Scythian

(222 plates of illustrations will be in special file. The pages' numeration is special for each big chapter. For real book numeration move the cursor to the right border of each pages / 222 таблицы иллюстраций будут в специальном файле. Нумерация по техническим причинам – отдельная для каждого большого раздела. Подлинную нумерацию стрнице в книге можно выяснить, подведя курсор к правой границе каждой страницы).
ABSTRACT:
In this book, you will find a complex research of the clothes of Iranian-speaking peoples beginning from their appearance in the world politics and in the written sources of the 7th–6th cc. BC and up to the Islamization of Iran and Transoxiana in the 7th–8th cc. AD. The accessories of the costume (except belts), the military costume, the rulers’ crowns and the costume materials themselves are not the subject matter of the text; but the hairstyle and sometimes tattoos are being under consideration. The first three chapters are devoted to analysis of the main periods of pre-Islamic history of the Iranian world (the time bounds being different for different regions): [1] the Achaemenid-Scythian time (the 7th–6th cc. BC — 4th–3rd cc. BC, for Transoxiana—up to the mid. of the 2nd cc. BC); [2] the Parthian-Sarmatian time (the 4th/3rd cc. BC — the 3rd/4th cc. AD); [3] the Sassanid and Early Medieval time (the 3/4th — the 7/8th cc. AD). The sections of these chapters deal with materials on the 13 peoples: (1) the Persians of the Achaemenian time; (2) the Early Scythians; (3) the Scythians of the “classic” period (the 5th–4th cc. BC); (4) the “Pazyrykians” of the Altai; (5) the Chorasmians (for all the 3 periods); (6) the Parnes—Parthians of Iran; (7) the Sarmatians and Early Alans; (8) the Yuech-chihs / Kushans of Bactria; (9) the Sogdians (the 2nd and 3rd periods); (10) the Indo-Scythians of Gandhara; 11) the Persians of the Sassanid time; (12) the Khotano-Sakas of Southern Xinjiang (the 2nd and 3rd periods); (13) the Tokharistanians (with other ethnic elements). As far as each of the above-mentioned peoples is concerned the above-stated ideas are analyzed and new materials (including unpublished ones) are taken into account, the details of many depictions are defined and the data on peoples are generalized for the first time. First of all, we have studied the costume of these 13 peoples, which gives the most abundant and many-sided information on the costume as clothes in real life are a mass phenomenon and can be studied productively and correctly only in big series (in case of single depictions rare costume elements and the looks of gods of foreign origin are mistakenly taken for typical ones).
The main tasks of the book are: 1. The reconstruction of the look of the ethnic clothing complex for each of the above-mentioned peoples: the silhouette, the cut (the information about the latter is limited) and the decorative prin-ciples, the last task being the most labour-intensive. The results allow of a reliable attribution of many artifacts from museums and private collections. 2. Eliciting the aesthetical ideal of different ethnic groups reflected in the costume; the analysis of the depictions of supposed representatives of a certain people in the art of other countries for defining the degree of the authenticity in the costume depiction and its representativeness for this ethnic group. 3. The comparative analysis of the costume of each separately taken synchronous people in each of the three main historical epochs; the analysis of the costume of each ethnic group in different periods for defining the character of the costume evolution and heredity. 4. The retrospective eliciting of the look of the original costume of the most ancient Iranians and the “costume” traces of the Iranian penetration to the west of Iran. 5. Eliciting the type of the costume contacts of ancient Iranian-speaking peoples and the difference in their importance. 6. The analysis of the summarized data on the least studied significant functions of the costume aiming at eliciting the specificity of the Iranian world and some of its peoples.
We suggest a complex approach including following elements: (1) dealing with all kinds of sources alongside ob-serving the most possible scope of facts on each studied people (in case of a technical impossibility, the representative statistic excerpts are studied); (2) the proper selection of the costume décor remnants from burials under analysis (only the accounts and publications of high quality are used) excluding significantly fragmented and stylized depictions and, for some regions, images of gods; (3) the analysis of the material according to the linguistic and ethnic principles—not a regional one (which is not typical for modern research on the costume history); (4) considering all the main costume attributes of the ethnic group as a single costume complex that reflects the specificity of the people; 5) the description of the costume of each ethnic group according to the common program in chapters 1–3; (6) considering ethnic complexes against the background of the synchronous neighbouring ones and both earlier and later ones up to their successors in the 19th–20th cc. AD (otherwise the rightfulness of most conclusions is difficult to guarantee); (7) the analysis of costume evolution of separate ethnic groups under the influence of different factors; (8) compiling a special summary tables on the costume of each people (each drawing in them not being an exact copy of a definite depiction, but given in the most appropriate foreshortening without unnecessary details interfering with perception).
MORE INFORMATION: 2nd Internet ed., Moscow: X-lab, 2011: http://www.narodko.ru/article/yatsenko/eurazia/ .

CONTENTS:
PREFACE 5
CHAPTER 1. The Achaemenian-Scythian time (7th/6th cc. — 4th/3rd cc. BC) 29
1.1. The Persians 29
1.2. The European Scythians 47
1.3. The Pazyryk culture of the Altai Mountains 83
1.4. The Khorasmians 102
The main conclusions 106
CHAPTER 2. The Parthian-Sarmatian time (3rd cc. BC — 3rd/4th cc. AD) 112
2.1. Parthian Iran 113
2.2. The Sarmatians, the Early Alans and the “Late Scythians” 131
2.3. The Yuech-chihs/Kushans 170
2.4. The Khorasmians 187
2.5. The Indo-Scythians 192
2.6. The Sogdians 197
2.7. The Khotano-Sakas 201
The main conclusions 207
CHAPTER 3. The Sasanian and Early Medieval (Pre-Islamic) time (3rd/4th–7th/8th cc. AD) 212
3.1. Sasanian Iran 213
3.2. The Sogdians 231
3.3. Tokharistan and the neighboring regions to the South 247
3.4. The Khorasmians 262
3.4. The Khotano-Sakas 266
The main conclusions 274
CHAPTER 4. The mechanisms of the costume contacts and
the ways of evolution of the costume of ancient Iranians.
The symbolism of costume 279
4.1. The mechanisms of the costume contacts 280
4.2. The ways of evolution of the costume of various peoples 314
4.3. The sign functions of the costume 322
The main conclusions 362
CONCLUSION 364
APPENDIX. The suggestions on the methods of fixation and description of the costume relics
in burial complexes 367
Glossary 370
BIBLIOGRAPHY 371
Abbreviations 416
List of Iluustrations (in English)          418
List of illustrations (in Russian) 423
Illustrations 435-657
Summary                    658
Contents                      663

