Socialist Economics

This paper decomposes global inequality in redistribution, using data from the World Development Indicators data set of the World Bank. It finds that per capita income has a modest, yet persistent effect on redistribution. More provocatively, the paper also demonstrates that, over and beyond the impact of per capita GDP, global inequalities in redistribution over the last generation or so strongly reflect the double legacies of colonialism (improving the likelihood of redistribution in former-colonizer societies and sharply reducing it in erstwhile-colonized, recently independent societies). In addition, it also finds that the history of recent exposure to state socialism increases the presence of redistributive institutions, partly counterbalancing the effects of lower national incomes. The data have been obtained from the World Bank's online open-access data site World Development Indicators, http://data.worldbank.org.

Anarchism and geography have a long and disjointed history, characterized by towering peaks of intensive intellectual engagement and low troughs of ambivalence and disregard. This paper traces a genealogy of anarchist geographies back to the modern development of anarchism into a distinct political philosophy following the Enlightenment. The initial rise of geographers’ engagement with anarchism occurred at the end of the nineteenth-century, owing to Élisée Reclus and Peter Kropotkin, who developed an emancipatory vision for geography in spite of the discipline’s enchantment with imperialism at that time. The realpolitik of the war years in the first half of the twentieth-century and the subsequent quantitative revolution in geography represent a nadir for anarchist geographies. Yet anarchism was never entirely abandoned by geographical thought and the counterculture movement of the 1970s gave rise to radical geography, which included significant interest in anarchist ideas. Unfortunately another low occurred during the surge of neoliberal politics in the 1980s and early 1990s, but hope springs eternal, and from the late 1990s onward the anti-globalization movement and DIY culture have pushed anarchist geographies into more widespread currency. In reviewing the literature, I hope to alert readers to the ongoing and manifold potential for anarchist geographies to inform both geographical theory and importantly, to give rise to more practice-based imperatives where building solidarities, embracing reciprocity, and engaging in mutual aid with actors and communities beyond the academy speaks to the ‘freedom of geography’ and its latent capacity to shatter its own disciplinary circumscriptions.

Employing a poststructuralist-meets-anarchist stance that advances conceptual insight into the nature of sovereign power, this article examines the dialectics of capitalism/primitive accumulation, civilization/savagery, and law/violence, which are argued to exist in a mutually reinforcing 'trilateral of logics'. In deciphering this triadic system, this article offers a radical (re)appraisal of capitalism, its legal process, and its civilizing effects, which together serve to mask the originary and ongoing violences of primitive accumulation and the property system. Such obfuscation suggests that wherever the trilateral of logics is enacted, so too is the state of exception called into being, exposing us all as potential homo sacer (life that does not count). Proceeding as a diagnostic assessment of sovereign power, where although signposted by Cambodia's contemporary experiences of violent land conflict, this article is not intended as a fine-grained empirical analysis. Instead, it forwards a theoretical dialogue where Cambodia's neoliberalizing processes offer a window on how sovereign power configures itself around the three discursive-institutional constellations (i.e., capitalism, civilization, and law) that form the trilateral of logics. Rather than formulating prescriptive solutions, the intention here is critique, where in particular it is argued that the preoccupation with strengthening Cambodia's legal system should not be read as a panacea for contemporary social ills, but as an imposition that serves to legitimize the violences of property.

After the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, the Soviet leadership fully mobilized Kazakhstan's populations for war. Communist Party and government officials in Moscow and Almaty responded to this crisis by conscripting ethnic Kazakhs into the Red Army, mobilizing the republic's industrial workers and collective farmers for intensified production, and waging a grandiose propaganda campaign designed to instill Soviet patriotism in these soldiers and laborers. During the war, Soviet authorities also deported large Soviet German and North Caucasian populations to Kazakhstan, where local Party and government officials forced them to eke out a desperate existence on the Gulag's "special-settlements." This dissertation is the first English-language study that analyzes these wartime mobilizational campaigns inside Kazakhstan. Drawing on a wide range of previously unexamined archival holdings in Kazakhstan and Moscow, published documentary collections, Soviet newspapers, and memoirs, the dissertation argues that mobilization catalyzed the integration of the republic's population into Soviet military, economic, and ideological institutions. As a direct result of this integration, the republic's Kazakh population acquired a much stronger Soviet identity, but the boundaries of Kazakhstan's ethnic hierarchy became more pronounced and the republic's status as a raw materials base for Russia became more firmly entrenched.

