Traditional Leadership

Hybridity conveys the idea of the interweaving of practices, norms and identities that defy any compartmentalisation into fundamentally bounded entities. This results from processes of hybridisation whereby actors cross boundaries that are prominent at a given time, like state vs. traditional. Boundaries help consolidate power, hierarchies, and orders. This article discusses the politics of hybridisation in the constitution of authority in post-colonies, using the example of chiefs and state officials in Mozambique. It argues that hybrid acts also form part of individual actors' efforts to consolidate power and constitute authority and that this coexists in a productive tension with boundary-making. © 2017 informa uK limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group KEYWORDS hybridity boundary-making chiefs state formation sovereignty ARTICLE HISTORY

African royalty, referred to as ‘traditional leadership’ in South Africa, evolved over centuries in Africa amidst the ravages and pillage of colonialism and apartheid through the strategies of indirect rule and divide-conquer-and-rule. This article focuses on the former approach and provides a brief outline of how the indirect rule affected the institution of African royals. However, specific focus is on the continuation, or not, of indirect control in post-apartheid South Africa by scrutinising Lord Frederick JD Lugard’s three specific institutional reforms promulgated in his indirect rule strategy. It will also be done by examining whether apartheid’s demise ended indirect rule or whether it continued in post-apartheid South Africa. Although Sir Theophilus Shepstone’s 1891 Natal Code of Natives Laws were briefly consulted, the focus is on Lugard’s reforms. The article argues that in many instances, the ushering in of democracy on the African continent, including South Africa, did not imply that African royals would revert to living and enjoying their precolonial status, roles, and powers. Instead, they continued to serve as disempowered cultural figureheads within their communities. Relying on the three institutional reforms of Lugard, the article uses different scenarios to demonstrate this view. This article is also a review of 25 years (1994 to 2019) of the ‘traditional’ leadership institution in South Africa.

The chieftaincy institution is a revered institution and as such attempts have been made to
maintain its sanctity. However, over the years, the institution has been fraught with disputes
thereby bringing its image into disrepute. The chieftaincy Act, 759 (2008) was enacted by
the parliament of Ghana to regulate the institution. The Act has made provisions for the
resolution of disputes that have attended the institution. This article is an attempt to assess
the effectiveness of the Act on the dispute resolution mechanisms of the judicial committees
of the Houses of Chiefs. Using interview and textual analysis as its main instruments, the
article looks at the role of the Judicial Committees of the Houses of Chiefs in dealing with
the numerous succession disputes that has bedeviled the institution. The article will assess
the methods the Committee uses in handling cases that come before it and how parties
to the succession disputes collaborate with the Committee to dispense with the case. The
article argues that if the Judicial Committee is well resourced, it will be in a position to help
deal with chieftaincy succession disputes expeditiously. This would reduce the incidents of
open conflicts resulting in deaths and destructions of properties thereby threatening national

Whereas the belief that political parties are necessary elements of democracy is widespread in political science, it is in fact empirically false. Six small Pacific island democracies function without parties, and several explanations for the absence of parties in these countries have been developed. In the present article, an interview-based qualitative analysis of one of these six democracies without parties – the Republic of Palau – is offered in order to examine why parties are absent here, and how the Palauan democracy functions without parties. The findings of this case study indicate that both size and culture contribute to the non-existence of parties in Palau, and that the role of parties is in many ways fulfilled by clan
structures. In several respects the absence of parties is found to undermine the functioning of Palauan democracy,
whereas respondents paradoxically indicate that non-elected traditional leadership contributes positively to the performance of democracy in Palau.