The research  regarding the depictions of Scythian females in the Scytho-Sarmatian and Greek art shows that there is a division between images of armed Scythian females (who are represented as ordinary people) and Scythian females without weapons (who are represented as rulers on the throne or mythological beings with zoomorphic or vegetative limbs). The written sources and archaeological findings show that sometimes the last two functions were united, as was the case of the Massagetian queen Tomyris and burials of armed females from the Mound No. 5 near village Zelenoe of Kherson, which contained weapons and pronounced female objects (bronze mirror, beads, stone tile with a wooden grinder), as well as symbols of the supreme Scythian goddess (plaques with an image of the goddess). Even though Scythian women could carry weapons and participate in military actions, in Scythian art they were never depicted with weapons. Graves of Amazons are very common in the Northern Black sea region during the Scythian and Sarmatian periods. Even though the written sources also point to the presence of Amazons in Athropatene, the archaeological evidence to support these statements is very rare. The graves of female warriors were registered in the archaeological findings from Azerbaijan during the Late Bronze (or Early Iron) Age, in the burial mound No. 6 (with a child) and mound No. 12 from the necropolis of Plovdag in Nakhchivan. The reason for the female burials to be rare in this particular geographic area may be due to insufficient studies of skeletal remains to establish the gender of the buried. As a conclusion – the archaeological sources alone are insufficient to determine social and military status of females in the Scythian and Sarmatian burials. Only a comparative research of written sources, ancient art, archaeological and anthropological remains will allow us to establish it.

This article presents some new and previously unknown findings of akinakai from the territory of the Republic of Moldova. These akinakai belong to Scythian culture and could be attributed to Kelermes type. The chronological framework of this type is based on several funeral complexes and determined by 650–600 BC. Distribution of stray finds of Kelermes type swords and daggers allow to reconstruct routes of spread of Early Scythian antiquities in forest-steppes of Don, Volga region and Carpathian basin. Besides that, a special cultural status of this type it is assumed. This supposition is based on such complementary indicators as their presence in burials, the existence of prestige exemplars and representations of such akinakai on other types of archaeological inventory. Also, the bronze model of akinakes (from Medgidia, Romania) is connected with Kelermes type swords and daggers, most likely produced as a decoration of the Scythian anthropomorphic sculpture.

One of the features of Scythian archaic blade weaponry is the use of bronze, often in the combination with iron. This technologe of Early Scythian bimetallic akinakai goes back to “Cimmerian scheme”. Within the framework of that scheme Prescythian daggers of Kabardino-Pjatigorsk type were manufactured.  The most later daggers of this type are likely were used until the middle 7th c. BC, so they could be treated as prototypes for Scythian akinakes. Bimetallic technology of Scythian smiths was inspired by previous tradition and the first exemplars of Gudermes akinakai appeared at the turn of 8th–7th c. BC in the Caucasus. In the Carpathian basin archaic Scythian akinakai made wholly or partly from bronze are also well-known. These akinakai of Posmuş type are closely related to the next tradition — of Kelermes type — which also penetrated to Northern Pontic region from the territory of Caucasus region. Posmuş type was probably an intermediate combining old technology of bronze casting and new morphology. A number of features shows a genetic link between Gudermes and Kelermes types. Among them are: three-part handle and the bight under the pommel. So, the bimetallic akinakes is the product of the further evolution of bladed weaponry producted by “Caucasian laboratory” and it could be assumed that for a while it was coexisting with Kabardino-Pjatigorsk type daggers, perhaps in the 1st half of 7th c. BC. Further development of the Scythian akinakai and their distribution in Black Sea region probably provoked the renouncement of the use of bronze due to the excessive complexity of or limited access to raw materials. However, the morphology of this new product was more stable, as a result new types of swords and daggers appeared. In the Danube-Carpathian region a creative rethinking of Gudermes and Kelermes traditions is registered for Early Scythian period. These processes led to the emergence of such types as Posmuş in Transilvania and Ferigile in Wallachia — local phenomena of the Carpathian-Danube. The singularity of distribution of the first akinakai allow us to conclude that Scythian akinakes entered this region two main routes: initially, along the northern border of forest-steppe to Transilvania and later — along the southern border, to Bărăgan Plain.

The excavations carried out lately at Yassıhöyük/Gordion, Boğazköy/Büyükkaya, Kaman-Kalehöyük, Çadırhöyük, Porsuk and Liman Tepe and also the survey at Hydas and Hisarlık Tepesi/Troya VIIb2 and Tel-el Cüdeyde excavations of which findings were evaluated later, reveals clearly that the Hittite Empire vanished approx. in 1190 BC and it was the end of the Late Bronze Age and beginning of the Dark Age, that is the Early Iron Age (1190-850 BC). These settlements located in North-West, West, Central and Southern regions of Anatolia determine how the movements of people who were called Thracean-Phrygian migrations and the Sea People moved towards Anatolia, and brought to an end of the Late Bronze Age. Not fixing any center belonging to the Early Iron Age on the Black Sea coasts indicates that these movements of people were not by means of Northern Anatolia, that is the Black Sea.

Architecture of the Iron Age in the Central Black Sea Region shows different pecularities compared to the Land and Coastal zones. By the help of present data we have, the earliest samples of the Iron Age pottery in the Black Sea Region can be dated to the end of the Early Iron Age. During the Middle Iron Age important settlements in the Kızılırmak/Halys Bend are Boğazköy, Alaca Höyük, Hacı Bektaş Höyük (Suluca Karahöyük), KamanKalehöyük, Eskiyapar, Oluz Höyük, Alişar Höyük, Çadır Höyük and also in the south of the Kızılırmak/Halys, Kültepe, Sultanhanı, Yassıdağ, Topaklı and Porsuk.