The overarching question of this article is how can we develop a critical understanding of the social place of highways and automobility in the case of a non-capitalist European context such as socialist Albania? Socialism was a period of modernisation for Albania. Part of this modernisation project was the production of a modern built environment, especially infrastructures and urban spaces. Within this context during socialism thousands of miles of new roads were constructed in the country. The remarkably limited use of roads, combined with their systematic building and maintenance, kept this infrastructure’s materiality in a relatively good condition for many decades. Since the early 1990s, though, the end of the regime has signified a period of booming mobility and automobility. Postsocialism and the wider context of neoliberalism have been marked by state withdrawal from many of its previous roles, and the maintenance of basic infrastructures has become increasingly dependent on international aid. Nevertheless, the roads are currently being socially reappropriated and reconfigured, as people embrace automobility, which was a very limited practice during socialism. This article explores the kind of socio-material relationships that road construction and the roads themselves generated in socialist Albania and how these
are linked to postsocialist spatial practices.

This paper challenges the mainstream social scientific approach that emphasizes “moral inferiority” in corruption and bribery in Central and Eastern Europe. We argue that in many cases, people participate in informal organizational resource exchanges not because of immorality or greed but rather because of powerful external forces. By using the case of contemporary Hungary to support this argument, this paper provides a systematic analysis of such imperatives. The findings of 50 in-depth qualitative interviews suggest that two main imperatives can be distinguished; macro-level social and mezzo-level organizational forces. Macro-level forces may be linked to historical paths, Hungary's socialist and pre-socialist social conditions, and its post-socialist welfare state development. Mezzo-level organizational forces are more general phenomena and can be found in many other countries in the world. Moreover, there are numerous categories within each theme. Some of them represent normative imperatives, while others are more material structural forces.

This gives a number or examples of the use of Kantorovich's method applied to economic optimisation. The greater part of the document is a detailed literate programming presentation of a programme to implement Kantorovich's method using data in spreadsheet format. A number of improvements to Kantorovich's algorithm to make it more robust are given.

Version 2 of the file fixes errors in the formatting of the lp-solve examples ( the original had rendered spaces in them as ~ ).

Using a historical approach, I argue why the recent agreement between United States and Cuba is an immediate and historic victory for the Cuban revolution, putting it in a stronger position to face an array of challenges.  In Part 2, I will argue that what has been the unique advantage of the Cuban revolution—that it was led by a revolutionary guerrilla movement from outside of the world Stalinism—has also been a source of its weakness.  To advance the Cuban revolution can relay on its own strength, in particular Che Guevara's theoretical contribution.  But to develop in the 21st century characterized by the combined social and planetary crisis, the Cuban revolution most goes beyond Guevara and Marx to ecocentric ecological socialism, Cuban History, Marxist political economy, Fidel Castro, Cuban Revolution, Socialist and Post-Socialist Area Studies, Transition to Socialism, and Ecological Socialism

Using a historical approach, I argue why the recent agreement between United States and Cuba is an immediate and historic victory for the Cuban revolution, putting it in a stronger position to face an array of challenges.  In Part 2, I will argue that what has been the unique advantage of the Cuban revolution—that it was led by a revolutionary guerrilla movement from outside of the world Stalinism—has also been a source of its weakness.  To advance the Cuban revolution can relay on its own strength, in particular Che Guevara's theoretical contribution.  But to develop in the 21st century characterized by the combined social and planetary crisis, the Cuban revolution most goes beyond Guevara and Marx to ecocentric ecological socialism.

Trust is an essential part of individual lives and the workings of modern society. Not only democracies, but also dictatorships like the Soviet state and authoritarian regimes like post-war European socialist societies needed trust as a crucial resource for social integration and the stability of the political order. What did this most basic of emotions, a requisite for social relationships, look like in the Soviet Union and other communist European states, which are usually described as a societies of distrust? How did "ordinary people" in these countries act, speak and experience themselves in the insecure, risky, and untrustworthy circumstances of everyday life? And, of course, how did the socialist states manage distrust and produce the trust necessary to legitimate themselves and preserve the existing political order?

