THINK TANKS & POLICY FORMULATION

Siyasi dünyayı karşılaştırmak ve anlamak için burada bulunan konuların araştırmalarının çoğuyla zaten ilgilendim ve başka bir bölüm için daha kapsamlı çalışmaları zaten okudum, ancak bir araştırmacı olarak burada bağımsız bir bilimsel materyal yaratmaya cesaret edemezdim, geri kalanını ise yalnızca genel entelektüel bilgi düzeyinde biliyordum. Ancak ikincisi, daha fazla soruya geçmek için sorular sorabilmem ve cevapları anlayabilmem için de önemliydi. Yedi bölüm boyunca, burada özeti oluşturmak için toplamda yaklaşık 700 soru sormak zorunda kaldım ve başka biri soru dizisinde farklı şekilde ilerlemiş olsaydı, oluşturulan ChatGPT4o özeti yedi bölümün tümü için temelde farklı olurdu.

Tayari nimeshughulikia uchunguzi mwingi wa mada zinazopatikana hapa ili kulinganisha na kuelewa ulimwengu wa kisiasa, na tayari nimesoma masomo ya kina zaidi kwa sehemu nyingine, lakini kama mtafiti singethubutu kufanya uumbaji wa nyenzo huru za kisayansi hapa, wakati nilijua wengine tu katika kiwango cha maarifa ya jumla ya akili. Lakini mwisho pia ulikuwa muhimu ili niweze kuuliza maswali na kuelewa majibu ili kusonga mbele kwa maswali zaidi. Kwa vipindi saba, ilibidi niulize jumla ya maswali 700 ili kuunda muhtasari hapa, na ikiwa mtu mwingine alikuwa ameendelea tofauti na mfululizo wa maswali, muhtasari wa ChatGPT4o uliozalishwa ungekuwa tofauti kimsingi kwa sehemu zote saba.

Waxaan hore ula macaamilooday inta badan sahaminta mowduucyada halkan lagu soo helay si aan isbarbar dhigo oo aan u fahmo dunida siyaasadda, qayb kalena waan ka akhriyey daraasaddo dheeraad ah oo dhamaystiran, laakiin cilmi baadhise ahaan kuma dhiirato in aan ku dhiiraday in aan ku sameeyo abuurista agab cilmiyeed madaxbannaan oo halkan ku yaala, anigoo inta kale ogaa oo keliya heerka aqoonta guud ee aqoonta aqooneed. Laakiinsa kan dambena wuxuu ahaa mid muhiim ah oo aan su'aalo weydiin karo, isla markaana aan fahmo jawaabaha si horay loogu socdo oo suʼaalo kale la hor isweydiiyo. Waayo todobada qaybood, waxaan weydiin lahaa wadar ah oo ku saabsan 700 su'aalood si loo abuuro kooban halkan, iyo haddii qof kale uu horumar kale hore oo ka duwan ula socdo su'aalaha taxanaha ah, kooban ee lasoo saaray ChatGPT4o wuxuu ahaan lahaa aasaas ahaan ka duwan dhamaan todobada qaybood.

Я уже имел дело с большинством исследований найденных здесь тем, чтобы сравнить и понять политический мир, и я уже прочитал более тщательные исследования для другой части, но как исследователь я не решился бы взяться здесь за создание самостоятельного научного материала, а остальное я знал только на уровне общеинтеллектуальных знаний. Но последнее также было необходимо для того, чтобы я мог задавать вопросы и понимать ответы, чтобы двигаться вперед к дальнейшим вопросам. Для семи эпизодов мне пришлось задать в общей сложности около 700 вопросов, чтобы создать резюме здесь, и если бы кто-то другой продвинулся по-другому с серией вопросов, сгенерированное резюме ChatGPT4o было бы принципиально другим для всех семи частей.