The pottery possessed in these settlements, known as Alişar IV, are the painted potteries having composition of figures of deer styled in silhouette technique and a concentric circle motif and sometimes with geometrical motifs. It is observed that the styles of ceramics workshops in the Kızılırmak/Halys Bend and its south that had been producing monotonously since the Middle Iron Age had some changes since the Late Iron Age, especially due to their decorations. Instead of figures of deer in silhoutte, figures with a more natural view, using linear and reserve technique appeared. The figures of bird were more abundant in number and in view, and also figures of bull, donkey, roe, goat, lion, dog, fish and insect were used as the main elements in the compositions. Apart from this, various creatures such as bull with wings and sphinx, and also strange, unusual creatures that can not be identified appeared. The figures of human in a styled form which were few in the Middle Iron Age, started to be the most important thing in the Late Iron Age. Mother Goddess/Kubaba of Phrygians, who had been worshipped since the Neolithic Period, was depicted on the pottery during this period. We observe that the pottery workshops in the Kızılırmak/Halys Bend and also the ones in the south were influenced by the innovations and also the political events that occurred in the Late Iron Age and showed this on their productions. For instance, figures of horse and cavalrymen that appeared suddenly were most probably due to the Eurasian Horse-Riding Nomads. Besides, it is apparent that the figures of sphinx with crown and beard, depicted on the pottery had an influence of Western Iran that is Median-Achaemenid. Apart from the motifs and figures in the Late Iron Age, there were some notable changes in the paint decoration technique. The traditional colors of dark red, brown and black continued to be used in decoration; however, as an innovation, figures and compositions were started to be drawn in the frames with white and beige base. This frame technique was applied, after sometime, without using the white base. We acknowledge that the pottery workshops continued their productions in the Kızılırmak/Halys Bend, not only by keeping their traditional characteristics, but also reflecting the external influences during the period that is from the beginning of 5th Century BC to the middle of 4th Century BC, Hellenistic Period that is the Last Phase of the Late Iron Age.

As a result of archaeological survey carried out up to present, no settlement or camp site belonging to the Eurasian Horse-Riding Nomads in Anatolia, that is the Scythians and Cimmerians were determined. Besides, in the light of present data, it is under debate where the Scythians spread and in which regions they were. It is assumed that some tribes of Eurasian Horse-Riding Nomads who moved in to Anatolia through the Caucasia and destroyed Yassıhöyük/Gordion utterly in the end of the Middle Iron Age, then from Paphlagonia to the Central Black Sea Region and from there to the Eastern Black Sea Region.

Another culture that was effective in the Central Black Sea Region, was Achaemenids. Among the satrapies that were established in Anatolia by Achaemenids, we acknowledge that three satrapies comprise the Black Sea Region of today. The first satrapy to mention is Daskyleion that comprises NorthWest Anatolia, together with Paphlagonia and Mariandyns, land means western part of the Black Sea Region. The second satrapy named Katpatuka (Cappadocia) was ruling today’s Central Anatolia and probably the Central Black Sea Region. The third satrapy in the Eastern Black Sea Region was ruling the lands of Mushki, Tibarens, Macrons, Mossyniks, Marelis; the land between today’s Ordu and Trabzon provinces. The second satrapy named Katpatuka (Cappadocia) comprised the today’s Central Anatolia and the Central Black Sea Region; that is the central part of the coasts of northern Anatolia. As we acknowledge, apart from Phrygia, Paphlagonia and Kilikia were the tax regions (nomos) of Achaemenid King Darius the Great, Cappadocians are mentioned as ‘Syrian’, however Pontus is never mentioned, thus, this northern area was included in Cappadocia in 6th century BC. Cappadocia Satrapy most probably comprised the region of Anatolia from the Taurus Mountains reaching at the Black Sea. Cappadocia Satrapy was divided into two parts. The southern part was named as Major Cappadocia and the northern part as Minor Cappadocia or Pontic Cappadocia. We acknowledge that Gashka people who live seminomadic in the Cental Black Sea Region during the Iron Age, did not settle in permanently and also did not let any alien settle in the region. We observe that despite their powerful dominance, some settlements that appeared to be seen on the terrestrial of the Central Black Sea Region during the end of Early Iron Age and also acquired a character with its ceramics with painted decoration of Central Anatolia Iron Age, were dwelled in by the people whose place of origin was the Central Anatolia. We acknowledge that this policy of dwelling was effective completely in the Land and Coastal regions by degrees. In the light of all these evaluations, we can utter that the culture of the Central Black Sea Region during the Iron Age had the local pecularities of Central Anatolian Culture and was an extension to the north.

The question of the origin and evolution of horse husbandry is one of the most interesting and most disputed problems in history. This paper uses palaeopathology to explore this problem. Samples of equid thoracic vertebrae from 4 populations -free living Exmoor ponies, Early Iron Age Scytho-Siberian horses, Medieval Turkic horses and Eneolithic horsesare compared. Preliminary results suggest that the abnormalities of free-living horse caudal thoracic vertebrae differ from those of riding horses and most especially from those of horses ridden with pad saddles.

The women of Scythian Turks with their importance in the social, political, military and economic life, belonged to one of the most powerful nations of the Ancient Ages, still countinue their name today known as the famous " Amazons " These legendary warrior women who have been the theme of many films, novels and music of today, were in fact the Ancient Scythian Turkic women who rode their horses in the Scythian land. Many nations, especially the Ancient Greeks have been impressed by these heroic women who were riding, herding, fighting next to their men that they started the famous Amazonian legends that has been ongoing for ages. With so many advantages in the political, social and military fields, these warrior women had many rights that the women of their times in other nations never had.

Papers devoted to the typology of certain categories of the material culture need the close cooperation with the local schemes. A change of researching “optics” is likely to have a positive effect on the process of studiing the general trends in the material, if this process of research is closely linked with the base of any typological constructions — with the spatial and chronological relations analysis. Besides the publication of new stray finds and partial republication of already known finds from the burial complexes, the main goal of this work is the checking of certain typological tendentions of such category of Scythian culture as akinakai (Scythian swords and daggers) of the Carpathian-Dniester region. A geographical division of Carpathian-Dniester region is proposed: Middle Dniester (Bukovinian) group, Eastern Carpathian (Neamţ) group, Siret-Dniester (Moldavian) group, Lower Dniester and Lower Danube groups. Chronologically, the massive of akinakai of Carpathian-Dniester region could be divided into three groups: Early Scythian (650—550 BC), Middle Scythian (550—450 BC) and Classic Scythian (450—300 BC). The following trends connected with Scythian swords and daggers were noticed: Early Scythian burials with akinakai concentrate in Bukovina and strayfinds in Moldova, Middle Scythian burials — are grouping in Moldavian and the strayfinds — in Neamţ group, and the Classical Scythian burials with akinakai are presented only in Lower Dnister and Lower Danube groups.