This article will enquire into the everyday life of the Romanians in the 1980s using the queue (the omnipresent food line) as its starting point of enquiry into reactions and perceptions of shortages. I count among the reactions to shortages the long debated “solidarity” among citizens of Socialist states; I argue that the queue can be described as a form of community activity whose organization was left almost entirely in the hands of the community itself. Officially non-existent, the queue provided an opportunity for Romanian citizens to exercise their organizational and communitarian skills. This is of course a reading that emphasizes “the bright side” of queuing; a more complex description of the phenomenon will be provided in the body of the article.
The second part of the article is concerned with perceptions of shortages. An account of the answers to the question ‘Why are we queuing?’ will be presented at both official and unofficial level. Analyzing the unofficial answers (extracted from oral history sources) I will argue that they were mainly a reworking of the state propaganda, successfully internalized by its citizens.
The main arguments of this article, i.e. the existing agency of Romanian citizens even in harshest times and a level of belief in state propaganda higher than previously remarked upon, support a broader conviction that the binary oppositions derived from dissent discourse are no longer useful theoretical tools in accounting for the reality of everyday life in Socialist states.

Il 28 giugno del 1948, con la risoluzione di Bucarest, la Jugoslavia veniva espulsa dal Cominform. Era il culmine di una crisi che trovava le sue ragioni nel fiero autonomismo dei comunisti jugoslavi dall'URSS, nonché in frizioni di politica estera dovute in particolare ai progetti di federazione balcanica mal visti da Mosca. La rottura metteva in discussione la pedissequa replica del modello sovietico seguita fino ad allora, con il varo nel 1946 di una costituzione federale che riproduceva quella dell'URSS del '36, l'avvio della collettivizzazione nelle campagne e del primo piano quinquennale 1 . Ma invece di capitolare ed andare a "Canossa", come forse si aspettava Stalin, gli jugoslavi proclamarono allora la propria diversità e originalità nel campo socialista. All'inizio Tito ed i suoi furono disorientati, ma quando fu chiaro che la rottura era definitiva, lo "scisma" pose ai dirigenti comunisti un pressante problema di identità e legittimazione sia all'interno, con i propri militanti legati al mito e al modello sovietico, che all'esterno, verso il resto della compagine del comunismo internazionale. La questione non era di facile soluzione per gli jugoslavi che, orfani dell'URSS, avvertivano l'esigenza di differenziarsi per mantenere il potere e sopravvivere. In gioco c'era la stessa evoluzione in senso socialista del Paese: nel contesto di incipiente guerra fredda, una Jugoslavia abbandonata dai sovietici che non avesse trovato una propria via poteva diventare preda del capitalismo occidentale. Gli USA, non a caso, capirono subito che si poteva aprire una finestra di opportunità e si mossero per tenere a galla Tito, includendo il Paese nell'UNRRA con lo Jugoslav Emergency Relief Act 2 . Così gli jugoslavi arrivarono a partorire il proprio inedito disegno, che avviava un'esperienza rimasta unica e singolare nella storia degli esperimenti comunisti, l'Autogestione. I dibattiti del pensiero socialista furono scavati alla ricerca degli elementi su cui basare la nuova teoria, passando da Owen, Fourier, Proudhon, Marx, Lenin e recuperando una distinzione tra "nazionalizzazione" e "socializzazione" dei mezzi di produzione, tramite la quale leggere l'involuzione statalista e burocratica dell'Unione Sovietica. Ferma restando l'interpretazione della Rivoluzione d'ottobre come primo tentativo di introdurre l'autogestione operaia, accanto a questo riferimento fu ripreso l'esempio della Comune di Parigi per quanto atteneva le forme di governo locale. Quest'ultimo modello permise di mettere subito in essere i primi provvedimenti, con la legge del 28 maggio 1949, innestandoli sugli istituti sperimentati durante la lotta partigiana nelle aree liberate, i Consigli popolari 3 . L'anno successivo, il 27 giugno 1950, veniva varata la Legge sul passaggio delle fabbriche alla gestione operaia. L'articolo 1 stabiliva:

Resumen: La contribución italiana al debate sobre el cálculo económico socialista (SECD) no puede limitarse a las aportaciones importantes y funda mentales de Pareto y Barone. De hecho, si sus contribuciones son todavía ambiguas y tenemos que esperar al trabajo de Mises de 1920 para obtener las aclaraciones necesarias, durante la década de los sesenta Bruno Leoni siguió los pasos de los austriacos en lo referente a este tema, estimulando en Italia un gran debate. El papel de Bruno Leoni es importante debido al debate que promueve y a los académicos que implica, pero también porque sitúa la cuestión del cálculo económico socialista en el contexto más amplio del Estado de Derecho.