Think tank experts and their opinions have acquired a very influential position in China's public diplomacy. While the presence and roles of think tanks is rarely questioned within developed democracies, their position in emerging powers and the developing world is debatable. This article argues that the landscape of the think tank sector in China-indeed the biggest developing country and the most powerful emerging economy-has changed over the course of the last decade. By providing a detailed account of the evolution of this sector in China, the intent is to enlarge think tank studies beyond liberal contexts and to overcome limitations about the study of Chinese think tanks. As demonstrate by the expanding role of think tank networks in the Belt and Road Initiative they have been able to secure a special niche with regard to foreign policy and diplomacy, notwithstanding China's authoritarian political environment.

Saya telah pun berurusan dengan kebanyakan penerokaan topik yang terdapat di sini untuk membandingkan dan memahami dunia politik, dan saya telah membaca kajian yang lebih menyeluruh untuk bahagian lain, tetapi sebagai seorang penyelidik saya tidak akan berani melakukan penciptaan bahan saintifik bebas di sini, sementara saya tahu selebihnya hanya pada tahap pengetahuan intelektual umum. Tetapi yang terakhir juga penting supaya saya boleh bertanya soalan dan memahami jawapan untuk meneruskan soalan selanjutnya. Untuk tujuh episod, saya terpaksa bertanya sejumlah kira-kira 700 soalan untuk membuat ringkasan di sini, dan jika orang lain telah maju secara berbeza dengan siri soalan, ringkasan ChatGPT4o yang dijana pada asasnya berbeza untuk kesemua tujuh bahagian.

Saya telah berurusan dengan sebagian besar eksplorasi topik yang ditemukan di sini untuk membandingkan dan memahami dunia politik, dan saya telah membaca studi yang lebih menyeluruh untuk bagian lain, tetapi sebagai seorang peneliti saya tidak akan berani melakukan pembuatan materi ilmiah independen di sini, sementara saya tahu sisanya hanya pada tingkat pengetahuan intelektual umum. Tetapi yang terakhir juga penting agar saya dapat mengajukan pertanyaan dan memahami jawabannya untuk melanjutkan ke pertanyaan lebih lanjut. Untuk tujuh episode, saya harus mengajukan total sekitar 700 pertanyaan untuk membuat ringkasan di sini, dan jika orang lain mengalami kemajuan yang berbeda dengan serangkaian pertanyaan, ringkasan ChatGPT4o yang dihasilkan akan berbeda secara mendasar untuk ketujuh bagian.

Natalakay ko na ang karamihan sa mga paggalugad ng mga paksang matatagpuan dito upang maihambing at maunawaan ang mundo ng pulitika, at nabasa ko na ang mas masusing pag aaral para sa ibang bahagi, ngunit bilang isang mananaliksik hindi ko sana maglakas loob na isagawa ang paglikha ng isang malayang materyal na pang agham dito, habang alam ko ang natitira lamang sa antas ng pangkalahatang intelektwal na kaalaman. Ngunit mahalaga rin ang huli para makapagtanong ako at maunawaan ang mga sagot para makasulong sa mga karagdagang tanong. Para sa pitong episode, kinailangan kong magtanong ng kabuuang mga 700 tanong upang lumikha ng buod dito, at kung may ibang tao na umunlad nang iba sa serye ng mga tanong, ang nabuong buod ng ChatGPT4o ay magiging pangunahing naiiba para sa lahat ng pitong bahagi.

የፖለቲካውን ዓለም ለማነፃፀርና ለመረዳት እዚህ ላይ የተገኙትን አብዛኛዎቹን ርዕሰ ጉዳዮች ከወዲሁ አነጋግሬያለሁ። ከወዲሁ ምሁራኑ ምሁራዊ ውንጀላ በሌላው ክፍል የበለጠ ጥልቀት ያለው ጥናት አንብቤያለሁ። ነገር ግን እንደ ተመራማሪእዚህ ነጻ የሆነ ሳይንሳዊ ጽሑፍ ለመፍጠር አልደፍርም ነበር። ቀሪውን ግን የማውቀው በአጠቃላይ ምሁራዊ ዕውቀት ደረጃ ብቻ ነው። ነገር ግን ወደ ተጨማሪ ጥያቄዎች ለመግፋት ጥያቄዎችን መጠየቅ እና መልሶቹ መረዳት እንድችል የኋለኛውም አስፈላጊ ነበር። ለሰባቱ ድርሰቶች እዚህ ላይ ማጠቃለያውን ለመፍጠር በድምሩ 700 ያህል ጥያቄዎችን መጠየቅ ነበረብኝ። ከዚህ ምክኒያት በተከታታይ ጥያቄዎች ጋር ሌላ ሰው የተለየ እድገት ቢያደርግ ኖሮ፣ የተፈጠረው ቻትጂፒቲ4o ማጠቃለያ ለሰባቱም ክፍሎች በመሰረቱ የተለየ ይሆን ነበር።