Topal Denis, “Scythian blade weaponry of 7th–4th centuries BC (South-western part of Eastern Europe)”. For the scientific degree: PhD in History, Kishinev, 2018. Structure of the paper: Introduction, four chapters, general conclusions and recommendations, bibliography, four appendixes including the catalogue of artefacts, figures and maps. Obtained results were published in 15 scientific articles. Keywords: Scythian culture, Carpathian-Danube region, Scythian weaponry, blade weaponry, akinakes. Field of research: 613.01 – Archaeology. The aim of the thesis: generalization and systematization of data on blade weaponry from the territory of the European area of Scythian culture. Objectives of the thesis: Generalization of historiographic observations, allocation of functional groups in the mass of Scythian akinakai, identification of chronologically significant features, allocation of types which have chronological importance and verification of typological constructions on the material of western part of the Scythian area. Methodology: Comparative analysis of the empirical distribution of variation series of features, mapping, comparative chronological analysis of closed complexes, cross-dating. Scientific novelty. The data on the blade weaponry of the western part of Scythian culture were summarized for the first time, and as a result, the local features are revealed. These typological constructions were verified and a new grouping on the territorial principle was proposed, the links between the groups were identified, their chronological positions were refined. Analysis of the distribution of complexes and stray finds has made it possible to identify the routes of penetration of weaponry and their carriers into the Carpathian-Danube region. Solved scientific problem. As a result of research, a scientific problem related to the evolution of Scythian blade weaponry on the South-East of Eastern Europe was solved. The main chronological changes in morphology and origins of Scythian akinakes were identified (North Caucasus, Dnieper forest-steppe, Transylvania). In addition, the dynamics of the moving of these centres was documented chronologically. The theoretical value of the paper is determined by an integrated approach to solving the issues of the chronology of Scythian armament and the problems of penetration of early nomads into South-Eastern Europe. The practical significance of the paper. The results of the research could be used: in compilations on ancient history and archeology of Eastern Europe, as well as on the history of armament of nomads in the Early Iron Age; in the preparation of textbooks and manuals; in the process of the development of special courses in historical disciplines; in the creation of museum expositions. Implementation of scientific results. The results of the research were presented by the author during the 10 International conferences, seminars and colloquia.

Ornithomorphic motifs in design of Scythian akinakai still appear in early 6th c. BC. Specific form of a pommel stylized with bird heads (or claws of a bird of prey) with an eye at the bottom is the stylistic development of earlier types pommel decorated in a more realistic manner . The article proposes to combine swords and daggers with a similar finial in a separate type called Solokha type (due to the most famous Royal barrow with akinakes). The paper details the chronology of complexes with Solokha type akinakai, as a result, determined by the chronological framework of the wide distribution period: 410—370 BC. Special attention is focused on stray finds of these swords and daggers, which spread from Bulgaria in the West to Tyumen in the East.

This volume has been prepared quickly, smoothly and cheerfully. This is, perhaps, because it is dedicated to the 70th birthday anniversary of a person who is always cheerful himself, an archaeologist, zealous and lucky researcher, a radiant personality and a very kind man, as well as a wonderful colleague and true friend of all good people – Nicolai Telnov.
His journey in science has been long and fruitful: from Belgorod to Bucovina, from the Crimea to the Carpathians; expeditions and field surveys, libraries and museums; with shovel and satchel; with fantastic patience and sensational results, with vast experience and rich knowledge ready to share with his colleagues and disciples. Telnov’s realm is Tripolye and Scythians, Dacians and Slavs, medieval nomads and the old letters of the sad Lay of Igor’s Warfare. His inquisitive mind knows no limits, and we will be more than glad if this volume can serve him and other readers as a trigger to follow the thorny path of science in search of new insights.

Этот сборник статей собирался быстро, легко и радостно. Наверное, потому, что он посвящен 70-летнему юбилею веселого и никогда не унывающего археолога, настырного и везучего ученого, очень светлого и доброго человека, а еще прекрасного товарища и верного друга всех хороших людей – Николая Петровича Тельнова.
Юбиляр много и плодотворно прошел на своем научном пути: от Белгородчины до Буковины, от Крыма до Карпат; экспедициями и разведками, библиотеками и музейными хранилищами; с лопатой и полевой сумкой; с фантастическим терпением и сенсационными результатами, с приобретенным огромным опытом и полученными обширными знаниями, которыми всегда щедро делился с коллегами и учениками. Вотчина Тельнова – это Триполье и скифы, даки и славяне, средневековые кочевники и старые словесы печальной повести о полку Игоревом. Его научное любопытство не знает предела, и мы будем рады, если этот труд послужит и ему, и читателям катализатором поиска новых истин на тернистом пути исследователя.

Бабенко Л.И. Коллекция Александропольского кургана в собрании Харьковского исторического музея имени Н.Ф. Сумцова // Полин С.В., Алексеев А.Ю. Скифский царский Александропольский курган IV в. до н.э. в Нижнем Поднепровье.  Киев–Берлин: Видавець Олег Філюк, 2018.

The division between the dimensional groups of blade weapons is conditional and, probably, the boundary between them can vary from one epoch to another. The analysis of variation series of such features as “total length” and “blade length” showed the heterogeneity of the sample (more than 800 ex.) and the existence of several functional standards. Five groups were distinguished: daggers (with a blade length of up to 21 cm), short swords (21-37 cm), average swords (38-53 cm), long swords (54-75 cm) and extra-long swords (with a blade length in excess of 75 cm). Mapping of spearheads and axes also made it possible to reveal some regularities. It became obvious that it is possible to build a typological grouping of regions on the basis of the contents of weaponry and move from small cultural groups to cultural blocks, enclaves, communities of people who preferred similar types of weapons. The counting of the degree of similarity by the method of classification by unequal features was demonstrated by several such enclaves: “Carpathian” one, where the greatest degree of similarity was manifested between Western Podolian, Transylvanian and Moldavian groups. The main types for this enclave are a dagger or a short sword and an axe. The next, “Steppe” block includes the Lower Danube, Lower Dniester, South Carpathian and South Danubian groups, in which the spearheads and average or long swords are widely distributed. The third, “Western” block united the Hungarian and Polish groups, for which the axes and spearheads are more characteristic.

One of the features of Scythian archaic blade weaponry is the use of bronze, often in the combination with iron. This technologe of Early Scythian bimetallic akinakai goes back to “Cimmerian scheme”. Within the framework of that scheme Prescythian daggers of Kabardino-Pjatigorsk type were manufactured.  The most later daggers of this type are likely were used until the middle 7th c. BC, so they could be treated as prototypes for Scythian akinakes. Bimetallic technology of Scythian smiths was inspired by previous tradition and the first exemplars of Gudermes akinakai appeared at the turn of 8th–7th c. BC in the Caucasus. In the Carpathian basin archaic Scythian akinakai made wholly or partly from bronze are also well-known. These akinakai of Posmuş type are closely related to the next tradition — of Kelermes type — which also penetrated to Northern Pontic region from the territory of Caucasus region. Posmuş type was probably an intermediate combining old technology of bronze casting and new morphology. A number of features shows a genetic link between Gudermes and Kelermes types. Among them are: three-part handle and the bight under the pommel. So, the bimetallic akinakes is the product of the further evolution of bladed weaponry producted by “Caucasian laboratory” and it could be assumed that for a while it was coexisting with Kabardino-Pjatigorsk type daggers, perhaps in the 1st half of 7th c. BC. Further development of the Scythian akinakai and their distribution in Black Sea region probably provoked the renouncement of the use of bronze due to the excessive complexity of or limited access to raw materials. However, the morphology of this new product was more stable, as a result new types of swords and daggers appeared. In the Danube-Carpathian region a creative rethinking of Gudermes and Kelermes traditions is registered for Early Scythian period. These processes led to the emergence of such types as Posmuş in Transilvania and Ferigile in Wallachia — local phenomena of the Carpathian-Danube. The singularity of distribution of the first akinakai allow us to conclude that Scythian akinakes entered this region two main routes: initially, along the northern border of forest-steppe to Transilvania and later — along the southern border, to Bărăgan Plain.

