Student activism in higher education

Responding to Student Voice: Insights into international practice arose from research conducted on behalf of QAA Scotland, as part of the current Enhancement Theme
(see www.enhancementthemes.ac.uk/current-enhancement-theme). This research included a scan of the published literature, which found very little systematic analysis of practices concerned with feeding back to students about the changes made in response to student input. While there was some ‘grey’ literature, this tended to make claims without supporting them with evidence of the effectiveness or sustainability of initiatives. Literature tended
to be older and to blur distinctions between taking action based on student voice and communicating the action taken back to students.
We found the term ‘student voice’ being used to mean many different things in the literature and arrived at the following working definition for this report:

Student voice entails the engagement of students in shaping their studies and study contexts through expressing their views, needs and concerns. It puts students into working relationships (including, but not limited
to, partnership) with policy makers, providers, practitioners and other agencies, and challenges organisations to respond appropriately to the issues student voices raise
Primary data was collected through an online survey and Skype interviews, with informants at universities in Wales, England, Switzerland, Australia, South Africa and the USA,
and are augmented by data from a workshop with the European Students Union conducted by sparqs (student partnerships in quality Scotland). The data revealed a continuum of practices, from informing practices (such as ‘you said, we did’ posters), consultative practices (often, but not only, involving student representatives), negotiation practices (with students and staff working together in full partnership on communication initiatives) and student- initiated practices, where the action is taken (or initiated) by students. Themes which emerged from this data considered trust, institutional culture, time, and power. Concerns about reaching ‘hard to hear’ students, whose voices are often silenced or unheard, were cited and some mechanisms for reaching some of these students noted.
A table of practices follows, compiled from those detailed by our informants, together with advantages and disadvantages, and the report concludes with some considerations to bear in mind when responding to student voice, distilled from the contributions of our informants.

This paper will examine the Strike of 1970 as it played out at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.  First, the paper will provide a brief overview of the issues that ignited this movement.  It will then examine the organizational structure of the Strike effort and look at some of the important strike activities that characterized the Strike effort at UMass.  Lastly, it will examine the response from faculty and administration at the University towards students’ Strike efforts.

L'esigenza di tale lavoro parte dalla consapevolezza dell'importanza della transizione tra anni Settanta ed Ottanta per la cultura socio-politica italiana e, in particolar modo, per l'area di movimenti della sinistra extraparlamentare che aveva coordinato i cicli di protesta di fine decennio. Se gli anni Ottanta, sotto tali lenti, sono stati definiti come l'epoca del disimpegno, dell'arrivismo individualista e del "deserto dei movimenti", questa tesi propone l'analisi degli attori collettivi bolognesi, ricostruendone i tratti ideologici e l'azione collettiva. Restringendo ulteriormente l'ambito d'analisi, la ricerca si focalizza sui movimenti interni all'Università di Bologna, laddove le mobilitazioni del '77 si erano fatte sentire con maggior intensità. Tramite la consultazione delle fonti giornalistiche locali, degli atti dei Consigli comunali bolognesi - ma soprattutto, grazie ai fondi dell'Archivio "Marco Pezzi", ove sono conservati documenti prodotti dagli stessi soggetti della ricerca - si mette in luce la scelta delle diverse issues mobilitanti, le tattiche della protesta adoperate e il rapporto critico con le istituzioni accademiche e comunali, sulla scorta degli schemi interpretativi forniti dalla sociologia italiana dei movimenti.

This article considers queer-driven student activism at Smith College, as well as admissions policy shifts at a number of prominent U.S. women’s colleges for transgender women’s inclusion. The author illustrates how student attempts to dismantle the transmisogyny at Smith as a purportedly feminist “women’s” space, as well as some women’s colleges’ shifts in admissions policy, challenge divisions between transgender and cisgender women. This paradigmatic shift reflects the campuses as comparative havens for gender and sexual exploration, the influence of postmodern gender theory in understanding identity, and the growth of “queer” as an all-encompassing signifier for sexual and gender transgression.