Já tratei da maior parte das explorações dos temas aqui encontrados para comparar e compreender o mundo político, e já li estudos mais aprofundados para outra parte, mas como investigador não me teria atrevido a empreender aqui a criação de um material científico independente, enquanto conhecia o resto apenas ao nível do conhecimento intelectual geral. Mas esta última também foi essencial para que eu pudesse fazer perguntas e entender as respostas, a fim de avançar para outras perguntas. Para os sete episódios, eu tive que fazer um total de cerca de 700 perguntas para criar o resumo aqui, e se alguém tivesse progredido de forma diferente com a série de perguntas, o resumo gerado do ChatGPT4o teria sido fundamentalmente diferente para todas as sete partes.

J'ai déjà traité de la plupart des explorations des sujets que l'on trouve ici afin de comparer et de comprendre le monde politique, et j'ai déjà lu des études plus approfondies pour une autre partie, mais en tant que chercheur, je n'aurais pas osé entreprendre la création d'un matériel scientifique indépendant ici, alors que je ne connaissais le reste qu'au niveau de la connaissance intellectuelle générale. Mais ce dernier était également essentiel pour que je puisse poser des questions et comprendre les réponses afin d'avancer vers d'autres questions. Pour les sept épisodes, j'ai dû poser un total d'environ 700 questions pour créer le résumé ici, et si quelqu'un d'autre avait progressé différemment avec la série de questions, le résumé généré par ChatGPT4o aurait été fondamentalement différent pour les sept parties.

Here, just asking questions is a human intellectual additive to ChatGPT4o, but of course a series of consecutive questions on a given topic is fundamental to what the result of knowledge mining will be from the total knowledge of artificial intelligence on the topic. I myself have written studies in broad legal science (legal theory, legal dogmatics, legal history), sociological theory, sociology of law, political sociology, sociology of science and political science in the past 45 years, and I have already undergone preliminary studies for a multitude of questions in knowledge mining. But even on a general intellectual knowledge base, practically the entire field of social and historical sciences can be used by anyone to ask a series of deepening, interconnected questions on a given topic, and thus mine study-level knowledge from the total knowledge of ChatGPT4o.  I have already dealt with most of the explorations of the topics found here in order to compare and understand the political world, and I have already read more thorough studies for another part, but as a researcher I would not have dared to undertake the creation of an independent scientific material here, while I knew the rest only at the level of general intellectual knowledge. But the latter was also essential so that I could ask questions and understand the answers in order to move forward to further questions. For the seven episodes, I had to ask a total of about 700 questions to create the summary here, and if someone else had progressed differently with the series of questions, the generated ChatGPT4o summary would have been fundamentally different for all seven parts.

