be used as an argument indicating an anachronism in Ynglingatal. There is actually no reason to abandon the traditional dating of Ynglingatal. The formalistic language, its metre and its important content, could all have allowed it to retain its original shape for centuries. Snorris attitude towards old poetry makes it difficult to imagine his attributing a poem from the 12th century to a 9th century skald. It would definitely have risked his reputation in the view of all educated contemporary Icelanders who would have known the actual creator of Ynglingatal. In my opinion, there are therefore reasons to adopt Snorris view on the dating of the poem (for a more thorough criticism on Krags thesis, see e.g. Fidjestl, 1994; Dillmann, 2000; Sundqvist, 2002, pp. 4352). The question of Ynglingatals background is also very important in the perspective of present study. Ynglingatal can only be used as a reliable and valid source for the rulers of the Svear if it is based on traditions with an eastern Scandinavian origin. Krag thinks, however, that these traditions originated elsewhere. He argues that most of the content in Ynglingatal was built on late Western Scandinavian traditions, i.e. the same traditions which also formed the unreliable fornaldarsgur. According to him, the connection between the name Ynglingar and the Uppsala dynasty was nothing more than a 12th century construction. In my opinion, this is highly unlikely. There are, in fact, several indications connecting the Ynglingatal to Eastern Scandinavia. Strong support for an eastern origin of the traditions is provided by the place names occurring in the poem. In fact, names such as Uppsala, Fri, Taurr and Rningi can be identified with toponyms in the Mlar region (see e.g. Sundqvist, 2002, pp. 47ff.). Specialists on toponymy have made a distinction between closehorizon and remote-horizon names in Ynglingatal (see Vikstrand, 2004). The remote-horizon names do not say anything about the provenance of the poem. Uppsala, for instance, was known throughout Scandinavia. The name Skta, however, i.e. a close-horizon name, was probably unknown 16

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outside the local community. It refers to Skutn, an obscure tributary of the River Fyris, located in a little parish, north of Uppsala. It is highly unlikely that the name of this little creek was common knowledge among Norwegians in the Viking Age (8001100). Most likely, it and other closehorizon names were part of an ancient eastern tradition associated with the Swedish Ynglinga kings. This tradition was transferred to Norway, perhaps at the end of the Vendel Period (i.e. 8th century). But even if Thjodolf built his poem on eastern traditions, he could have revised them and added ideas and ideological aspects to reflect contemporary Western Scandinavian society. This is, of course, a problem in my study. In any case, I am inclined to count Ynglingatal as an important source for ideological aspects of both Sweden and Norway during the Late Iron Age.

Denominations and rulership ideology

Is it possible to grasp a specific rulership ideology in Ynglingatal? Since the content of this poem is fragmentary, scholars have searched for a method to use for analysing it beyond the ambiguous narrative structure. In a previous study, I investigated Ynglingatal by studying the denominations of the rulers in the poem (Sundqvist, 2002, pp. 141ff.; cf. Marold, 1987). They appear as poetical expressions, so-called kenningar as well as common appellations. Obviously, they served to characterise the ideal image of the ruler. The semantic spectra of these expressions were thus important means for construing royal power. In this study, I classified the denominations into five different groups. Most expressions referred to leadership, power and warlike qualities. A few connoted wealth and generosity. Three kennings emphasised cultic aspects of the king. Four mentioned that the kings were of divine descent. Other genealogical references also occurred frequently. The denominations in Ynglingatal thus indicated an ideology where power and warlike qualities, as well as religious aspects, were essential. In what follows, I will investigate the expressions referring to religious matters and discuss their significance to the rulership ideology and its setting in the Svea society. There are clear indications that the Ynglinga dynasty was really honoured for its divine origin. In Ynglingatal, kings carried denominations such as Freyrs offspring (Freys afspringr) and the kinsman-of-gods (gokynningr), and the entire Yngling dynasty is called the line of the mighty god (rttar rs nikvsl). Freyr was a fertility god and most likely regarded as the divine forefather of the Ynglinga kings. Adam of Bremen (c. 1075) mentioned that Freyrs image in the temple of Uppsala was phallic. There are several place names in the Mlar region containing Freyrs name, indicating that he was one of the most important deities in the area (see e.g. Vikstrand, 2001). There are also other genealogical references in Ynglingatal to indicate that descent was essential in ideological contexts. Ynglingatal also refers to the cultic functions of the king. In one kenning, King Yngvi is called vrr vstalls. The basic meaning of the word v is something holy, but often it refers to cult site, sanctuary. In the compound form vstallr, it means sacred stand or altar. Thus the kenning suggests that the ruler was the keeper or custodian of the altar. There are several similar denominations of rulers in primary sources. In the runic inscription of Rk (9th century), stergtland (g 136), the chieftain Sibbe is called viavri with a meaning similar to vrr 17