Öz:

Bu çalışmadaki amacımız, M.Ö. 5. yüzyılda yaşamış olan Halikarnassos’lu tarihçi Herodotos’un eserindeki bir anlatımı (Hdt. 4, 11-12) tenkit etmek suretiyle, aşağıdaki şu sorulara cevap aramaktır: Kimmerler; İskitler kendi yurtlarına gelmeden önce kendi aralarında bir iç savaş yaşamışlar mıdır? Eğer bir Kimmer iç savaşı yaşandı ise, bu savaşın tarafları Kimmer
kralları ve halkları mıydı? Tyras Irmağı kıyısındaki Kimmer mezarları ile ilgili anlatımın doğruluğu nedir? Mezar yapıları kimlere ait olabilir? Çalışmamızda ağırlıklı olarak bu sorulara cevap verdikten sonra, Herodotos’un Kimmerler’e karşı ilgisizliği ve bunun nedenleri ele alınacaktır.

Abstract:

Herodotus’ Mention of Kimmers in The Background of So-called Cimmerian Civil War, Lydians And Scythians

The primary aim of this study is to look for answers for the following questions via engaging in discussions on a section (Hdt. 4, 11-12) of fifth century BC Halicarnassus historian Herodotus’ work: Did Cimmerians experience a civil war before the arrival of Scythians? In case of a presumable Cimmerian civil war, could the Cimmerian monarchs and populace be the belligerents of this war? To what extent is the section reliable on Cimmerian graves around the littoral of Tyras River? After focusing on these questions; Herodotus’ indifference toward the Cimmerians and the reasons behind that will be evaluated.

Collected scientifi c papers of B. A. Shramko (1921–2012), devoted to the 95th anniversary of a famous archaeologist. Th e publication contains printed in diff erent years articles, thesis and abstracts, which presents the results of years research of Kharkiv scientist at Bilsk hillfort (7th –4th centuries BC.). Papers of B. A. Shramko placed in the collection according to chronology which makes it possible to trace the development of the conceptual view of the researcher to the place and role of Bilsk hillfort in the system of common ethnic and cultural processes that took place in Eastern Europe in the Early Iron Age. For historians, archaeologists, museum professionals, teachers, local historians, university students and all those interested in ancient history.

Scythian weaponry is one of the most original components of the material culture of the population of Eastern Europe of 7th–4th centuries BC and it could be called a “visit card” of the early nomads of Eurasia. The number of finds of Scythian swords and daggers has exceeded two hundred in the western part of the “Scythian world” (including the territory of the Carpathian-Dniester region, Transylvania, Silesia, Southern Carpathians and Southern Danube Region). It is well known, at least, 16 swords and daggers of Scythian appearance from the territory of Bulgaria, but unfortunately, this category of material culture did not become a subject of a special study earlier. Southern Danube or Bulgarian group of Scythian akinakai is represented by all main periods: Early (7th – the early 6th century BC), Middle (mid 6th –1st half of the 5th century BC) and Classical one (late 5th–4th century BC) and it is specific to the local steppe groups on the Western frontiers (like the Lower Danube and the Lower Dniester groups). It is also quite emblematic that the majority of artifacts refers to the end of Middle Scythian period and fills up all the territory of Northern Bulgaria, while the Early Scythian and Classical swords are grouped only in the central part, tending to the foothills of the Balkan mountain range.

The thesis about supercultural character of metal objects has received wide arguments and practical confirmation in the monograph of V.Dergatscev (1997). Similar ideas related to the problems of the Scythian culture or «Scythian world» cultures were discussed, but in some other way - mostly in cultural-historical context (Alexeev 1991; Bokovenko 1991; Tschlenova 1993). Nevertheless, the chronological investigations of arms ofthe Iron Age of Eurasia basicly are limited by the formal analysis ofqualitative characteristics (Sokolsky 1954; Smirnov 1961; Melyukova 1964; Vasiliev 1980) or are presented in groups connected with cultural-historical (it is possible to say, ideological) context (Alexeev 1991). As a result, in the first case we have «taxonomy» groups ofthe objects (Klejn 1979; 1991), and in the other we have «systemic» (cultural) one, which purpose is to receive «cultural» phenomena, «realized by the founders of extinct culture of the past» (Klejn 1991).
Typological classifications mentioned by the author are united by the focusing ofthe authors on the analysis of morphological characteristics of metal objects. But the given approach unfairly disregards the number of functional attributes (Voltschenko 2002: 14), which are expressed in metrical parameters. Moreover the analysis of quantitative characteristics of metal objects the Iron Age cultures, is already bringing results.
The aims of the given article include the revealing ofthe connections of qualitative and quantitative characteristics of Scythian swords and the construction of the new typological scheme on the basis of these connections.

In 1894, an iron dagger was discovered in the vicinity of Vršac in Serbia and later given to the City Museum. Afterwards, this dagger had been repeatedly entered in various archaeological publications illustrating the different cultural phenomena and processes of Early Iron Age at Middle Danube. The first Scythian akinakai reach the Great Hungarian plain in the Early Scythian period, but not later than at the turn of 7th—6th centuries BC (e.g. strayfinds of bronze and bimetal daggers). Nevertheless, the bulk of the Scythian swords and daggers are part of the Middle Scythian period. Probably, the first funeral complexes are associated with the period of transition from the Early Scythian stage to the Middle one during the early 6th century BC, and several strayfinds (of the Šumejko and Vettersfelde types) with the beginning of Middle Scythian period at 1st half of 6th century. The single-edged sword (from the grave at Bátmonostor) and the bulk of the strayfinds of the Nógrád type could be also connected with the first part of Middle Scythian period during the 6th century BC. By the end of Middle Scythian period, in the 1st half of the 5th century BC, appear swords and daggers decorated with the elements of Animal style and “segment”-like hilts, among which the akinakes from Vršac could be also placed.