Most global conflicts, Africa in specific, reflect the desires of competing groups to claim and control the richness of their countries in the extractive and explorative resources. The paper adopted the qualitative method and relative deprivation theory to review the aged resource-based conflicts in Africa, with DR Congo and Nigeria as case studies. Ethnic plurality, corruption, weakness of state institutions and foreign interference of states, and non-state actors were found as reasons why DR Congo and Nigeria have become the hotbeds of resource-based conflicts in Africa. Thus, a paradigm shift in governance to the prudent use of resources, good governance, strengthening the institutions of the state, fostering of unity among citizens, peaceful and equitable mechanism for resource distribution was recommended to put an end to the intractable conflicts in DR Congo and Nigeria.
Keywords:
Biafra, Conflict, Civil war, Mineral resources, Violence

Student activists, like all activists, need space to organise, take part in actions, and educate their peers. On many campuses, these spaces can be a refuge for progressive students who may not find support for their activism in other spaces on campus. This article examines
the development, function, and demise of one such space. In particular, this course of events is embedded in the concurrent processes of corporatisation and neoliberal enclosure taking place on universities across the United States. Student and faculty stories of increased supervision and ‘Big Brother’ inspired computer programs for tracking student “involvement” demonstrate unprecedented administrative reach into activism, its planning, and its implementation. The article is based on a decade long ethnographic study on a large public university campus in the US and smaller projects at similar institutions in California. The research is situated in the more general trends in the US over the same period through interviews with faculty at other institutions.

"If we can't read about our history, then you cannot read about yours."-Rosa Linda Salas, Tlataoni, MSU MEXA, 1998-1999 D uring the 1990s, as an undergraduate student at Michigan State University (MSU), it was my privilege to witness and participate in the historic struggle for Xicana/o Studies. African liberationist Frantz Fanon wrote eloquently about colonized people gaining control of their destinies. The struggle at MSU, and others like it in communities across Aztlán are skirmishes in the five-century-old battle to end settler colonial-ism in the Americas and reclaim the cultural, political, and intellectual destiny of the people of Aztlán. Fanon's powerful critique of the role of the indigenous intellectual, both traditional and organic, 1 in creating a new national culture to replace the colonial structure stated "there is simply a concentration on a hard core of culture which is becoming more and more shriveled up, inert, and empty." His words are more relevant than ever. 2 This national liberation struggle is one where, as indigenous intellectual Taiaike Alfred, a Kanien'kehaka Mohawk, in his book Wasase: Indigenous Pathways of Action and Freedom writes, "warriors battle against the political manipulations of their innate fears and repel the state's attempts to embed complacency inside of them. They counterattack with a lived ethic of courage and seek to cause the reawakening of a culture of

Student activism is a highly underresearched topic in psychology despite the field's commitment to studying person-environment interactions and advancing social justice aims. Furthermore, less is known about the ways in which student activists navigate the neoliberal or "corporatized" university in the United States. This research study utilizes a hermeneutic phenomenological qualitative method in order to attempt to describe the experience of being a student activist within a "corporatized" or neoliberal university. The results demonstrate that the apolitical rhetoric and the consumerization of student life, characteristic of neoliberalism in higher education, influence the process through which students become activists and become explicit targets of discipline as well. Students understand their activism in terms of repoliticizing the university and reconfiguring their approach toward education away from consumer metaphors. The results also have significant implications for understanding how the experience of student activism interacts with the other social and economic stressors,

This paper seeks to 1) provide a deeper understanding of student activism 2) examine the complex relationship between student activism and leadership development theories 3) pinpoint areas of opportunity to enhance student affairs practice. This paper will analyze student activism using the Social Change Model of Leadership Development and the Leadership Identity Development (LID) Model.

On April 25, 1960, African American students from Alabama State College participated in a sit-in at a segregated lunch grill at the Montgomery County Courthouse. The lunch grill refused to serve the students and ordered them to leave. The students left and went to the courthouse corridor, where they remained for an hour before going back to campus.

When Alabama State College learned of the students’ actions, it summarily expelled them without notice or hearing. In expelling the students, the college relied on Alabama State Board of Education regulations that allowed it to expel students for “conduct unbecoming a student or future teacher in the schools of Alabama.” Six students challenged their expulsions in court for being in violation of their due process rights. They lost at trial and then won on appeal.