Covid-19 has highlighted the destructiveness of modern agro-industry upon biosphere and humanity. Its contribution to environmental degradation intertwines with socioeconomic inequality and labour exploitation. There are increasing calls for a green new deal (GND) to counter these dangers. This article argues that a GND for agriculture must combat environmental degradation, social inequality and labour exploitation, rather than aim to re-boot capitalist economies. This article identifies a number of areas for discussion and political action-reorientation of state subsidies, workers' rights, agrarian reform, the decommodification of food, agroecology, possibilities for urban agriculture, the application of new technologies, and rewilding.

The paper addresses the question of East/West hierarchies in academe, and the conditions of the epistemic position and public authority of East and Central European scholarship, through a case study of a major institute of Hungarian reform economics, the Financial Research Institute (FRI), and a moment of political critique by its experts in 1986, asserted in the political pamphlet ‘Change and Reform’. The paper points out connections between world economic and geopolitical shifts, consequent reorganizations of Hungary’s world economic integration. It addresses changes to the institutional power and political position of reform economics at FRI, from the perspective of conditions set by the relationship between import substitution industrialization, the pressure for hard currency created by technological imports, and the changing global economic conditions affecting the availability of technology and capital. Through placing the expert and political critique developed at FRI into that context, the paper contributes to a perspective on ECE social science that goes beyond measuring local scientific paradigms to Western ones, and which understands the epistemic position and public authority of local social science as shaped by formative interactions embedded in a common global history.

These two books in different ways speak to the current global economic crisis – and contribute in different ways to our understanding of the causes and consequences of that crisis and what opportunities for transformation it presents. Rod Hill and Tony Myatt’’s book The Economics Anti-Text Book, offers a comprehensive and devastating critique of the dominant economic paradigm – namely neo-classical economics – which has so spectacularly failed. Mary Mellor’s The Future of Money focuses on the theory and practical dynamics of the financial system, the credit crisis and the relationship between the money and real economies. Both offer important insights into the ideological dimensions of the current crisis of capitalism and the importance of ideas, particularly around questioning hegemonic and authoritative capitalist understandings of ‘economics’ and ‘the economy’.

For the last twenty years, the Left has appeared to lack any alternative to the existing social and economic order. In recent years, communist movements have only existed as serious forces in a few countries, for example India and Nepal, where once they were worldwide phenomena.

Even the financial crash and world recession of the last two years have done little to revive the fortunes of the Left. There seems to be no coherent force to oppose the existing “free” market world order. Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, what remains of the Left is
bogged down in ideological confusion. The collapse of the state-owned economies of the Eastern Bloc appears to have destroyed the practical basis for any alternative to capitalism.

In the immediate post-war era, things looked rather different. To begin with,the socialist nations were apparently successful, at least in economic terms. However, their economies subsequently stagnated and eventually made a transition to economies organised on a “free” market basis.
This article will examine the claim that this reversal happened because of some underlying flaw in the socialist economic system. In this article we will analyse what actually happened, mainly using the example of the Soviet economy. It will be shown that the basis of this economy changed radically after the death of Stalin in 1953. In short, within the span of a few years, a dynamic, socialist system was replaced with a stagnant capitalist system. It was this capitalist system that suffered
slow-down and final dissolution in 1991.

According to a major tendency in Marxism, the leaders who came after Stalin were revisionists. This tendency holds that these leaders wished to revise Marxism by mixing it with capitalist ideology. The economic analysis given below provides evidence to support the anti-revisionist line.

To put it another way, the form of the Soviet system may have remained
socialist, after 1953, in the sense that there was state-ownership and the semblance of central allocation of the means of production. However, changes introduced following Stalin’s death meant that the means of production became commodities.