In South Africa, proposals for mining are becoming increasingly situated in rural areas, with communities impacted negatively by local resource extraction due to environmental and social impacts. Unfortunately, traditional leadership structures have largely posed a barrier towards inclusion of local community concerns/decisions over mining development, with collusion between traditional leaders and mining companies. Although there has been some information surrounding traditional leaders approving mining developments on communal
lands and with no local community participation, there has been limited case studies and academic discourse to examine the micro politics of the interaction between leaders, the mining corporations, government and local communities, including external traditional leadership forces outside the community influencing mining developments. This paper will focus on the rural community of Fuleni, Northern KwaZulu-Natal, which is being targeted for mining development by Ibutho Coal mining. It will also examine the role of the traditional leadership in engaging local community concerns against mining development. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with key informants (community and civil society organisations providing support to residents). Corruption between the local traditional leadership council and the mining company influenced the lack of inclusion of the local community concerns over mining development. Corruption was also found within the ward
leadership council, the Ingonyama Trust Board and with the Zulu King, which therefore perpetuated local traditional leadership mining corruption. Additionally, whereas during apartheid the state used the traditional chiefs as ‘representative’ of the people to legitimise decisions made, the new democracy has seen a continuation of this practice, but with mining, conglomerates exercising more control over the government and traditional chiefs to ensure mining development

There are various levels of traditional leaders in Zimbabwe. Traditional chiefs and headmen are the commonest ones, but only the chiefs will be discussed in this paper since headmen have very little, if anything, to do with local government. Chiefs have been part of the African cultural system for hundreds of years in Zimbabwe. As long ago as 1910, traditional chiefs began to be appointed by governors and then later by presidents in accordance with the law. Today chiefs are appointed by the President in accordance with section 283 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, and section 3 of the Traditional Leaders act. The President also has the power to remove a chief from office. Chiefs make up two main structures namely the Council of Chiefs and the Provincial Assemblies. Traditional leaders, before the creation of Rural District Councils, used to play a major and significant role in the governance of their respective areas of jurisdiction. However the creation of Rural District councils saw the relevance of traditional leaders to local governance becoming more imagined than real. The paper will shed more light on how the significance of traditional leaders to local governance has depreciated and how Rural District Councils have taken over the scene. The primary responsibility of chiefs is to provide traditional leadership to their communities, as well as to perform the duties assigned to them under customary law and the Traditional Leaders Act (chapter 29:17). Under customary law traditional leaders have custody of communal land. Section 282 of the constitution of Zimbabwe clearly outlines the functions of traditional leaders and among these there is the promotion and upholding of cultural values of their communities and, in particular, to promote sound family values. Traditional leaders are generally accepted as the custodians of customary law and practice, and their support has always been sought by successive regimes since Zimbabwe was colonised. They can allocate land to local residents for both residential and agricultural purposes. They also play a minor role in the settling of disputes among their people. These are mainly cases of a civil rather than a criminal nature. Apart from settling disputes among the people of their communities, chiefs also have responsibilities in relation to the Council of Chiefs and Provincial Assembly, which is created under the Traditional Leaders Act. Section 282(1) of the constitution also mandates traditional leaders to facilitate development in their respective areas of jurisdiction. In Zimbabwe according to an article in February 2012 traditional leaders where demanding to seat in the mining boards in areas under their jurisdiction to facilitate development in their communities .This was because the president of the chief council of Zimbabwe chief Charumbira argued that foreign companies where looting the country's minerals

The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore a phenomenon concerning why organizational leaders have transitioned from academically recommended leadership theories to their own non-traditional leadership practices. Existing research suggests that current leadership theories are outdated and not keeping pace with continual change, vast technological advancements, and expectations by stakeholders for transparency. The concept for this study was inspired in part by a combination of over 40-years of personal and professional observations and experience in leadership, and a personal theory that leaders do not practice traditional leadership theory as originally  intended, but rather select various elements from numerous theories and merge them into a single leadership practice, also known as non-traditional leadership. The findings of this study suggested that all participants practiced non-traditional leadership. Continual change was recognized as an ongoing phenomenon, and leadership theories, or  elements of theories, were considered outdated. Acceptance of change and adaptability was identified as necessary attributes for modern day successful leaders, and leaders who continued to practice traditional theory, did so out of fear of change. Additional research should be conducted to evaluate how wide spread the practice of non-traditional  leadership practices has spread and why leaders have chosen to ignore the recommended academic teachings of traditional leadership theories. Further research should be conducted concentrating on traditional leaders, in an effort to understand their motivations for following traditional leadership models.