The case was Dixon v. Alabama State Board of Education (1961). It was the first time that any American court recognized that students at a state university have due process protection under the Fourteenth Amendment. Instead of allowing state universities to discipline their students without regard to their constitutional rights as they were permitted to do under the in loco parentis era, the Fifth Circuit mandated that state universities had to abide by constitutional restrictions. Specifically, it held that state universities must provide notice and some opportunity to be heard before they could expel their students for misconduct.

Dixon, by recognizing due process rights for students, marked the death of in loco parentis. University students were no longer viewed as mere children in the eyes of the law. This national transformation in the legal relationship between state universities and their students began with local student activism—namely, African American students protesting segregation policies at a lunch grill near their home campus. It ended with a Fifth Circuit case that ushered in a new era of constitutionally based students’ rights.

In this article, I move away from the typical due process analysis of this case and instead explore how the students’ civil rights activism was transformed into a fight for students’ rights, and I analyze the interplay of this transformation with future civil rights work. Specifically, I acknowledge that students’ rights, in general, benefited from the Dixon precedent. But I ask how the student activists who brought the case personally benefited. None were able to tell their stories in court in a way that challenged separate but equal laws. None of them took advantage of the due process that the Fifth Circuit ruled that Alabama State College must provide. None re-enrolled at the college after the case was over. And segregation was still alive and well in Alabama after Dixon was decided. So what did they win?

Using archival materials obtained from Alabama State University, documents contained in the Dixon case file, an autobiography of the attorney for the students, and legal texts on education law, I show how the motivations of the students to engage in their protest diverged from the legal significance of Dixon.

I conclude by arguing that despite the divergence of interests between the student activists and the lawyers, both the sit-in and the litigation empowered students all over the country to engage in the civil rights struggle. I provide examples of these student activists being afforded unprecedented levels of constitutional protection by courts that specifically rely on Dixon. Even though the Dixon plaintiffs’ original motivation to challenge Jim Crow diverged from the due process expansion that resulted from the case, these students’ goals were nonetheless furthered when other student activists for racial justice across the country were afforded constitutional due process protections during the height of the civil rights movement.

and undated. represent its members. Due to a lack of clarity and direction throughout the group's existence, AFRO never establishes itself with a mission or purpose to the community, leaving it weak and eventually susceptible to displacement.

This article examines the movement organizing and media activist work university students do to address sexual violence, the problem of faculty/student relationships, and the failures of some institutional response. It notes, in particular, how students make sexual violence public through the use of open letters; how they create anonymous and informal online reporting platforms for students to disclose sexual violence; and how they model practices of accountability and survivor-centred care. This article notes the essential work student activists do to address, and redress, the problem of sexual assault on university campuses, and how they make their work visible. Students bear a lot of the burden for addressing the problem of sexual assault and faculty sexual misconduct on our campuses; it is a burden many faculty bear too as those who support and advocate for this change. We see how this burden gets articulated in the stories many students are telling and sharing with each other via blogs and social media posts, and the work they do drafting policy and building cross-campus student movements. Contemporary student activism, I suggest , models what responsibility and accountability for sexual violence might look like. With students Ayesha Vemuri and Arianne Kent, I am conducting a research project that examines how student activists use media to intervene in campus cultures of sexual assault, and provide new models of redress and activist imaginations for violence-free campuses. We historicize contemporary feminist student activism against rape culture in the context of longer local genealogies of shared forms of student activist practice in Canada, doing what we call a " media history of student activism. "

Students at the University of Cape Town spearheaded the #RhodesMustFall movement, calling for an institutional culture that reflects their Africanness to decolonise higher education in South Africa – including its curriculum – and for advances in equity and inclusivity. The issues in other African countries are not that different. Student protests over tuition fees, related matters of student funding and conditions of learning are commonplace.
We submit that at the heart of the current upheavals in higher education in Africa and beyond are the principles of social justice and equity – in particular, equity in education. Equity is about the recognition that a differentiated response is required
to enable parity of living. Ethics of care and participatory parity as a key aspect of equitable living require a range of varied responses to conditions of living as well as transformative approaches to address the structures that maintain inequities. Creating opportunities for equitable participation is an expression of recognition of diversity of living. It is a lived form of social justice.
In African student affairs, the current developments in student politics leave us with a number of questions: What is the next #movement? Will the South African phenomenon of #movements, which started at one institution, spread to others and eventually galvanised in a nationwide #FeesMustFall movement, mobilise continentally across the African cyberspace? Equity and social justice in higher education are continental – indeed global – concerns. How will student affairs rise to the challenge?