After 1953, what was being “planned” was in fact capitalist commodity production.

Therefore in essence the system after 1953 was capitalist, not socialist.
We will find that, after 1953, the means of production in the Soviet Union
were sold at their prices of production, like capitalist commodities. This was in opposition to Stalin’s line. Stalin was clear that the means of production should not be regarded as capitalist commodities. Stalin stated that the means of production should be distributed according to decisions made in the course of economic planning and they should be sold at subsidised prices to facilitate this. Consumer goods, unlike
means of production, were sold as commodities in the Soviet Union, prior to 1953, but Stalin understood the importance of this practice being brought to an end as socialism developed. Soviet leaders after Stalin, however, changed this system as they favoured the distribution of the means of production among the various branches of the economy by means of semi-spontaneous market forces. In effect, capitalist profit
criteria rather than central planning decisions were to determine the way in which the Soviet economy developed. Rather than struggling to restrict commodity production, the new leaders of the Soviet Union deliberately expanded it to the entire economy.

These leaders wanted to create a market socialist system where state owned enterprises would behave just like capitalist enterprises.
However, what emerged was a dysfunctional hybrid system, neither effectively planned from the center nor regulated by economic competition. Subsidies for purchasing new means of production had been used to facilitate the planned introduction of innovation up to
1953. Once this system of planning and subsidies was swept away, the incentive to innovate was largely eliminated, as economic competition did not exist to provide an alternative system of incentives. Progressive economic stagnation set in and there was the rapid growth of rent-seeking behaviour (seeking rewards unrelated to effort or
quality of work) by enterprise managers and industrial ministries.

This paper reviews Vietnam’s recent experience with reforming the state-owned enterprise (SOE) sector. It therefore sets the stage by overviewing key developments since Đổi Mới and highlighting some stylized facts about the SOE sector before quantitatively assessing the legal and institutional reforms and equitisations that have taken place over the last years. While there is little compelling evidence that the state of the SOE sector is as dismal as some analysts suggest, the paper highlights an increasing implementation lag of legal reform progress, possibly reflecting fault lines in the political economy.

I argue that SOEs can and should play a vital role in Vietnam’s development strategy going forward but that a more precise vision for the sector, based on a more elaborate assessment of market failures and externalities in different parts of the economy, is needed.

Contemporary theories of social emancipation contend that it is time to dispense with the concept of revolution and leave it merely as the legacy of political struggles belonging to the age of industrial economy. Today's globalization, semio-capital, speculative design,  crypto-economy, would engage epistemologically different emancipatory lexicons and techniques of resistance. The paper analysis the outcomes of premature and coercive establishment in 1917 of the power of proletariat as the subject of enlightenment, and treats the socialist project not as the unrealized, but the effectuated utopia, thus disputing seminal standpoints of Althusser and Balibar of historical socialism's capitalist undercurrents.

Cooperating with other women in their communities and allying beyond local First Nations were necessary stratagems. The final substantive chapter, by Cybéle Locke, delves into the ways Maori women activists moved from race-based protest organizing to a demand for Maori sovereignty. That trajectory underlies the book itself, intelligently sequencing chapters from contact-period Tasmania through reservation situations to late-20th century political activism.

Who has the easiest life in Poland? Mainly large enterprises. The sectoral and ministerial plans depend directly on their work. If they go short of a single screw, the minister thunders and the lightning flashes… Next, things are not too bad for the producers of export goods. Finally, an easy life is the lot of those who cheat a little." Jerzy Burzyński, in 1965, writing about Poland's Bytom machine-building plant 1 [It was] a system that worked, more or less, but which was incapable of finding a positive solution to any of the basic problems in the latter half of the twentieth century," Radoslav Selucký, in 1970, a Czechoslovak economic reformer 2 "Those who state that we have resuscitated… the mechanisms of the market, introducing them into socialism by stealth, are wrong. The market, buying and selling, and money have always existed in a socialist economy. But their existence did not meet the needs of the situation [in 1950. Today] there are enterprises which are still enjoying an unjustified right of monopoly, which makes the managers lazy and places the customers at the enterprises' mercy. That is why these problems must be resolved at the earliest possible moment." Reszö Nyers, in 1969, CP Central Committee Secretary, Hungary 3 Reszö Nyers saw it all, from the inside. Once a printer and a Social Democrat present at the creation of communist Hungary, Nyers served its Ministry of Domestic

The relevance of computer science to economic planning is defended. An algorithm for constructing a balanced economic plan is presented and found to be of time order N log(N ) in the complexity of the economy. The time taken to perform a complete plan optimization in natural units for a whole economy is estimated.