Raghnhild Louise Muriaas, Vibeke Wang, Lindsay J. Benstead, Boniface Dulani, and Lise Rakner. “Why Campaigns to Stop Child Marriage Can Backfire.” The Washington Post Monkey Cage, December 13, 2018. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2018/12/13/why-campaigns-to-stop-child-marriage-can-backfire/?utm_term=.ed196e312d14

The main thrust of this investigation was to explore the roles played by the traditional leadership in conflict resolution and peace building in the rural communities in Zimbabwe. The study investigated the gaps in the execution of the traditional duties of traditional leaders in conflict resolution in their communities. The study used the qualitative research design in its quest to get answers to the raised questions. The research found out that generally people in rural communities acknowledge the important roles played by traditional leaders in conflict resolution. It was also established that some traditional leaders are biased in the execution of their mandated duties, especially when dealing with political parties issues.

D espite constitutional provisions for traditional leadership in South Africa, traditional leaders have not been clearly recognised since the advent of democracy in 1994. Yet centuries ago, this type of leadership served as part of the history of the natives. In underscoring governmental functions, the 1996 Constitution makes provision for the three spheres of government, namely, national, provincial and local government. However, in some provinces such as KwaZulu-Natal, the king receives a substantial amount of funding from the provincial government in order to run the affairs of his kingdom. In such cases, standardised guidelines, accountability mechanisms and roles are not clearly stated for all traditional leaders in South Africa. In making sense of the role of traditional leadership in South Africa, a qualitative research in the form of focus group discussions was undertaken with the traditional leaders of the Greater Sekhukhune District Municipality. The purpose of this article is to understand the role (relevance and contribution) of traditional leadership in South Africa during the post-1994 democratic dispensation. The issues raised by these traditional leaders are that the current democratic government has reduced them to the role of preserving cultural heritage and does not include them in socio-economic activities; hence these traditional leaders are regarded by some sections of society as irrelevant.

This article discusses traditional leadership laws that entrench the 'tribal' boundaries which make up the former homelands, and recent policies that foreclose landownership for the majority of rural people. I argue that these laws and policies reinforce, rather than address, the legacy of the 1913 and 1936 Land Acts. Distorted constructs of unilateral chiefly power are mobilised in attempts to create a separate legal zone of customary authority that undermines the citizenship rights of those living within the boundaries of the former bantustans. The article points to tensions between the new policies and the Constitution's promise of land rights to remedy past discrimination, discussing restitution as a case in point. The example of platinum mining on communal land in North West Province is used to illustrate the significant resources at stake.

The main thrust of this investigation was to explore the roles played by the traditional leadership in conflict resolution and peace building in the rural communities in Zimbabwe. The study investigated the gaps in the execution of the traditional duties of traditional leaders in conflict resolution in their communities. The study used the qualitative research design in its quest to get answers to the raised questions. The research found out that generally people in rural communities acknowledge the important roles played by traditional leaders in conflict resolution. It was also established that some traditional leaders are biased in the execution of their mandated duties, especially when dealing with political parties issues.

Active citizenship and participatory community-development approaches have evolved partly in response to perceived aid-dependency among rural communities. In Solomon Islands these methods have met with mixed success. This article reflects on the frustration often felt by local and international development workers when working with rural communities. It questions some of the assumptions that shape the way in which development workers and programmes understand the types of community which make up Solomon Islands.

Decentralisation facilitates participation and helps deepen democracy. Nevertheless, it has been confronted with diverse challenges in Lesotho. First, the process has not succeeded to improve participation relative to the traditional system that preceded it. Second, it pitted the chiefs against counsellors. Third, it is hampered by lack of financial resources, human resources and the central government's tendency to intrude in local government's affairs and dictate the course of action. However, the prospects demonstrate that there is the political will to decentralise although there is still a need to address some challenges. Firstly, the central government has to devolve financial powers to the local units. Secondly, it has to ensure a smooth relationship between counsellors and chiefs and continue augmenting the budget allocated to the local government. Finally, it has to promote the use of internet technology and consider making chieftainship the last sub-unit of the local government.