Student governance is one of the most challenging domains of SAS because it is a politically involved and sensitive function that affects all students and is directed not only towards the student body but the institution as a whole as well as the broader political context within which a university is placed. And yet, student affairs literature related to student governance tends to be rather partial.

Unlike other domains of SAS like student counselling, which is underpinned by a vast body of theoretical literature and disciplinary knowledge, literature on student governance tends to be very narrow and practitioner-focused, referring to distinct professional services and to related organizational units and activities only, without much attempt at a deeper understanding, conceptualisation, and theorisation.

Meanwhile, there is a broader, theoretically pertinent understanding of student governance embedded in scholarly literature on student politics and activism that dates back to the 1960s, along with literature on academic freedom, student rights and responsibilities, and scholarly work on student engagement, all of which is crucial for understanding this domain. Viewing the student governance function of SAS against this theoretical literature ensures that it is understood in its complexity and fullness of scope. The tendency of the practitioner-focused literature has been to ‘sanitise’ and ‘de-politicise’ student governance in student affairs practice. While this makes it more manageable from the professional perspective, it is essentially contrary to purpose as it underplays student affairs’ civic, emancipatory and social justice roles in student governance. Secondly, to understand student governance as a service function without appreciation of broader theoretical perspectives disconnects it from other dimensions of SAS that integrate with student governance overall in the student experience.

This section therefore focuses on uncovering key concepts and  theoretical work related to student governance and activism.

This paper considers the positioning of student campus activism within a discourse of student engagement to explore how student engagement becomes framed as legitimate/ illegitimate. Using pivotal points within the 2012-14 Sussex Against Privatisation/Occupy Sussex campaigns at the University of Sussex, we compare how student activists construct themselves with how they are constructed by the university administration. Our focus is on how student activists are positioned as troublemakers, lacking valid critical capacity and incapable of independent, mature, reasoned political positioning. We argue that the construction of student activist identities as immature and dangerous both devalues the agency of the protestors but also demonstrates how student engagement is shaped by normative discourses of what constitutes a legitimately engaged student in higher education. Positioning students as being problematic and misguided is potentially incongruous with discourses of students as consumers, as partners and as producers. We propose that in many cases, student engagement is simply a mirage for other organisational practices and that the concept is limited and can be limiting. The relationship between student engagement and activism is explored using Ahmed’s (2012) work on non-performative concepts and what it means to speak in and about higher education.

Using oral history, this chapter chronicles the student leadership that led to the establishment of the UCLA César E. Chávez Department of Chicana/o Studies at UCLA (now the UCLA César E. Chávez Department of Chicana/o and Central American Studies) between 1990-1993.  The chapter situates the diverse student leadership within the 1990s tense racial climate in California and higher education.

What is the role of the student in the struggle for global justice? Do students bear particular responsibility in addressing global inequalities? How does student activism differ from other forms of activism, and how does it intersect? Has student activism changed over time, and do different student movements across the world exhibit different characteristics? What are the economic, cultural and political factors that animate the emergence of vibrant student movements? This course will explore the role that students have played and continue to play in social justice movements around our world. Throughout our study of student mobilization across time and geographies, we will debate how these movements should be understood, and the role they play in altering social values, practices and institutions. The purpose of this course is to theorize the ways in which these critical movements come into being and their consequences. This course aims to be directly relevant to your lives as students, and to encourage you to think broadly about the struggle to enact change in our world. Learning Outcomes By the end of this course, I hope you will be able to: • contrast student movements to non-student movements and analyze the impact of these differences. What makes a student movement "student"? • analyze how these movements have historically interacted with, cooperated and clashed with other social movements

This article critically examines recent revisions to student codes of conduct in Ontario's universities, by focusing specifically on York University. It illustrates how these policy changes have been informed by a new rights and responsibility discourse designed to reduce political conflict on campuses. Couched in terms of promoting student inclusion, fairness, and campus safety, this discourse works with managerial technologies to increase the surveillance and regulation of student political advocacy work. I argue that these changes to student codes of conduct obfuscate the ways in which corporate-service sector relations operate to depoliticize student dissent and silence marginalized student voices, especially voices that raise controversial issues of oppression and challenge the status quo. In developing this argument I also discuss the contradictory and uneven ways that student activists respond to these discourses, and the effects of this new regime on the social organizat...