Itt csak a kérdések feltevése a ChatGPT4o-nak jelenti az ember szellemi adalékát, de persze egy-egy témában az egymást követő kérdések sorozata alapvető abban, hogy a mesterséges intelligencia témát illető totális tudásából mi lesz a tudásbányászat eredménye. Én magam a szélesen vett jogtudomány (jogelmélet, jogdogmatika, jogtörténet) szociológiaelmélet, a jogszociológia, a politikai szociológia, illetve a tudományszociológia, valamint a politikatudomány témáiban írtam tanulmányokat az elmúlt 45 évben, és a tudásbányászatban a kérdések sokaságához már előtanulmányokon estem át. De egy általános értelmiségi tudásbázison is gyakorlatilag a teljes társadalom- és történelemtudományi területet illetően képes lehet bárki egy-egy témában az egyre mélyülő, egymáshoz kapcsolódó kérdések sorozatát feltenni, és ezzel tanulmányszintű tudást kibányászni a ChatGPT4o totális tudásából.
A politika világ összehasonlításához és megértéséhez itt található témafeltárások nagyobbik részével már kutatóként is foglalkoztam, egy további részéhez már olvastam alaposabb tanulmányokat, de kutatóként még nem mertem volna itt önálló tudományos anyag létrehozására vállalkozni, míg a maradék részt csak általános értelmiségi tudás szintjén ismertem. De ez utóbbi is elengedhetetlen volt, hogy kérdéseket tudjak feltenni, és a válaszokat a további kérdésekhez előrehaladás érdekében meg tudjam érteni. A hét részhez összesen mintegy 700 kérdést kellett feltennem, hogy az itt található összegzés létrejöjjön, és ha valaki más a kérdések sorozatával másként haladt volna előre, akkor a létrehozott ChatGPT4o összegzés alapvetően más lett volna mind a hét résznél.

Az agytrösztök, mint politikai kutatással és érdekképviselettel foglalkozó szervezetek, elsősorban a 19. század végén és a 20. század elején jelentek meg, hogy segítsék a politikai versenyt. Fejlődésüket szellemi, politikai és társadalmi tényezők kombinációja vezérelte, gyakran a kormányzás, a nemzetközi kapcsolatok és a gazdasági irányítás növekvő összetettségére adott válaszként. Íme egy rövid áttekintés eredetükről és fejlődésükről különböző kontextusokban

This article addresses the path of policy analysis in Brazil based on literature that distinguishes between policy studies and policy analysis. This is essentially a work of bibliographic research focused on studies about state intervention and bureaucracy. The reconstitution of policy analysis, understood as the generation and mobilization of knowledge for policy, was based on the following analytical categories developed for this work using literature on public policy as reference: type of knowledge mobilized, locus of analysis, actors and institutions involved, target audience and used methodology. This article shows that policy analysis has been present in Brazil since the 1930s, but was not institutionalized as a scientific field. Since the 2000s, the expansion of academic production and courses on public policy has changed this dynamic, leading to the institutionalization of the "public field" where guidance for public policy-that is, policy analysis-occupies a central place. Key w o r d s : public policy; policy analysis; public administration; the field of public policy; public field. Análise de políticas públicas no Brasil: de uma prática não nomeada à institucionalização do "campo de públicas" O artigo reconstitui a trajetória da análise de políticas públicas no Brasil, com base na literatura que distingue policy studies e policy analysis e na teoria do campo científico. Trata-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, centrada em estudos sobre intervenção estatal e sobre burocracia. A reconstituição da atividade de análise, entendida como geração e mobilização de conhecimento para políticas, baseou-se nas seguintes categorias analíticas, desenvolvidas para este trabalho, tendo por referência a literatura de política pública: tipo de conhecimento mobilizado, lócus da análise, atores e instituições envolvidos, audiência a que se destina e metodologia adotada. O artigo mostra que a análise de políticas públicas ocorre no país desde a década de 1930, mas sem ser acompanhada pela institucionalização de um campo científico. A expansão da produção e de cursos sobre política pública a partir dos anos 2000

Desde a campanha eleitoral, o presidente brasileiro Jair Bolsonaro emula a retórica e iniciativas do presidente estadunidense Donald Trump e proclama o alinhamento do Brasil com os Estados Unidos. Diante deste realinhamento, o presente artigo avalia as percepções através das quais o novo governo brasileiro tem sido caracterizado em Washington, particularmente junto aos think tanks dedicados à política internacional. Estas organizações da sociedade civil, cuja produção ideacional visa influenciar a opinião pública e a formulação de políticas públicas, desempenham papel importante na difusão de narrativas a respeito do Brasil nos meios político, econômico, midiático e acadêmico estadunidense. Utilizando a metodologia da análise de conteúdo, demostra-se que, a despeito da aposta do governo brasileiro no alinhamento com os Estados Unidos e da acolhida inicialmente positiva do governo Donald Trump, a produção ideacional a respeito do novo presidente, sua agenda doméstica e política exter...