The unusual ‘antenna’ design of the pommels of the akinakai (in the form of antennae or volutes) drew the attention of researchers of the Scythian blade weaponry quite early. In addition, the shape of the pommel lies on the basis of all known classification schemes of Scythian swords and daggers. Researchers have long paid attention to the amazing similarity of this type of decoration with those that were made in the Late Bronze and Hallstattian time in Central Europe. However, for the Central European daggers, the antenna pommel is a rather late phenomenon and is fixed not earlier than in HaB period. Moreover, Early Nomadic (e.g. Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk) swords and daggers with the antennae pommels are still unknown. Due to chronological observations, the time of the appearance of the antenna pommel is the 2nd half of the 7th century BC. During this period, the simple antennae pommels are independently connected with the three main regions: the North Caucasus, the Dnieper Forest-steppe and the Carpathian-Danube. In the Early Scythian period, the antenna pommel is more of an experimental exception than a formal tradition. Ambivalence in the design of the pommel is demonstrated by the history of the Scythian blade weapon during all periods, beginning with the Early Scythian. So, there are known the Kelermes and Gudermes akinakai with antennae or volutes. In the Middle Scythian period, the antennae are known for such types of akinakai like Shumeyko, Vettersfelde and single-edged swords of the Nógrád type. The time of the wide distribution of antennae pommels is the end of the Middle Scythian period (550-425 BC). From the mid 6th century akinakai with ornitomorphic pommels appear on the territory of European Scythia, but these items are not associated with the Early Scythian production centers. Apparently, the appearance of ornithomorphic and zoomorphic pommels fit within the framework of the common Eurasian tradition, e.g. griffin daggers spread in the Volga-Ural, Semirechye, Sayano-Altai and Northern China at this time. A realistic ornithomorphic pommel of the Găiceana type appears on a wide series of swords and daggers with a hilt in a form of the Thracian shield. Since the 5th century BC, the simplification of the ornithomorphic pommels begins, taking the evolution away from the realism. Already at the end of the 5th century BC ornithomorphic design is finally schematized, turning into an ornamental approach. Over time, a typological series of antenna pommels in the form of heads of birds of prey, starting with the big realistic forms, gradually evolves towards minimization and schematism, possibly connected with the loss of the original image.

The main models of planigraphy of the Eurasian Steppe early nomads’ special elite necropolises and elite sections of them were analyzed. Usually such necropolis / section were a string of barrows. In European Steppe the special elite cemeteries were placed near the settlements of agricultural peoples, in the Central Asia — near a small rivers and in the mountain pastures’ zone. For the completion of such elite cemeteries the magic of sacred numbers: 3, 5 (figs. 2-3, 5, 7), 7, 12 were important. The various models of elite sections in the clan barrow necropolises were studied: two parallel strings with big barrows in the eastern one (fig. 11); the big barrows location in the bottom of a hill, near a spring (fig. 12, 2); in the center of string; the string of big barrows as a centerline with small barrows around it; big barrows concentration on the northern border of cemetery (fig. 14); the big barrow create a discharged chain length up to 10 km.

Key words: elite necropolises, elite sections of necropolises, the main variants of planigraphy, early Steppe nomads of Eurasia.

The archaeological landscape of the Lower Danube was changing with the importance of the Danube itself, which either became, or a cultural watershed, or an artery, connecting the ancient communities. In the Early Iron Age, it seems that the Danube did not become an invincible barrier for the spread of offensive weapons of Scythian origin. Moreover, Dobruja itself looks like a territory mastered by the Scythians, starting from the Archaic period. The Lower Danube group forms a separate “steppe” cultural assemblage together with the Lower Dniester, South Carpathian and South Danube groups, for which the spear became the main type of weapon. However, these preferences were reflected in the morphology of the Scythian akinakes. So, for this steppe or Danube enclave, swords are more characteristic than daggers. Daggers are connected mainly with the forest-steppe part of the Carpathian-Dniester region and Transylvania. The warrior graves of the Lower Danube region mainly belong to the Classical Scythian period, while the only exception is related to the right bank of the Lower Danube. However, there are no burials with akinakai and even stray finds in Classical time outside the steppe. The main funeral practice is the burial mound and inhumation (one exception of cremation was recorded to the west, in northeastern Bulgaria, near Branichevo). In Late Classical time (350—300 BC) the Scythian akinakes also evolves in the steppe: an original series of single-edged akinakai of the Chaush type appear; besides that, Thracian combat knives are borrowed. Then the Scythian akinakes dissolves with the disappearance of the Classical Scythian culture at the turn of 4th—3rd centuries BC. Something similar happens a century earlier in the forest-steppe between the Dniester and Siret rivers. The complete disappearance of akinakes dates back there in the late 5th century BC. Thus, in the Scythian time, the Lower Danube becomes kind of frontier, or the territory, where cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power.

In the Scythian time in the territory of the Middle Danube, Transylvanian and the Southern Carpathian regions, the original group of single-edged akinakai is distributed. By the time the Scythians penetrated Carpathian region, a part of the population of Basarabi culture (bearers of the Illyrian tradition of single-edged weaponry) moved to the north, to the South Carpathians and Transylvania. Perhaps it is the circumstance that can explain the appearance of single-edged akinakai with a T-shaped handle of the Nógrád type in the foothills of the Southern Carpathians and the Apuseni Mountains in the south-west of Transylvania. The basis for the Nógrád akinakai, apparently, was the akinakai of the Shumeyko type (or Piliny type according to A. Vulpe), which spread at the turn of the Early and Middle Scythian periods. This is indicated by the features of Nógrád akinakai, characteristic of the Shumeyko type like a narrow elongated blade (often triangular), a massive kidney-shaped crosshair, a two-part handle and decoration with its transverse notches, a narrow elongated rhombic pommel. Like Shumeyko akinakai, the single-edged swords of the Nógrád type appear at the turn of the 7th—6th centuries BC and exist until the end of the 6th century. At the same time, the bulk of the complexes with akinakai of the Nógrád type belongs to the second half or even to the late 6th century BC.

There are presented some new and previously unknown findings of akinakai from the territory of the Republic of Moldova in this article. These akinakai belong to Scythian culture and could be attributed to Kelermes type. The chronological framework of this type is based on several funeral complexes and determined by 650—600 BC. Distribution of stray finds of Kelermes type swords and daggers allow to reconstruct routes of appearance of Early Scythian antiquities in steppes of Don, Volga region and Carpathian basin. Besides that, it is assumed a special cultural status of this type based on complementary indicators – on presence in burials, prestige exemplars and images. Also, a bronze model of akinakes (from Medgidia, Romania) is connected with Kelermes type swords and daggers, most likely produced as a decoration of the Scythian anthropomorphic sculpture.