The Student Union factions Yesh and Ḳampus occupied a middle ground in Israeli political culture in the 1970s.  Their vocal call for comprehensive change in Israeli society was reminiscent of the “spirit of ’68,” though it was issued from within the Student Unions, a traditional institutional venue of political activity.  The rhetorical and practical approaches of Yesh and Ḳampus contrast with widely-held notions about Israeli Student Unions, organizational frameworks that both scholarly and popular observers have disregarded as ineffectual bodies that are usually subjected to the co-optation of mainstream Israeli political parties.  Unlike most Student Union factions at the time, however, Yesh and Ḳampus neither associated with outside parties or groups, nor did they restrict their agendas to issues explicitly relating to students’ interests.  Instead, Yesh and Ḳampus worked to expose what they believed to be widespread inequality in Israel, and sponsored both on and off-campus activities aimed at combatting socioeconomic disparities.  Yesh and Ḳampus were comprised of broad coalitions of Arab and Jewish Zionists, non-Zionists, and anti-Zionists, and attained a level of electoral support in Student Unions in Haifa and Jerusalem, respectively, that was proportionally much higher than that of contemporaneous far left-wing factions in Israel’s Knesset.  In the 1970s, Yesh and Ḳampus demonstrated how traditional institutions like Israeli Universities and their Student Unions could be appropriated as venues in which political activists might openly criticize the sociopolitical status quo, and resist the behavioral conventions and partisan associations of Israel’s mainstream political culture.

In this paper, we critically reflect on our conceptualization and operationalization of "rapid photovoice" as a close-up, emanci-patory, action research methodology which has multiple, intersecting social-justice goals; and consider the methodology's potential for helping to achieve such goals. We first consider photovoice in relation to its typical use in public health research, as well as in prior research into student experiences of higher education. We then consider our pragmatic redesign of the methodology as rapid photovoice (RPV), which we conceptualized in response to the goals, parameters, and constraints inherent in our project, which studied student movement violence and wellbeing. In the third part of the article, we describe and discuss our operationalization of RPV in this study on four university campuses in South Africa. In the fourth section, we reflect on some of the ethical considerations arising from the topic and the methodology. In the final secti...

The article describes the agentive development of a group of first-year Japanese university students. They first individually wrote their language learning histories to grasp what they had been through in their junior and senior high school English education. They then analyzed the histories in small groups, discussing what motivated and demotivated each person, what students and teachers might learn from their experiences, and what the Ministry of Education (Monbusho) might do to support their learning more. The small groups wrote reports and sent their findings to the Ministry of Education at the end of the year along with a 3-min YouTube video of the major findings. Their reports concluded that Japanese students endure too much test-focused grammar and lectures in their junior and senior high school education and would prefer to learn more from a more orally interactive curriculum with complementary teaching methods. This agency-inviting process that the students progressed through is similar to Weinstein's (2006) conception of “learners' lives as curriculum,” echoing Freire's (1970) and Dewey's (1938/1963) participatory and experiential learning and community involvement, which invites and encourages more agency from students.

This article examines the lived experiences of Black graduate student activist David C. Turner, III. It explores his intellectual and academic development in his masters program at the University of Pennsylvania and doctoral program at UC Berkeley. It also explores Turner's on and off campus activism, including his involvements in the Black Liberation Collective, Black Youth Project (BYP) 100, and Brothers, Sons, Selves Coalition. Highly involved Black graduate student activists that successfully balance their studies and activism make themselves increasingly prepared for the job market in general and for the professoriate in particular. This article asserts that highly engaged activism coupled with advanced education prepared Turner for a career as an Africana activist-scholar in the academy. The article reveals his preparation by connecting Turner's lived experiences with proven effective practices. The objective of this case study is to highlight the on and off campus experiences of one 21st century Black student activist, Turner, to reveal the link between Black graduate student activism, intellectual and scholarly development, and career preparation drawing upon informal conversations and semi-structured interviews.