The DPRK is said to be an economist's nightmare. There are almost no reliable statistics available, making any analysis speculative at best. The few useable figures that we have, though, fly in the face of the media's curious insistence on a looming collapse. Food production and trade volumes indicate that the DPRK has largely recovered from the economic catastrophe of the 1990s. Indeed, Pyongyang's reported rising budget figures appear more plausible than Seoul's pessimistic politicized estimates. Obviously, sanctions, while damaging, have failed to nail the country down. There are signs that it is now beginning to open up and prepare to exploit its substantial mineral wealth. Could we soon be witnessing the rise of Asia's next economic tiger?

The state is always built on the historical, economic, cultural and traditional bases of a certain society. The socialist rule-of-law state (socialist law-governed state) has a profound origin from the views in the history of NNPQ, but derives from the nature of the regime, conditions and specific historical circumstances, so it is necessary to build a law Socialist Vietnam does not mean "raw" views and models that are already available but must be based on critical inheritance and creative development under new conditions.

This article sets to analyze the manpower planning approach in respect of the Romanian higher education system during communism. The arguments used intend to demonstrate that long-term planning, although commonly used in the context of demand economy, was not a reliable instrument in education. Archival research has outlined the connections and the variations between long-term ‘cadre’ plans and higher education outcomes, in an attempt to better assess the feasibility of manpower planning in a socialist economy. The empirical analysis confirms the theoretical approach used by Jan Sadlak in the 1980s, but also provides an additional outlook on the practical and conceptual limitations of centralized normative planning.

Мы закончили переводить, анализировать и дальше исследовать чертвертую главу книги Сыроежина. Такое изучение требовало помочь других источников Советского времени, чтобы дать лучшие результаты в этой, комплексной, работе: в частности, книга Н. К. Байбакова От Сталина до Ельцина (Москва, Газоил пресс, 1998) и работа В. В. Новожилова “Проблемы планового ценообразования и реформа упрaвления промышленностью” (Экономика и математические методы, 1966, Том II, с. 327-339). До сих пор, никто не переводил эти работы – или часть – ни на один западный язык.

Publishing the full translation of IV chapter, along with the analysis and the researches related to it, we start the second part of this book, dedicated to “planification”. The arguments that have been touched by this research work, required further deepening of investigation and collection of materials, most of them from original sources. Between them, several pages have been translated from Nikolaj Konstantinovič Bajbakov, From Stalin to El’cin (От Сталина до Ельцина, Moskva, Gazoil press, 1998), as well as it has been fully translated Viktor Valentinovič Novožilov, “Problems of planned pricing and reform of industry management” (”Проблемы планового ценообразования и реформа упрaвления промышленностью”, Ekonomika i matematičeskie metody, 1966, Tom II, pp. 327-339), stil untranslated up to now.

Con la pubblicazione dell’analisi, degli approfondimenti, e della traduzione integrale del IV capitolo, si inaugura la II parte, relativa alla “pianificazione”, sempre nella consueta struttura a puntate. Gli argomenti toccati hanno reso necessario il confronto e il ricorso ad altre fonti, quasi sempre originali, al fine di rendere il più possibile organico l’impianto complessivo dei risultati di questa attività di ricerca. In particolare, sono stati tradotti ampi stralci dall’autobiografia di Nikolaj Konstantinovič Bajbakov, Da Stalin a El’cin (От Сталина до Ельцина, Moskva, Gazoil press, 1998), così come è stata inserita la traduzione integrale del saggio di Viktor Valentinovič Novožilov, “Problemi di formazione centralizzata dei prezzi e riforma della gestione industriale” (”Проблемы планового ценообразования и реформа упрaвления промышленностью”, Ekonomika i matematičeskie metody, 1966, Tom II, 3° uscita, pp. 327-339), inediti in lingue occidentali.