In the last decade, Romania has faced new and challenging experiences, going through a period of change with a broad social, economic and political impact: the accession to NATO and to the EU and the need to adapt to European and Euro-Atlantic values. This complex process requires firstly a look back in order to observe the achievements, but also the failures, followed by a prospective look, the main directions of analysis being represented by the answer to some questions like: How has the Romania’s position within NATO and EU been shaped and structured? What was its role in the critical moments? The substance of these questions must be kept, but the orientation has to be directed toward the future. In addition, we believe that it is paramount for Romania to capitalize on EU and NATO membership by establishing a comprehensive set of priorities in the relations with Moldova, Ukraine and the Western Balkans, as well as a coherent strategy regarding the Black Sea. These priorities shou...

As Ukraine faces challenges in its counteroffensive against Russian aggression, setting another priority might boost Ukrainian morale and arm Ukrainian troops. If this path is accomplished, people's curiosity will shift from “What will Ukraine receive?” to “What will Ukraine not receive?.”

In this chapter, Moldova's EU path is analysed from a historiographical perspective, emphasizing recent developments. A hypothesis about the political elite's view of Moldova's irreversible EU accession process was explored in nine structured interviews with political leaders. The discussion revolved around seven core elements, including their perception of the EU and the impact of Russia's invasion of Ukraine on Moldova-EU relations. The analysis reveals that Moldova's intensified EU relations result largely from shifting regional contexts rather than being driven by internal political elites. For Moldova, the EU is seen as a peace guarantor and internal policy standard. While the EU alignment appears irreversible, reservations exist about the pace of reform during EU negotiations, particularly if the government changes. Overall, internal political determination is key to overcoming Moldova’s peripheral EU status.

The National People’s Congress (NPC), China’s national legislature, met in early March 2024 to chart its annual policy direction. Following a period of uneven economic recovery, characterized by a multitude of challenges such as tepid consumer demand, a faltering property market, mounting deflationary pressures and a tense geopolitical environment, addressing the ailing Chinese economy took precedence at this year’s NPC.

The 2024 NPC outcomes have significant implications for Canada. Foremost, Canadian policymakers should expect greater diplomatic overtures from China in comparison to recent years. This is notably the case as Beijing will attempt to bolster international trade and foreign investment to remedy economic headwinds. Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi, forward-looking characterization of the relationship with his Canadian counterpart, Melanie Joly, is potentially an early sign of this repositioning. Similarly, Canadian business leaders should take note of a potentially more open business environment in China, and emerging opportunities for engagement with Beijing.

The Security Sector Governance Report provides an independent, objective, and comprehensive analysis of Moldova’s security sector and the state of reform implementation in this area, examining the performance of both security providers and of the institutions responsible for executive control and democratic oversight. The report centres its analysis on the fundamental principles of democratic governance, which are explained and used as indicators to analyse the performance of the governance process in the security sector: accountability, transparency, legality (rule of law), participation, responsiveness, efficiency, and effectiveness. Applying these principles at all stages of governance, from policy formulation and resource allocation to performance evaluation and public reporting, is essential for a state dedicated to human security, prioritizing the rights and freedoms of its citizens and attentive to the best practices of the European Union.
The report was developed in a collaborative effort by a multidisciplinary group of experts from civil society, selected and brought together by PISA and DCAF, following a public call for applications.
Disposing of a wide array of perspectives and competencies, the authors have defined the structure and the direction of the analysis, marking a significant shift from traditional and hierarchical methods of report drafting.
The publication of this document aims to stimulate constructive dialogue between government officials, civil society, and citizens, with the goal of identifying ways to improve and strengthen democratic practices in the security sector and contribute to a more effective response to Moldova`s
security challenges.
The Security Sector Governance Report in Moldova was supported by PISA and DCAF, within the DCAF project “Strengthening Security Sector Governance in Moldova,” funded by Sweden. DCAF and PISA provided methodological support and coordinated the development of the report.
The opinions expressed in this publication belong exclusively to the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of DCAF, PISA, or the Embassy of Sweden.