This article presents an analysis of the recently published Draft Traditional Affairs Bill, 2013 and, in particular, clause 25 thereof. Clause 25 (‘[a]llocation of roles…’) contemplates something akin to the delegation of legislative power – in an unguided and unfettered manner – to ‘departments’ in the national and provincial spheres of government and the concomitant subdelegation of ‘roles’ in respect of the functional areas of these spheres to unelected traditional councils and leaders. This provision threatens not only the rule of law, but also the delicate twofold constitutional division of power: the horizontal separation of powers between the three branches of state and the vertical division of government into three spheres (national, provincial and local). Against the backdrop of the constitutional framework governing traditional leaders, this article unpacks the elements of clause 25 of the Draft Bill by addressing several specific questions which illustrate how and why clause 25 will fail to pass constitutional muster. Amongst other things, the notion of a ‘role’ is considered and compared with that of a ‘function’ and ‘power’ respectively. Similarly, the meaning of ‘allocation’ is considered and insofar as it amounts to delegation, the limits to the delegation of legislative and discretionary powers – as carved out by the Constitutional Court – are applied to the provisions of clause 25. Finally, it is determined that although customary law may be a source of administrative power for traditional leaders, these leaders may not exercise quintessential governmental power and insofar as clause 25 purports to confer such governmental powers on traditional leaders and councils, the Draft Bill impermissibly seeks to render traditional leaders a fourth sphere of government in breach of the twofold separation of powers and in violation of the explicit provisions of section 212(1) of the Constitution.

The main thrust of this investigation was to explore the roles played by the traditional leadership in conflict resolution and peace building in the rural communities in Zimbabwe. The study investigated the gaps in the execution of the traditional duties of traditional leaders in conflict resolution in their communities. The study used the qualitative research design in its quest to get answers to the raised questions. The research found out that generally people in rural communities acknowledge the important roles played by traditional leaders in conflict resolution. It was also established that some traditional leaders are biased in the execution of their mandated duties, especially when dealing with political parties issues.

Since the breakdown of the Suharto regime in 1998 and the passing of a new autonomy law in 1999, we can observe trends to revive local traditions all over Indonesia. In parallel, a bloody conflict was fought out in the Moluccas in Eastern Indonesia, mainly between Christians and Muslims, from 1999 until 2002. Nothing was left of the interreligious harmony, for which the Moluccas had been famous until then. During and after the conflict local actors pled for the strengthening or revival of traditions and customary law {adat) in order to create sustainable peace. I therefore argue that in the Moluccas the revitalisation of adat process not only has to be seen as part of a general trend in post Suharto Indonesia, but also as a local strategy for reconciliation. These revival attempts take place on different levels and are initiated by different actors with different backgrounds, motives and objectives. This paper aims to portray and analyse identity construction processes coming along with the revival movements, it aims to identify central actors, to reveal contradictions and problems in the revitalisation process and to discuss its potential as peacemaker in the Moluccas. [revitalisation of tradition, decentralisation, reconciliation, local leaders, Indonesia]

Traditional authorities play an important role in South Africa. Not everyone is, however, prepared to recognise them as role players. In government circles, on the one hand, a tendency exists to marginalise the role of traditional leaders and, on the other hand, a White Paper process is under way to spell out the role of traditional leaders in the future dispensation. Traditional authorities are seen by their communities as leaders through and by the people. In some instances it is even stated that they receive their authority from God. Research is done in the Province o f the North West, the Northern Province and the Province o f KwaZulu-Natal illustrates that in many o f the communities in which traditional leaders serve they are regarded as leaders and they are also seen as symbols of unity in the community. The Constitution also recognises the possibility that national and provincial legislation m ay provide a role for traditional leaders at national, provincial and local level. Some of the findings of the TARG Group illustrate that traditional leaders were used as political tools in the past and that they should refrain from participating in party politics. This contribution focuses on some of the findings of the Group.