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & RESUMO & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: One of the outstanding aims of most liberation movements has been to increase the economic well-being of their people, Guinea-Bissau being no exception in this respect. How far has the new Nation State succeeded in fulfilling this aim? A comparative analysis of the implementation of land reclamation projects during colonial and post-colonial times reveals astonishing similarities: especially the centralization of development efforts in the hands of administrators disconnected from the grassroots, lack of target group analysis and misconceptions about the aims and needs, as well as the resources, of the population involved in the development efforts, on the part of the administration. The effects of this negative conditioning process of 'development' over many years on the chances of cooperation between peasants and the administration are still largely unknown. Any development planner who wants to encourage the local population to take their future into their own hands, would have to take account of this negative conditioning process. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------  RÉSUMÉ: [ Socialisme sans libération - des travaux de poldérisation des terres en Guinée-Bissau ] - Un des objectifs en circulation de la plupart des mouvements de libération a été d'accroître le bien-être économique de leur peuple, la Guinée-Bissau ne fait pas exception à cet égard. Dans quelle mesure le nouvel État Nation réussi à remplir cet objectif ? Une analyse comparative de la mise en œuvre de projets de remise en état des terres pendant la période coloniale et post-coloniale révèle des similitudes étonnantes : notamment la centralisation des efforts de développement dans les mains des administrateurs déconnectés de la base, le manque d'analyse du groupe cible et des idées fausses sur les objectifs et les besoins, ainsi que les ressources, de la population impliquée dans les efforts de développement, de la part de l'administration. Les effets de ce processus de conditionnement négatif du « développement » depuis de nombreuses années sur les chances de la coopération entre les paysans et l'administration sont encore largement inconnu. Tout planificateur du développement qui veut encourager la population locale à prendre leur avenir en mains propres, devra tenir compte de ce processus de conditionnement négatif. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------  RESUMO: [Socialismo sem libertação - Projetos de recuperação de terras na Guiné-Bissau]  Um dos principais objectivos da maioria dos movimentos de libertação tem sido de aumentar o bem-estar económico dos seus povos, não sendo a Guiné-Bissau uma excepção a este respeito. Até que ponto o novo Estado Nação conseguiu cumprir esse objetivo? Uma análise comparativa da implementação de projetos de recuperação de terras durante épocas coloniais e pós-coloniais revela semelhanças surpreendentes: especialmente, a centralização dos esforços de desenvolvimento nas mãos de administradores desconectados das bases, a falta de análise de grupos-alvo e dos equívocos sobre os objetivos e necessidades, bem como os recursos, da população envolvida nos esforços de desenvolvimento, por parte da administração. Os efeitos desse processo de condicionamento negativo do "desenvolvimento" ao longo de muitos anos sobre as chances de cooperação entre os camponeses e a administração ainda são em grande parte desconhecidos. Qualquer planejador de desenvolvimento que queira encorajar a população local a tomar seu futuro em suas próprias mãos, teria que levar em conta esse processo de condicionamento negativo. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: [Sozialismus ohne Befreiung - Landgewinnungsprojekte in Guinea-Bissau]  Eines der herausragenden Ziele der meisten Befreiungsbewegungen war es, das wirtschaftliche Wohlergehen ihrer Bevölkerung zu verbessern, wobei Guinea-Bissau in dieser Hinsicht keine Ausnahme darstellt. Wie weit ist es dem neuen Nationalstaat gelungen, dieses Ziel zu erreichen? Eine vergleichende Analyse der Umsetzung von Landgewinnungs-Projekten in kolonialer und post-kolonialer Zeit zeigt erstaunliche Gemeinsamkeiten: Vor allem die Zentralisierung von Entwicklungsanstrengungen in den Händen der von der Basis abgekoppelten Verwalter, fehlende Zielgruppenanalyse und Missverständnisse über Ziele und Bedürfnisse, sowie die Ressourcen der an den Entwicklungsbemühungen beteiligten Bevölkerung seitens der Verwaltung. Die Auswirkungen dieses negativen Konditionierungsprozesses der "Entwicklung" über viele Jahre auf die Chancen einer Zusammenarbeit zwischen Bauern und Verwaltung sind noch weitgehend unbekannt. Jeder Entwicklungsplaner, der die lokale Bevölkerung dazu ermutigen will, ihre Zukunft selbst in die Hand zu nehmen, sollte diesen negativen Konditionierungsprozess berücksichtigen.    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------  MAP of "Biombo (Quinhámel), Guiné Portuguesa", showing a.o. the new and old (broken) dikes and rice polder (bolonhas), Credit: Centro de Geografia do Ultramar, 1952