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vstalls. Another chieftain appears in the runic inscription from Synnerby, Vstergtland (Vg 73), with a byname V urr guardian of the sanctuary. Several sources indicate that the ruler cared for and arranged cult feasts at the sanctuaries. These practices also had economic implications, and were grounded in a redistribution system. During a cult feast in the hall, the ruler distributed gifts to his men under ritual circumstances. In Ynglingatal, King Vanlande is called mengltur spendthrift of jewellery, i.e. a generous person. The rulers gifts created alliances and friendship relations between the king and his subjects. These gifts also required compensation in the form of military service, loyalty, goods, raw materials, labour and other service. The cult was thus integrated into the social, economic and political life of the Svear. This type of ruler ideology may be supported by recent archaeology. Evidence found at ancient aristocratic residences in Sweden indicates several activities such as production and trade, but also cultic practices. In connection with the Iron Age representation hall of the ruler at Helg, Uppland, interesting finds have been made, such as the guldgubbar and ceremonial glass (see Herschend, 1995). The guldgubbar are small gold-foiled figures depicting mythical scenes. They most likely played an important role in the ideological apparatus of the rulers (see Steinsland, 1991). Some of them were deposited near the high seat of the hall, probably as sacrificial gifts to the gods. A concentration of exclusive glass has also been found there. Most likely the ruler of Helg was sitting at this place when celebrating sacrificial feasts. The rulers entering of the high seat probably comprised a complex of religious ideas.

Summing up
Ynglingatal is probably a pre-Christian poem dating back to the end of the 9th century. There are clear indications that Thjodolf based his poem on Eastern Scandinavian traditions. In my opinion, it is therefore possible to reconstruct a pre-Christian rulership ideology by means of Ynglingatal, which is valid for both Swedish and Norwegian conditions. This ideology involved religious aspects. The rulers there were related to the mythical world by descent. In addition, they performed important ritual roles in the hall at the royal residence. References
Bugge, S.: Bidrag til den ldste Skaldedigtnings Historie, Christiania, 1894. Dillmann, F.-X.: Chronique des tudes nordiques, in Proxima Thul. Revue dtudes nordiques, Vol 4, Paris, 2000, pp. 101112. Fidjestl, B.: Anmeldelse Claus Krag, Ynglingatal og Ynglingesaga: En studie i historiske kilder, Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1991, in Maal og Minne, 1994, pp. 191199. Friesen, O. von: Har det nordiska kungadmet sakralt ursprung? En ordhistorisk utredning, in Saga och Sed, Gustav Adolfs Akademiens rsbok, Uppsala, 193234, pp. 1534.. Herschend, F.: Hus p Helg, in Fornvnnen, 90, 1995, pp. 221228. Krag, C.: Ynglingatal og Ynglingesaga: En studie i historiske kilder, Studia humaniora, 2, Oslo, 1991. Krause, W.: Die Kenning als typische Stilfigur der germanischen und keltischen Dichtersprache, Schriften der Knigsberger gelehrten Gesellschaft. 7. Jahr, Geisteswissenschaftliche Klasse, Heft 1, Halle (Saale), 1930. Marold, E.: Die norwegische Reichseinigung und die Prieslieddichtung, in U. Groenke (ed.): Arbeiten zur Skandinavistik, 7, Arbeitstagung der Skandinavisten des Deutschen Sprachgebietes: 4.8.10.8.1985 in Skjeberg/Norwegen, , Frankfurt am MainBern New YorkParis, 1987, pp. 5997. Neckel, G.: Beitrge zur Eddaforschung. Mit Excursen zur Heldensage, Dortmund, 1908. Schck, H.: Studier i nordisk litteratur- och religionshistoria, Vol. III, Stockholm, 1904.

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Steinsland, G.: Det hellige bryllup og Norrn Kongeideologi. En analyse av hierogami-myten i Skrnisml, Ynglingatal, Hleygjatal og Hyndlulj, Oslo, 1991. Strm, F.: Diser, Nornor, Valkyrjor. Fruktbarhetskult och sakralt kungadme i Norden, KVHAAH. Filologisk-Filosofiska Serien, 1, Stockholm, 1954. Sundqvist, O.: Freyrs Offspring. Rulers and Religion in Ancient Svea Society, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Historia Religionum, 21, Uppsala, 2002. kerlund, W.: Studier ver Ynglingatal, Skrifter utgivna av Vetenskaps-societeten i Lund, 23, Lund, 1939. Vikstrand, P.: Gudarnas platser. Frkristna sakrala ortnamn i Mlarlandskapen, Acta academiae regiae Gustavi Adolphi, LXXVII, Studier till en svensk ortnamnsatlas utgivna av Thorsten Andersson, 17, Uppsala, 2001. Vikstrand, P.: Skut and Vendil. Two Place Names in Ynglingatal, in A. van Nahl et al. (eds.) Namenwelt. Orts- und Personennamen in historischer Sicht, Ergnzungsbnde zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, Band 44, BerlinNew York, 2004, pp. 372387.

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