Traditional authorities p lay an important role in South Africa. N ot everyone is, however, prep a red to recognise them as role players. In governm ent circles, on the one hand, a tendency exists to marginalise the role o f traditional leaders and, on the other hand, a White Paper process is under way to spell out the role o f traditional leaders in the fu tu re dispensation. Traditional authorities are seen by their com munities as leaders through and by the people. In som e instances it is even stated that they receive their authority fro m God. Research done in the Province o f the North West, the Northern Province a n d the Province o f KwaZulu-Natal illustrates that in many o f the communities in which traditional leaders serve they are regarded as leaders and they are also seen as sym bols o f unity in the community. The idea that the system o f traditional leadership m ay be abolished was met by fierce resistance. Traditional leaders are recognised in terms o f section 211 o f the 1996 Constitution. The Constitution also recognises the possibility that national a n d provincial legislation m ay provide a role fo r traditional leaders at national, provincial and local level. Some o f the find in g s o f the above-m entioned research program m e illustrate that traditional leaders were used as political tools in the past a n d that they should refrain fro m participating in p a rty politics. Findings also highlighted the fa c t that the fra g m en ted legislation dealing with the recognition a n d functions o f traditional leaders (caused by the apartheid system) should be rationalised. Som e confusion still exists as to the role o f traditional

This article makes an assessment of policy initiatives on traditional leadership to promote electoral democracy in South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia in order to provide intervention mechanisms. In Southern Africa reports of abuse of the institution of traditional leadership by political parties during elections have manifested in various forms resulting in public outcry. The study is done through a review of domestic Constitutions and policies in place for traditional leadership in the selected countries. The study shows that Namibia allows traditional leaders to hold political offices, while two other countries do not allow that. Zimbabwe clearly forbids traditional leaderships to meddle in partisan politics through the national Constitution. South Africa is not very clear in the national Constitution although it forbids through a white paper. The study concludes that traditional leaders must use their influence to encourage people to make electoral choices independently and guard...

In 2007, village kings from all over the Moluccan province gathered in Ambon city and founded a pan-Moluccan raja forum called Majelis Latupati Maluku (MLM). The association is meant to unite traditional leadership, re-integrate Moluccan society and build an effective interface to the regional government. Decisive were two factors: firstly, the inter-religious violence that had torn Moluccan society apart required neutral means to (re)unify the Moluccan people and prevent further conflict; and secondly, the decentralisation laws passed in post-Suharto Indonesia were meant to re-empower the local level by legalising the revival and reconstruction of local political structures and the comeback of traditional leaders, such as the raja, in the Moluccas. These village kings attracted tremendous attention all of a sudden and great hopes are placed in them both from the top, as well as from the bottom. This article aims to discuss the enormous challenges the MLM faces by analysing current developments and looking into the historical dimension of the raja and the MLM. This includes critical reflections on questions of representation, the interface between tradition (adat) and politics, the notion of an inventive adaptation of socalled traditional institutions to new requirements and the potential of the raja and the MLM as means for peace.

Keywords: decentralisation, post-conflict, revival of tradition, traditional leadership, raja, representation, Moluccas, Indonesia

Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 196–218

The main thrust of this investigation was to explore the roles played by the traditional leadership in conflict resolution and peace building in the rural communities in Zimbabwe. The study investigated the gaps in the execution of the traditional duties of traditional leaders in conflict resolution in their communities. The study used the qualitative research design in its quest to get answers to the raised questions. The research found out that generally people in rural communities acknowledge the important roles played by traditional leaders in conflict resolution. It was also established that some traditional leaders are biased in the execution of their mandated duties, especially when dealing with political parties issues.

Traditional leadership often coexists with modern political institutions, yet we know little about how traditional and state authority cues—or those from male or female sources—affect public support for human rights issues. Using an original survey experiment of 1,381 Malawians embedded in the 2016 Local Governance Performance Index (LGPI), we randomly assign respondents to a control group or one of four treatment groups to receive a message about child marriage reform from a female or male traditional authority or parliamentarian. Overall, we find that the female traditional authority is most effective, while other endorsers elicit backfire effects. Endorsements produce complex heterogeneous effects across respondent sex, patrilineal/matrilineal customs, gender attitudes, and institutional trust. We extend traditional governance literature by elaborating an intersectional approach to policy advocacy and building a theoretical framework explaining the impact of state and traditional endorsements across countries and policy domains.

Decentralisation facilitates participation and helps deepen democracy. Nevertheless, it has been confronted with diverse challenges in Lesotho. First, the process has not succeeded to improve participation relative to the traditional system that preceded it. Second, it pitted the chiefs against counsellors. Third, it is hampered by lack of financial resources, human resources and the central government’s tendency to intrude in local government’s affairs and dictate the course of action. However, the prospects demonstrate that there ispolitical will to decentralise although there is still need to addresssome challenges. Firstly, the central government has to devolve financial powers to the local units.Secondly, it has to ensure a smooth relationship between counsellors and chiefs and continue augmenting the budget allocated to the local government. Finally, it has to promote the use of internet technology and consider making chieftainship the last sub-unit of the local government.