7 Naša izhodišča se nanašajo na Balibarjevo teorijo tranzicije (1970) in na konkretno analizo socializmov Charlesa Bettleheima (1975). MI_postfordizem_203-244_final.in2 2 MI_postfordizem_203-244_final.in2 2 9.4.2010 9:47:29 9.4.2010 9:47:29 205 O D P R I M A T A PA R T I Z A N S K E P O L I T I K E . . .

Partendo da una descrizione dei modelli dell’autogestione di Vanek e
Jossa e un breve excursus storico nel primo capitolo, continueremo
mostrando come l’approccio della teoria della libertà ci permetta di
analizzare la natura oppressiva del posto di lavoro capitalistico e,
infine, riportando i casi argentino e italiano concluderemo come le
imprese recuperate – visto il loro livello di redditività – e quindi la
pratica autogestionaria possano essere un’alternativa reale al modo di
produzione capitalistico così come lo conosciamo e al superamento in
toto della figura opprimente dell’imprenditore-capitalista.

This article explores child care and preschool educational policies in Hungary from the end of World War II until the 1956 revolution, focusing mainly on the forms of organization of preschool education, methods of financing, and the quality of educational facilities. Special attention is devoted to the gender dimension of the educational system, provisions concerning women's employment, and women's entitlements as mothers and caregivers. The article considers preschool education as the point of collision between (forced) productive and reproductive roles of women in the socialist system. In addition to analyzing the legislation on child care, the article studies the different stages of the policy process, in an effort to identify how competing discourses on welfare policies by multiple actors and agencies-such as the state, parties, local and county administrators, various interest groups, the women's movement, and parents-were strategically used in political narratives striving for dominance in the political field. It is also concerned with the implementation of these laws, and with their effect upon those directly affected by these policies.

1. He concedes that Cottrell and Cockshott's model is the only coherent intellectual opposition that the Austrian school face from the left 2. He concedes that we have demolished the argument that socialist calculation is too complex to be feasible. 3. He has an argument that what we are doing is no longer socialist calculation because it is not independent of the market (because we allow a market for consumer goods), 4. Following on from 3 he argues that our labour values are no longer labour values because they are contaminated by market eects. We will reply mainly on points 3 and 4 which, we think, are very weak argument. Those that Hayek was arguing against like Lange and Dickinson allowed for markets in consumer goods, this did not lead Hayek to say : Oh you are not really arguing for socialism since you have conceded a market in consumer goods, he did not, because there remained huge policy dierences between him and Lange even if Lange accepted consumer goods markets. It is thus a very weak argument by Brewster to say that what we advocate is not really socialist calculation because it is contaminated in some way by market inuences. There still remains a huge policy dierence between us and him. If he wants to argue that what we advocate is not real socialist calculation, well he can do so, but this would be seen as quibbling over denitions of socialism. There remain substantive policy dierences and he has now to show that the policies we are advocating would be impossible in practice. He is wrong in saying that our labour values are no longer labour values since they are now inuenced by market prices. In Marxian economics there are three distinct concepts, value in use, value in exchange and labour value. Value in use is held to be non-comparable, it sets up no scale, and is a matter for technology and design study rather than political economy. Value in exchange, is, when represented in monetary prices, a scalar quantity. Labour value is another scalar quantity but is distinct from exchange value. Exchange value ratios closely approximate labour value ratios in capitalist economies[12, 10, 13, 3, 14, 15] but deviate from them under the inuence of imbalances in supply and demand. We continue to reproduce these distinctions in the consumer goods market.

My Awakening: How I came to see the Text Jeffrey Ross, who teaches English at a College in Arizona, explains how he learned to see the Text I have developed a frightening, yet powerful awareness. I now stand, mannequin-like, in the store window of life, grimly watching the Textdriven crowds shuffle down the sidewalk, drifting into the distance, subsiding into the horizon.