University students perennially use college campuses for social and political protest. For this reason it is important to understand how campus design conditions student activism as well as the ways architects have worked to build spaces to practice democracy and citizenship. This article turns to the administrative policies and campus
planning activities leading up to the Free Speech Movement in 1964, which took place adjacent to the postwar student union building at the
University of California, Berkeley. It argues that the student center and plaza, designed by the architects Vernon DeMars and Donald Hardison
and landscape architect Lawrence Halprin, gave the postwar university citizenry a monumental space to practice democracy as it paved the way for civic-oriented student centers elsewhere.

What started in early 2015 as a series of protests at the University of Cape Town against the statue of Cecil John Rhodes expanded by the end of the year into a nationwide student movement under the label #FeesMustFall. This article analyzes the development and characteristics of the movement as a networked student movement along with its ideological inspiration in the work of Frantz Fanon.

Abstract
In the spring of 2012, students in Quebec went on strike against a proposed 75% increase in university tuition and the further privatization of education that it signaled. The strike lasted 6 months and repeatedly mobilized hundreds of thousands of students and supporters in collective action. Emphasizing the “broader dreams of a student movement now sparking the popular imagination”, some activists began calling for a “rêve général illimité” (unlimited general dream). This article brings together scholarship on creative tactics and the role of space in protest to analyze a range of imaginative and affective interventions as well as the debates that emerged concerning their role within the movement. I argue that creative tactics intervened in how space and time were constructed by altering the relationships amongst private and public space. As a result, responsibilities were redistributed and time typically consecrated to the pursuit of private ends was redeployed during the Quebec student strike, broadening participation and generating public spaces where care was collectivized.

Résumé
Au printemps de 2012, les étudiants du Québec se sont mis en grève contre une proposition visant à augmenter de 75% des frais de scolarité universitaire et contre la privatisation de l'éducation. La grève a duré six mois et, à plusieurs reprises, a mobilisé des centaines de milliers d'étudiants et de partisans de l'action collective. Soulignant les «rêves plus larges d'un mouvement étudiant qui stimule désormais l'imagination populaire», certains militants ont commencé à appeler au «rêve général illimité». Cet article croise le savoir sur les tactiques créatives et le savoir académique sur le rôle de l'espace dans la protestation, afin d'analyser une série d'interventions créatives et affectives, ainsi que les débats qui ont émergé au sujet de leur rôle au sein du mouvement. J'avance l'idée selon laquelle les tactiques créatives ont influencé la manière dont l'espace et le temps se sont construits en modifiant les relations entre espace privé et espace public. En conséquence, les responsabilités ont été redistribuées et le temps, généralement consacré à la recherche à fins privées, a été redéployé au cours de la grève étudiante au Québec, élargissant la participation communautaire et générant des espaces d'attention mutuelle et d'entraide.

This project is a work in progress, and as such it will necessarily be incomplete. It is also an attempt to study a dynamic process that is still in play, and as such some of the finding and conclusions here are tentative at best, and are likely to change based on future events and their outcomes. Finally, it is also a subject on which I have definite and strong opinions which necessarily shape the tone of the paper. Simply put, this project is an attempt to examine and understand a diverse set of events over the past year on the campus of the New School in New York City, with special attention to events since January 2009. In particular, I am interested in exploring what I see as the tensions between autonomous student politics and democratic political institutions, and how this tension is manifested in student events and movement rhetoric, as well as university and administrative responses to these movements.

This paper is an attempt to sketch out the beginnings of a larger critical ethnographic study of a small, liberal arts university in New York and the political events of the past year through a participatory action research framework. What this means is that I am neither an impartial observer nor an outside researcher, and this is not an exotic locale where I am naively seeking to gain some special outsider perspective into a local native culture. Far from it, I have been intimately involved with organizing, taking part in and writing about student politics and movements since moving here last fall. I hope to use my intimate knowledge and involvement in the political activities of the past nine months to better inform this political study.