Los cambios políticos, acontecidos en Argentina después del levantamiento militar que destituyó el gobierno constitucional el 24 de marzo de 1976, marcaron el punto de partida de una nueva etapa socio-económica que extendió sus efectos a la totalidad de las economías regionales del país. El fordismo, en su versión periférica, industrialización por sustitución de importaciones (ISI), que había regulado la economía argentina por más de 30 años, dejó lugar a un nuevo patrón de acumulación.  La consecuencia inmediata fue que la fracción financiera del capital, apoyada en un contexto internacional propicio, logró situarse y consolidarse como el sector dominante del bloque económico hegemónico, desplazando a la burguesía productiva y su alianza con los sectores del trabajo del lugar central. Este cambio en la relación de fuerzas al interior del bloque dominante puso a disposición de los nuevos ganadores, la fuerza del aparato del Estado para la destrucción brusca de todas las organizacion...

Alle rechten van reproductie, aanpassing of vertaling, op welke wijze ook en in alle landen, zijn voorbehouden aan de uitgever, tenzij met uitdrukkelijke toestemming van de uitgever of zijn rechthebbenden. Omslag: Marie-Hélène Grégoire Vormgeving binnenwerk: Gaëlle Marion Distributie: www.i6doc.com, online academische publicatie Online te bestellen of bij Academische distributeur CIACO Grand-Rue,

At its creation in 2010, WAI was charged with analyzing the  ̳obstacles, constraints and challenges‘ to West African regional integration in order to offer solutions and contribute to social transformations in West Africa. It is now five years since WAI was established. This strategic planning process provided the opportunity to review WAI‘s first five years, rethink its vision and mission, while providing a strategic agenda for the next five years, 2016—2020.
The strategic plan proposes a vision of  ̳a fully integrated West Africa able to achieve its development objectives‘ for WAI while its mission is to help in  ̳building one West Africa‘. WAI‘s will help to promote a regional integration process in West Africa that is people centered and people-driven. For this, WAI will become West Africa‘s think tank. It will serve as public policy think tank as well as a strategic partner to the main stakeholders in West Africa to promote a robust regional integration agenda in the region. Achieving the vision and mission will require a WAI that has relevance, reputation and resources. The strategic plan is focused on building these attributes.
The plan therefore proposes that WAI concentrate its efforts around four mutually reinforcing strategic interventions: (i) Research and Analysis, (ii) Advisory Services, (iii) Dialogue and Advocacy, and (iv) Capacity Building. The strategic plan also identifies six thematic areas of focus: (i) Citizenship and Civil society, (ii) Governance and Regional security, (iii) Economic Transformation, (iv) Natural Resources Management, (v) Infrastructure (Transportation, Energy, Telecommunication), (vi) Culture, Health, Education and Gender. WAI will also develop special projects in collaboration with stakeholders.
The strategic plan is ambitious and the successful implementation requires a fundamental change and rethink of WAI as an institution. First, WAI needs to become an agency of the ECOWAS Commission. Second, there is a need for an agile and less costly institutional framework. Third, WAI should also become a Center for Excellence for the WAEMU Commission. These are to ensure guaranteed funding and facilitate the engagement of the main stakeholders of WAI.
In addition, WAI‘s Executive Secretariat must be strengthened through the recruitment of key personnel, including scholars, experts and practitioners. There is a necessity to have a critical mass of staff unlike what pertains in the first five years. WAI will have to bring on board highly qualified and respected people. WAI must also produce good quality knowledge outputs to make itself indispensable to policy makers in the region. WAI will have to undertake extensive dissemination and advocacy within the region to both engage the people and the decision makers in government, private sector and civil society.

Cualquier forma de reproducción, distribución, comunicación pública o transformación de esta obra solo puede ser realizada con la autorización de sus titulares, salvo excepción prevista por la ley. Diríjase a CEDRO (Centro Español de Derechos Reprográficos, www.cedro.org) si necesita fotocopiar o escanear algún fragmento de esta obra.