Professor Aleksandr Leskov is known in Ukrainian and Russian archaeology as " Sasha the Golden Hand. " Indeed, gold jewelry and toreutic from his excavations in the Crimea and south Ukrainian steppes constitute a significant part of the collection in the Ukrainian Museum of National Treasures in Kiev, while his excavations on the northwestern Caucasus (Adygeia) formed the core of the " Golden Chamber " in the Moscow Museum of Oriental Art. Leskov is undoubtedly responsible for more discoveries of ancient gold than any living Scythian archaeologist. Given that the odds of finding true treasures in archaeological excavations are about the same as for winning a major lottery jackpot, everybody unavoidably asks: what is the secret of Leskov's never-fading luck? The truth is, there are no miracles which lead to buried treasure. At least three serious factors have always significantly increased the probability of Leskov's success. The first is his organizational ability which enables him to marshal substantial resources effectively. Excavation of a major Scythian barrow involves obtaining sizeable funding and supplies, interacting with multiple institutions, and coordinating the daily work of dozens, if not hundreds, of people. Leskov manages such undertakings with an iron will and in turn inspires devotion from those he is supervising. During the Adygeia excavation seasons of the 1980s, I remember him repeating again and again: " You have only one excavation season in your life. It is this very one. The next season will be different and will take place in a different year. You have to do the maximum today. " Doing the maximum of itself should maximize the results. Yet his success requires a second talent, the ability to select the best excavation site through consideration of all the geographic, topographic and historiographic data about the steppes. For example, his selection of Adygeia for the excavations in the 1980s began from his understanding that the major passes through Caucasian mountains were the shortest route to the rich coastal areas of the Black Sea and further to the centers of Near Eastern civilizations in the northwestern Caucasus. These considerations were supported by his analysis of a great number of exciting discoveries in the area ranging from the early Bronze Age kurgans like the Maikop barrow to the burials of the Belorechenskaia culture filled with objects brought by the Levantine trade of the 14th and 15th centuries CE. The last link in the logical chain leading to Leskov's discovery of the now famous Uliap barrow field was his knowledge of the collection of the local museum-a cauldron

Since the beginning of 20th c. many researchers have paid attention to a series of Scythian swords with rounded pommel, oval handle and pseudo-triangle hilt. It is proposed to assign to this phenomena the following term — Chertomlyk type. Chronological analysis of burial complexes showed that this type was developed throughout the 4th c. BC., and the chronological frames of its biggest distribution are 350—325 BC. Chertomlyk type of akinakai is closely related to a group of ceremonial single-edged blade weapons — so-called Shulgovka type. It is obvious that in 4th c. BC centers of production of bladed weaponry moved to the South. Also, it is clear that at the end of Classical period the area of Scythian swords and daggers significantly contracts (comparing to the earlier types): the Eastern boundary of burial complexes is along the Don river, although complexes with Solokha type akinakai reached the Urals. The trajectory of this final line of evolutionary lineage reflects centrifugal trends in Scythian culture of late 4th c. BC, particularly leading to dissappearance of akinakai as a cultural tradition. Besides that, all these observations contradict to the widespread assertion, that the number of Scythian burials with akinakai had notably increased by 4th—3rd cc. BC.

In the spring of 1972 as a result of construction work in the Pîrjolteni village (Călărași district, Republic of Moldova) was occasionally discovered a cremation with a various grave goods represented by the ceramic items, elements of horse harness and weapons. This burial, as well as a number of other burials that form the eponymous (Pîrjolteni-Dănceni) horizon is differently interpretated, both in ethnocultural and chronological way. Some researchers consider it a link between the Thracian Hallstatt and the classical Getian culture, i.e. a burial of early Getian culture. Others scholars see in that complex the reflection of Scythian-Thracian syncretism without a pronounced dominant and note that ethnocultural attribution is impossible in this case. This largely characterizes not the burial itself, but the problem situation where the value judgments of the researchers collide. For example, it is described from the perspective of “continuity” or “cultural diversity”, how often the space between the Dniester and Prut is presented. Nevertheless, the Pîrjolteni burial is a unique funeral complex, which obviously belonged to a warrior and, judging by the inventory, mounted warrior. Besides that, the deceased was focused on nomadic traditions in his equipment. And the analogies to weapons and horse harness lie far to the east and reflect evolutionary processes covering almost all steppe regions of Eurasia. While there are no special premises for clarifying the chronological position of the burial within the framework of the late Middle Scythian period, however, the date can be limited to the 1st quarter of the 5th century BC basing on the design of the sword. And the border between the initial stage of the Middle Scythian period and its final, apparently, lies at the turn of the 6th-5th centuries BC. Despite the over-originality of the complex, the presence of a Scythian sword and animal style objects allows us to link Pîrjolteni burial with the general processes associated with the evolution of military equipment of Carpathian-Danube region.

In 2016 it was reported two new Scythian daggers from the territory of the Republic of Moldova: from Cuhureştii de Jos and Boldureşti villages. Both daggers could be attributed to the so-called Vettersfelde type of akinakai of Middle Scythian culture. This type of Scythian daggers appears even at the turn of 7th — 6th centuries BC, but the main period of its existence refers rather to 550—500 BC. In addition, the findings of the daggers of Vettersfelde type are distributed mainly in three regions: Forest-steppe of the left bank of Dnieper river; Western Kuban and Eastern Carpathians. In the Carpathian region they are concentrated in Neamţ group (Suceava Plateau) and tend to attract to Siret and Prut basins, as it was evidenced by the finding from Boldureşti. The dagger from Cuhureştii de Jos complements in some way the geography of the distribution of Vettersfelde type because in the Middle Dniester such items were unknown. Both the daggers should be dated back to 550—500 BC.

In the article analyzed the bronze arrowheads founded among the remains of quiver during excavations of the mound of Middle Scythian Time in the Skorobir burial, which refers to the one of the largest burial of Bilsk hillfort. Discovered 147 arrowheads consist of three main groups: two-blade, three-blade and three-edge, among which three-blade arrowheads prevail. Among the 12 types of arrowheads, most attributed to the so-called basic common in the second half 6th — early 5th centuries BC. The rarest things in the set were certain types of three-edge arrowheads that have spread to savromatian territory. To the correlation of the types of arrowheads presented in quiver set and other things founded in burial, it is possible to date the complex from mound 1/2013 by the late of 6th century BC. Some items of accompanying equipment show not only the cultural contacts of local population with the savromatian world, but also the possible penetration of new groups of nomads to the left bank of Dnipro in the late of 6th century BC. K e y w o r d s: the Northern Black Sea region, the Dnieper left bank Forest-Steppe, Bilsk hillfort, Skorobor burial, quiver set, arrowheads.