The legal framework for South Africa’s democracy is provided by the widely lauded Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (‘the Constitution’), which was adopted in the context of deep racial inequality and injustice that were the legacy of half a century of apartheid and several centuries of colonialism. One of the core elements of that legacy was the racial dispossession of land.

Raghnhild Louise Muriaas, Vibeke Wang, Lindsay J. Benstead, Boniface Dulani, and Lise Rakner. “Why Campaigns to Stop Child Marriage Can Backfire.” The Washington Post Monkey Cage, December 13, 2018. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2018/12/13/why-campaigns-to-stop-child-marriage-can-backfire/?utm_term=.ed196e312d14

(BA LLB (Pret) LLM LLD (Unisa)). 1 Much has been written about this period in the history of colonial Natal and Zululand. The following materials were consulted regarding the general background: The Court of the Special Commissioners for Zululand October-December 1888 (1889); Colenso Cases of Six Usutu

The main thrust of this investigation was to explore the roles played by the traditional leadership in conflict resolution and peace building in the rural communities in Zimbabwe. The study investigated the gaps in the execution of the traditional duties of traditional leaders in conflict resolution in their communities. The study used the qualitative research design in its quest to get answers to the raised questions. The research found out that generally people in rural communities acknowledge the important roles played by traditional leaders in conflict resolution. It was also established that some traditional leaders are biased in the execution of their mandated duties, especially when dealing with political parties issues.

One of the most violent conflicts of the post-Suharto era took place in the Moluccas, Eastern Indonesia, from 1999 until 2003. Due to a strategic mobilisation process, it was mainly fought out between Christians and Muslims. After the conflict, local actors in the Moluccas hoped to build up sustainable peace through the revival of traditions that are supposed to overcome religious differences and enable harmonious living together. Taking up these local voices or voices that claim to be local, this paper wants to discuss the option of a cultural approach to conflict solution and to reflect on the reconciliatory potential of the revival of tradition. The prominent village alliance system in the Central Moluccas called pela serves as an example how 'traditional' mechanisms were used in order to foster reconciliation. This paper also analyses challenges and problems of the revival-reconciliation interplay in order to reveal both the integrative, as well as the exclusivist, chara...

The author uses the expression "official disinterest" to describe the kingdom of Buganda's attitude of indifference towards most of the temples that preserve the relics of past kings. Even though the kingdom promoted protects that have led to the inclusion, in 2010, of the Kasubi Tombs in the Unesco's World Heritage List, it shows no interest in more ancient sites, many of which lie in a state of neglect. The lack of interest shown by the kingdom's representatives is discussed here both in the light of the postcolonial heritage-making policies implemented by the Government of Uganda, and in that of Buganda's own "tradition". This allows the author to call the concept of "cultural heritage" into question ant to problematize the relationship between Ganda culture and its past.

For citations: Валиева Е. Г. Современное положение традиционных лидеров нгони: опыт кросс-культурного исследования // Вестник Санкт-Петербургского университета. Востоковедение и африканистика. 2019. Т. 11. Вып. 4. С. 542-565. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2019.409

This article is devoted to analysis of public opinion regarding the activity and position of traditional leaders of the Ngoni ethnic community using data from sociological surveys of the Afrobarometer 2005–2015. Apart from the Ngoni respondents as monitoring category, Chewa, Yao, Nyanja, and Tumbuka people, whose languages are currently spoken by the majority of the Ngoni, were also integrated into the survey. First and foremost, in all the ethnic communities under consideration, democratic attitudes of the respondent’s majority are being revealed, since nepotism and autocracy were condemned. It is necessary to highlight the care towards the traditional leader’s political neutrality (they have to remain non-party, to receive salaries from the government and to serve on the local government council, participating in the elections for this). According to the fact, there is no ethnical specificity in the evaluation of the activities done by the traditional leaders as well as the elected politicians. The direction of the leader’s authority is rather limited: resolving local disputes and land distribution only. The Ngoni traditional leaders have credibility of high level, approval of their authority and influence that according to respondent’s expectations will increase in future. It is possible to predict that the borders between elected politicians and the Ngoni traditional leaders will gradually vanish. Maintaining self-identification of those who identify themselves as Ngoni to a greater extent than the performance of basic administrative functions by traditional leaders is facilitated by their activities in organizing cultural festivals and reviving Chingoni language.