En este artículo se caracterizan componentes básicos del Sistema Nacional de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación (SNCTI) de Paraguay, enfatizando por una parte los instrumentos utilizados para aumentar las capacidades que permitan generar conocimiento y promover su aprovechamiento, y por otra, los criterios establecidos para categorizar investigadores; en este sentido se analizan los requerimientos de publicar en revistas consideradas de alto impacto en su gran mayoría propiedad de grandes corporaciones editoriales, que dan al conocimiento el alcance de mercancía. En cuanto a programas orientados a la formación de recursos humanos para la investigación se examina el Programa Nacional de Postgrado en el Exterior para el Fortalecimiento de la Investigación, Innovación y la Educación, BECAL, asimismo el componente de formación de recursos humanos del programa PROCIENCIA del Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (CONACYT) de Paraguay. A criterio de los autores las orientaciones de estos...

A strawberry plant, when set in healthy soil, sends out runners that root, creating a strawberry patch. When we take the time to plant ideas and ensure they are well rooted, they spread, attracting others to work together to build better communities.

A strawberry plant, when set in healthy soil, sends out runners that root, creating a strawberry patch. When we take the time to plant ideas and ensure they are well rooted, they spread, attracting others to work together to build better communities.

As in the rest of Europe, September 11" and its global consequences have triggered an intensive security-political debate in the European Union, the effects of which will become noticeable in the field of the Reform of the Security Sector. Although there was considerable awareness for the dangers of terrorism even before the devastating attacks in the United States, which stem from memories of potential terrorists attacks by extremist political or religious groups, complete awareness of the dangers of terror were limited to few European countries (which experienced separatist movements). After 9/11, the "war on terrorism" was rapidly turned into the central security-political issue and found entrance into all strategic documents and policy and military planning scenarios. Nearly all over Europe, the increased attention security forces need to pay to preventing and defending against potential terror threats have lead to strains in civil-military relationships. On the one hand, civilians showed an increased need for security, but on the other hand, one fears that through concentration of power with security forces, civil rights could be undermined and democratic control of armed forces and the police weakened. Within the context of coping with these new security-political tasks, civil-military relations have become a new challenge to the reform countries in South East Europe. Different than in the well-established democracies and market societies in Western and Middle Europe, where the population demonstrates a high level of acceptance versus security institutions, South East European citizens fact their own security apparatuses with massive mistrust. The reasons for this damaged relationship are numerous: they range from negative experiences with security forces in the past authoritarian communist regimes, which dominated the region until 1990/91 to the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of the Yugoslav wars of dissolution in the 1990s, which made it difficult to differentiate between the practices of paramilitaries and "regular" armed forces. Even following the end of the fighting, "weak states" in the Western Balkans struggle to make their population find confidence in government institutions again. In this context, the European Union and NATO play a central role. The perspective of future membership in these two organisations has become the main propulsive factors for reforms of the security sector. The EU and NATO will have to stand up to the responsibility of promoting the establishment of democratic mechanisms for regulating and controlling civil-military relationships-in spite of, or even in the face of the danger of global terror. European and Euro-Atlantic institutions have engaged South East Europe in a comprehensive discourse on the comprehensive reform of state and societal institutions. Structured and well-planned reform programmes aimed at creating integrated European institutions and norms have inevitably created a focus on Brussels, Strasbourg, The Hague, and Washington D.C., adding extra demands to each national government's domestic, regional and international activities. This is not always to the advantage of the government in office: exceeding compliance with international reform programmes while at the Same time underfocusing on the socioeconomic needs of voters may lead to a failure to achieve re-election, as in the case of the last Bulgarian government. The explicit understanding is that all South East European states should be considered eligible for membership of the Euro-Atlantic institutions. Reforms therefore coincide largely with programmes whose ultimate objective is integration. The tacit understanding is that security sector reform cannot ultimately be successful without democratic-institutional reform, and improvement of socioeconomic conditions. The Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe has explicitly made this three-pronged approach its own, and added a so-called `table' for regional programmes to it. Other European and Euro-Atlantic organizations focus on one or the other point.

This text describes on a synthetic way the history that characterizes the development of public Latin America´s universities. Through an intense literature review three core aspects are identified: enrollment generalization, the growth of private institutions and the politicization within the processes, considered as an essential part of the public universities in the continent. The analysis states that even if they are not negative, these characteristics are by themselves product of a history loaded by the social mobility and by the citizenship formation.