The article presents the results of the works of 2016 on the largest barrow necropolis of the Bilsk settlement - the Skorobor burial ground. In the center of attention is a funeral complex of representatives of the local nobility, containing a set of gold jewelry of the Early Scythian time, rare for the Left-bank forest-steppe.

In the Scythian time in the territory of the Middle Danube, Transylvanian and the Southern Carpathian regions, the original group of single-edged akinakai is distributed. By the time the Scythians penetrated Carpathian region, a part of the population of Basarabi culture (bearers of the Illyrian tradition of single-edged weaponry) moved to the north, to the South Carpathians and Transylvania. Perhaps it is the circumstance that can explain the appearance of single-edged akianakai with a T-shaped handle of the Nógrád type in the foothills of the Southern Carpathians and the Apuseni Mountains in the south-west of Transylvania. The basis for the Nógrád akinakai, apparently, was the akinakai of the Shumeyko type (or Piliny type according to A. Vulpe), which spread at the turn of the Early and Middle Scythian periods. This is indicated by the features of Nógrád akinakai, characteristic of the Shumeyko type like a narrow elongated blade (often triangular), a massive kidney-shaped crosshair, a two-part handle and decoration with its transverse notches, a narrow elongated rhombic pommel. Like Shumeyko akinakai, the single-edged swords of the Nógrád type appear at the turn of the 7th – 6th centuries BC and exist until the end of the 6th century. At the same time, the bulk of the complexes with akinakai of the Nógrád type belong to the second half or even the end of the 6th century BC.

Предметом исследования стали редкие монеты — статеры царя Фарзоя. Они отличаются своим разнообразием и длительностью эмиссии. Особый интерес вызывали присутствующие на них надчеканки: два вида монограмм и изображение дельфина. Эти контрамарки на них до сих пор не изучены, а их аббревиатуры не расшифрованы. В статье предпринята попытка их разобрать. В результате удалось выявить аббревиатуры имен Нерона и Гальбы. Контрамарки с ними оттискивали на легковесных статерах Фарзоя. Надчеканку с изображением дельфина, по-видимому, выбивали по приказу властей Ольвии на полновесных золотых этого государя.

Studie byla publikována v knize ,,Культура Востока: Древность и раннее средневековье" vydané v Petrohradu roku 1978. / The study was published in the book ,,Culture of the East: Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages", published in St. Petersburg, 1978.

Swords and daggers of the Scythian period, known under the generalizing term such as “akinakai” are characterized by encyclopedias and dictionaries as short swords of the Iranian peoples. Indeed, this definition is relevant for most of the akinakai of the 7th–4th centuries BC, however, the early nomads of Eurasia had a broad view of their blade weapons. The analysis of more than 2000 items from the territory of Eurasia allows us to highlight a series of swords, especially outstanding in size. Such “extra-long swords” include items with a blade length of more than 70 cm and their distribution covers almost all regions of Eurasia, where the swords of the Scythian tradition are known, with the exception of China, the Pamir, and the Minusinsk Hollow in the East and Central Europe in the West. The earliest Scythian extra-long swords are associated with the territory of the Caucasus. One of these swords was discovered in Transcaucasia, on the Karmir-Blur citadel, which was sieged no later than the mid. 7th century BC, another was found in the destroyed burial ground of Sauk-Dere in the Western Trans-Kuban. It is significant that one of the two extra-long swords of the pre-Scythian time was also associated with the Caucasus and was discovered in the elite proto-Maeotian burial of Ulka-I in the vicinity of Maykop in the second half of the 8th century BC. The next, the Middle Scythian period includes swords of the 6th century BC from the destroyed mound in Crimea near Izyumovka, Pokrovsky burial ground near Saratov and stray finds in the forest-steppe between the Volga and the Don rivers. The extra-long sword from the Novobinka mound in the Altai steppe with the pommel decorated with gold is also associated with this period. In the late Middle Scythian period or in the early 5th century BC extra-long swords reach their widest distribution and appear in the Romanian Carpathians, the Pontic forest-steppe, the Lower Volga, the Urals, the Aral Sea region and Altai. Nevertheless, the bulk of the finds (about 60%) belong to the Classical Scythian period (late 5th – late 4th centuries BC), are mainly associated with the territory of the Urals and represented by “transitional type” swords. Analysis of the extra-long swords could help us to feel the limits and the borders between the so-called “European Scythian” and “Asian Scythian” worlds, and the differences relate to both the chronology and the context, as well as the status of the thing. For instance, extra-long swords almost disappear to the west of the Volga, with the beginning of the Classical period, while they continue to be part of grave goods in the east. In addition, almost every extra-long sword (4 out of 6) in Asia is decorated with gold, and this tradition has been preserved for almost two centuries. On the other hand, the European area, which gives an abundance of ceremonial swords during its “Golden madness” in the Classical period, shows us no relationship between the redundant morphology of the swords and their prestige status. However, that does not exclude the cult function of extra-long swords in the communities which, according to Herodotus, considered “the old iron sword” the embodiment of the god of war.

Bronze cauldrons of the Scythian time are a rather rare find in the Northern Black Sea region, especially on its western borders. Scythian bronze cauldrons in the west area are concentrated in three main regions: Bukovina Podolia (Iacobeni, Avrămeni, Ivane-Puste, Shvaikivtsy), the Lower Dniester (Răscăieții Noi, Nikolskoe, Dubăsari, Cioburciu), and the Lower Danube (Ograda, Castelu, Scorțaru Vechi, Mresnota Mogyla, Ostrivne). Some Scythian cauldrons have no reliable archaeological context. Nevertheless, in combination with the same “stray” finds like the Scythian statues, the finds of Scythian cauldrons mark the Scythian presence, most likely, not earlier than the late 6th century or even the turn of the 6th-5th centuries BC. There is a significant chronological difference between the northern (forest-steppe, Bukovina-Podolia) group of cauldrons and the southern (steppe, Lower Danube-Lower Dniester). At the same time, a chronological priority is characteristic of the first, where the cauldrons are known since the middle of the 7th century BC. Bronze cauldrons (with their carriers) penetrate the steppe region 150-200 years later, as well as the “military” burials that appear in the western steppe regions no earlier than the middle of the 5th century BC. Most of the burials with cauldrons (and, apparently, the stray finds) are dated back to the second half of the 5th century BC. Then, at the early 4th century BC their quantity is reduced and after the first quarter of the 4th century BC, they will completely disappear from the cultural practice of the population of the steppes of the North-Western Black Sea region.