Статья посвящена анализу общественного мнения о деятельности и положении традиционных лидеров этнической общности нгони с использованием данных социологических опросов «Афробарометра» 2005-2015 гг. Кроме респондентов-нгони, в качестве контрольных категорий в анализ были вовлечены чева, яо, ньянджа и тумбука, на языках которых сейчас говорит большинство нгони. В результате анализа выявляются демократические позиции большинства респондентов во всех рассматриваемых этнических общностях, поскольку непотизм и автократия получили осуждение. Особенно стоит выделить заботу о нейтральности традиционных лидеров (они должны оставаться беспартийными, получать зарплату от правительства, заседать в советах местного самоуправления, участвуя для этого в выборах). С этим согласовывается и то, что в оценке деятельности традиционных лидеров, аналогично выборным политикам, отсутствует этническая специфика. Названные респондентами предпочтительные на-правления деятельности лидеров весьма ограниченны: только решение местных споров и распределение земель. Традиционные лидеры нгони пользуются высоким уровнем доверия, одобрения своих действий и влияния, которое (основываясь на пожеланиях респондентов) в будущем будет расти. Полученные результаты позволяют прогнозировать постепенное стирание границ между выборными политическими и традиционными лидерами нгони. Поддержанию же самоидентификации причисляющих себя к нгони в большей мере, нежели выполнение традиционными лидерами основных административных функций, способствуют их деятельность по возрождению языка.

This chapter details how the law has been used to entrench structural inequality in post-apartheid South Africa. I argue that laws analysed here advance the interests of a small elite at the expense of the property and citizenship rights of 17 million South AFricans living in the former homelands. A key and enduring driver of inequality is the legacy of the colonial "reserves" that became apartheid "homelands: and which remain zones of desperate poverty and exclusion.

The chieftaincy institution is a revered institution and as such attempts have been made to maintain its sanctity. However, over the years, the institution has been fraught with disputes thereby bringing its image into disrepute. The chieftaincy Act, 759 (2008) was enacted by the parliament of Ghana to regulate the institution. The Act has made provisions for the resolution of disputes that have attended the institution. This article is an attempt to assess the effectiveness of the Act on the dispute resolution mechanisms of the judicial committees of the Houses of Chiefs. Using interview and textual analysis as its main instruments, the article looks at the role of the Judicial Committees of the Houses of Chiefs in dealing with the numerous succession disputes that has bedeviled the institution. The article will assess the methods the Committee uses in handling cases that come before it and how parties to the succession disputes collaborate with the Committee to dispense with the c...

Abstract In South Africa, proposals for mining are becoming increasingly situated in rural areas, with communities impacted negatively by local resource extraction due to environmental and social impacts. Unfortunately, traditional leadership structures have largely posed a barrier towards inclusion of local community concerns/decisions over mining development, with collusion between traditional leaders and mining companies. Although there has been some information surrounding traditional leaders approving mining developments on communal lands and with no local community participation, there has been limited case studies and academic discourse to examine the micro politics of the interaction between leaders, the mining corporations, government and local communities, including external traditional leadership forces outside the community influencing mining developments. This paper will focus on the rural community of Fuleni, Northern KwaZulu-Natal, which is being targeted for mining development by Ibutho Coal mining. It will also examine the role of the traditional leadership in engaging local community concerns against mining development. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with key informants (community and civil society organisations providing support to residents). Corruption between the local traditional leadership council and the mining company influenced the lack of inclusion of the local community concerns over mining development. Corruption was also found within the ward leadership council, the Ingonyama Trust Board and with the Zulu King, which therefore perpetuated local traditional leadership mining corruption. Additionally, whereas during apartheid the state used the traditional chiefs as ‘representative’ of the people to legitimise decisions made, the new democracy has seen a continuation of this practice, but with mining, conglomerates exercising more control over the government and traditional chiefs to ensure mining development