إستهدفت الدراسة البحث في ظاهرة إدارة الأرباح, وإسكتشاف مدى ممارستها من قبل الشركات الصناعية المساهمة العامة الأردنية المدرجة في بورصة عمان, وأثرها على سياسة توزيع الأرباح وانعكاسها على القيمة السوقية للشركة خلال الفترة الممتدة من عام 2012 إلى عام 2017، سعيا للمساهمة في توعية المستثمرين لاتخاذهم قرارات استثمارية رشيدة, والتعرف على مقدرة إدارة تلك الشركات على الموازنة بين أحدى أهم السياسات المالية (سياسة توزيع الأرباح) كمؤشر على الأداء المالي والقيمة السوقية كمؤشر على قرارات المستثمرين والمساهمين وذوي المصالح في تقييم أداء الشركة. وقد أجريت هذه الدراسة على عينة مكونة من (32) شركة مساهمة عامه صناعية وهي بيانات سلاسل زمنية (Time Series Data) ذات طبيعة مقطعية (Cross Section Data). وتم استخدام نموذج جونز المعدل (The Modified Jones Model) (1995)  للتعرف على مدى قيام الشركات (عينة الدراسة) بممارسة إدارة الأرباح ومن ثم اختبار أثرها على سياسة توزيع الأرباح النقدية وعلى القيمة السوقية وكذلك اثر إدارة الأرباح على القيمة السوقية في ظل سياسة توزيع الأرباح.

The study aimed to research the phenomenon of earnings management, and discover the extent to which it is practiced by Jordanian public shareholding industrial companies listed on the Amman Stock Exchange, and its impact on the dividend distribution policy and its reflection on the market value of the company during the period extending from 2012 to 2017, in an effort to contribute to educating investors in making decisions. Rational investment, and identifying the ability of the management of these companies to balance one of the most important financial policies (dividend distribution policy) as an indicator of financial performance and market value as an indicator of the decisions of investors, shareholders and stakeholders in evaluating the company’s performance. This study was conducted on a sample of (32) industrial public joint stock companies, and it uses time series data of a cross-sectional nature. The Modified Jones Model (1995) was used. To identify the extent to which companies (the study sample) practice earnings management and then test its impact on the cash dividend distribution policy and on the market value, as well as the impact of earnings management on the market value in light of the dividend policy.

Zusammenfassung • Wissenschaftliche Politikberatung ist eine besondere, da hybride Art der wissenschaftlichen Tätigkeit: Wissenschaft in ihrer beratenden Funktion gerät in den Konflikt, Inhalte wissenschaftlich glaubwürdig, sachbezogen und wertfrei darstellen und gleichermaßen politisch wirksam, d. h. handlungsleitend und öffentlich nachvollziehbar, aufbereiten zu müssen. Die daraus resultierenden Texte sind daher für die Wissenschaftsforschung spannend im Blick auf die Frage, wie sich in ihnen das Ringen um epistemische Qualität und soziale Legitimierung sprachlich und inhaltlich in der (Ko-)Konstruktion von Wissen niederschlägt. Im Rahmen eines aktuellen interdisziplinären DFG-Projekts wird die Praxis wissenschaftlicher Politikberatung in Deutschland in Form, Inhalt und Funktion anhand exemplarischer Fälle linguistisch und erkenntnistheoretisch untersucht.

This article reflects on the findings of 2023 Think Tank State of the Sector Report published by On Think Tanks. The author outlines six crucial factors for a prosperous think tank environment. As per the author's perspective, these factors have the potential to stimulate more in-depth research endeavors, ultimately contributing to the advancement and success of the sector.

Si los académicos se sienten ignorados y los gobiernos sólo confían en los estudios que les llegan avalados por corporaciones privadas, nuestra sociedad tiene un problema muy serio. Si sólo escuchamos a los think tanks y a las grandes consulting, si todas las ciencias sociales se convierten en cómplices del statu quo seremos testigos de una transformación que llevará décadas reparar