2016 წლის მარტში თბილისის სახელმწიფო უნივერსიტეტში ჩამოყალიბდა სტუდენტური მოძრაობა, რომელსაც ეწოდა „აუდიტორია 115“ და მიმართული იყო თსუ-ში საგანმანათლებლო რეფორმისკენ. მათ მიერ გამართულმა საპროტესტო აქციებმა უნივერსიტეტში რიგი ცვლილებები გამოიწვია. კვლევის მიზანს წარმოადგენს თსუ-ში სტუდენტური აქტივიზმის ეფექტების, შედეგებისა და მის მიმართ არსებული დამოკიდებულებების განსაზღვრა „აუდიტორია 115“-ის მოძრაობის მაგალითზე. კვლევის ამოცანებია: მოძრაობის წარმომადგენლებისა და თსუ-ს სტუდენტების დამოკიდებულებების განსაზღვრა სტუდენტური აქტივიზმის მიმართ; მოძრაობის მოტივებისა და მიზეზების გამოყოფა; განვსაზღვროთ, თუ როგორ აღიქვამენ თსუ-ს სტუდენტები და „აუდიტორია 115“-ის წარმომადგენლები მათ მიერ გამართული აქტივობების ეფექტებსა და გავლენებს და რისი მომტანი შეიძლება იყოს სტუდენტური აქტივიზმი სტუდენტებისთვისა და უნივერსიტეტის განვითარებისთვის.
კვლევის მიზნიდან და ამოცანებიდან გამომდინარე, გამოყენებული იყო თვისებრივი სოციოლოგიური კვლევის მეთოდები - ნახევრადსტრუქტურირებული ინტერვიუს და ფოკუს-ჯგუფის მეთოდი. ამასთან ერთად, გაკეთდა სამოქალაქო აქტივიზმის შესახებ არსებული ბაზების მეორადი ანალიზი.
შედეგებიდან აშკარა გახდა, რომ თსუ-ს სტუდენტებისა და „აუდიტორია 115“-ის წარმომადგენლების აზრით, სტუდენტურ აქტივიზმში ჩართულობა სტუდენტებს სამოქალაქო ცნობიერებას უვითარებს, ეხმარება რიგი უნარ-ჩვევების განვითარებაში, ხელს უწყობს თსუ-ში სტუდენტების გააქტიურებას და მეტ ჩართულობას უნივერსიტეტში მიმდინარე პროცესებში.

The aim of this thesis is to explore, examine and analyze the phenomenon of growth of the Latin American debate movement using a mixed methodology comprising process tracing and interviews. The thesis applies social movements theoretical concepts to the Latin American debate movement case study and the findings show how three contextual forces lead by cultural philanthropy, student activism and governmental actors were fundamental to the formation of the movement. This thesis argues that the Latin American debate movement is an innovative form of civic participation that influence public policy.

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Student activism is a highly underresearched topic in psychology despite the field’s commitment to studying person–environment interactions and advancing social justice aims. Furthermore, less is known about the ways in which student activists navigate the neoliberal or “corporatized” university in the United States. This research study utilizes a hermeneutic phenomenological qualitative method in order to attempt to describe the experience of being a student activist within a “corporatized” or neoliberal university. The results demonstrate that the apolitical rhetoric and the consumerization of student life, characteristic of neoliberalism in higher education, influence the process through which students become activists and become explicit targets of discipline as well. Students understand their activism in terms of repoliticizing the university and reconfiguring their approach toward education away from consumer metaphors. The results also have significant implications for unders...

Our research overlaps only insofar as we are both interested in race work and the real, material antecedents to and consequences of this work. But we share a common concern over the relative lack of institutionalized Ethnic Studies programming in Canada--either as an interracial, interdisciplinary collaborative space or as the more focused organization of cultural programming, like Black Studies or Asian North American Studies--and its effect on students of color. Thus, in the following pages, we outline the context in which we are working in Canada, particularly in contrast to the ways that Ethnic Studies operates in the United States. We think about what it means specifically to be women graduate students of color who, because of the lack of institutionalized critical Ethnic Studies in Canada, have to work within non-collaborative disciplines that mirror the tokenistic multiculturalist idealism that characterizes approaches to race relations in this country and is used to dismiss our analysis in the first place.