Этническая общность нгони, возникшая в результате миграции из Южной Африки небольшой группы людей в период Мфекане (1810-1830-е гг.) представляет значительный интерес для исследования феномена этнической самоидентификации. Таких классических маркёров идентичности как общий язык (лингвисты относят его к мёртвым языкам) и территория нгони лишены. В данный момент нгони рассредоточены в Малави, Танзании и Замбии. В отсутствии вышеназванных консолидирующих факторов, на первый план выступает представление об общем историческом прошлом, а институт вождества и образ вождя – ярчайшее олицетворение военизированного прошлого нгони; на основании этого и слов авторов-нгони можно ожидать более высокий уровень доверия и поддержки традиционных лидеров, того, что самоидентификация зиждется на приверженности наследникам социальных институтов прошлого. Для проверки данной гипотезы были привлечены данные социологических опросов, проведённых проектом Афробарометр в 2008 году. Кроме респондентов-нгони (223 человека), в качестве контрольных категорий были вовлечены в анализ респонденты-чева (496), яо (161), ньянджа (49) и тумбука (196), на языках которых сейчас говорит большинство нгони. Все респонденты проживали в упомянутых трёх странах расселения нгони, за исключением части ньянджа и яо, которые проживают в Мозамбике, и небольших частей ньянджа, чева и яо в Зимбабве.
Итак, рассмотрим наличие либо отсутствие особого отношения к традиционным лидерам у нгони. Все категории респондентов ответили, что граждане должны активнее подвергать сомнению действия лидеров (любых), а лидеры не должны отдавать предпочтения своей общине. В опросах 2005 и 2008 годов для всех категорий: ни одного личного обращения к традиционному лидеру за предшествующий год.
Здесь мы не обнаруживаем чёткой связи с приверженностью традиционной власти, поищем предпочтения в политических партиях у нгони. Если у контрольных сообществ можно проследить партийные предпочтения, то у нгони – нет, кроме популярной у всех сообществ правящей партии Малави.
Для нгони и контрольных сообществ характерен высокий уровень доверия к главе государства, совету местного самоуправления (за исключением тумбука – низкий уровень доверия) и традиционным лидерам; у всех названных представителей власти отмечается вовлечённость некоторых в коррупцию (уровень равный). В то же время, нгони отмечают, что традиционные лидеры всегда прислушиваются к мнению рядовых граждан (такая же высокая оценка только у яо). Респонденты-нгони особо выделили две задачи, ответственность за решение которых лежит, по их мнению, на традиционных: решение местных споров (41 % опрошенных) и распределение земель (42 %). Это подтверждает, что традиционные лидеры обладают достаточно большой властью и компетенцией в распределении земель. Действительно, имеются данные, что в сельских районах Малави контроль правительства за земельными операциями фактически отсутствует.
Все респонденты (за исключением ньянджа) отметили высокий уровень влияния традиционных властей на жизнь их местной общины и все пожелали, чтобы он значительно возрос в будущем. Все категории респондентов считают, что: традиционные лидеры должны заседать в советах местного самоуправления, участвуя для этого в выборах; в то же время, они должны оставаться беспартийными; все полностью согласились, что традиционные лидеры «должны получать зарплату от правительства за свою работу».
То есть, хоть традиционные лидеры и пользуются высоким уровнем доверия и влияния, которое (основываясь на пожеланиях респондентов) в будущем будет расти, личные обращения рядовых граждан к ним редки, а направление деятельности достаточно узкое. Избирательная система доказала свою эффективность повсеместно. Из пожеланий, которые высказали респонденты, мы можем сделать вывод о стирании границ между выборными политическими и традиционными лидерами.
Также из анализа становится очевидным, что институционального (конкретно – политического) подкрепления этническим маркёрам и самоидентификации в целом мы для нгони не находим: специфика в отношении к выборным политикам или традиционным лидерам, партийные предпочтения не обнаружены. Следует говорить не об этнической, а о региональной специфике традиционных властей. Для более полного понимания влияния памяти об общем историческом прошлом необходим будет анализ общественного мнения с иных позиций.