Russian Foreign Energy Policy

Książka ta ma na celu przybliżyć współczesne stosunki rosyjsko-chińskie od roku 1991 do listopada 2014 roku. Pokazać, w jaki sposób rosyjski „niedźwiedź” znalazł się w cieniu chińskiego „smoka”. W ciągu dwudziestu trzech lat Pekin był w stanie narzucić Rosji własną wizję relacji – oczywiście nie bez problemów i nie zawsze ze stratą dla Rosji. Uczynił to – i nadal czyni – jednak właśnie w sposób przypominający grę w go. Tak, że chociaż gra toczy się dalej, to wyraźnie zarysowuje się przewaga chińska, ale nie jest ona zero-jedynkowa (zysk jednego gracza powoduje stratę drugiego). Tu wszystko jest zdecydowanie bardziej względne, tak jak względny jest chiński świat, w którym nic nie jest jednoznaczne. Przekładając to na relacje rosyjsko-chińskie, oznacza to, że zysk Chin niekoniecznie zawsze oznacza stratę Rosji. Albo też, że przegrany może nawet nie zorientować się, kiedy został pokonany.

For English summary, see:
https://books.akademicka.pl/publishing/catalog/book/73

Książka jest dostępna za darmo i legalnie w wolnym dostępie pod następującym linkiem:
https://books.akademicka.pl/publishing/catalog/view/73/180/170-1

O presente trabalho tem como objeto de estudo as políticas e mecanismos adotados no mandato do presidente russo Vladimir Putin (2000 – 2008), e sua “diarquia” com Dmitry Medvedev (2008 – 2012) com a finalidade de realocação das receitas obtidas pela indústria extrativa – sobretudo a exploração de petróleo e gás natural – para impulsionar a modernização e diversificação econômica, sobretudo no seu complexo industrial-militar e aeroespacial. Por consequência, essas medidas contribuíram para a retomada do protagonismo geopolítico experimentado pela Federação Russa nessa primeira década do século XXI. O objetivo é verificar o impacto dessas políticas públicas como catalisadores para impulsionar o desenvolvimento estratégico, tecnológico e militar russo; E como essas medidas contribuíram para a reinserção geopolítica e estratégica no sistema internacional.

The present work has as object of study the policies and mechanisms adopted in the mandate of Russian President Vladimir Putin (1999-2008), and his "diarchy" with Dmitry Medvedev (2008-2012) for the purpose of reallocating the revenue obtained by extractive industry – especially oil and natural gas exploration – to boost modernization and economic diversification, especially in its aerospace and military-industrial complex. Consequently, these measures contributed to the resumption of the geopolitical role experienced by the Russian Federation in this first decade of the 21st century. The goal is to verify the impact of these public policies as catalysts to boost the strategic, technological and military development of Russian Federation; And as these measures have contributed to their geopolitical and strategic reinsertion in the international system.

Political and economic changes are have a crucial  role for the East Black Sea riparian countries and the Caucasus states.
Although it continues with bumpy voltages; social change and cultural interaction have been going on in this geography for centuries with the same intensity and directly affect institutional arrangements beyond expectations. The purpose of this study is
development of internal and external factors in the East Black Sea and Caucasus states, which are transforming with the new sovereignty in the world system as well as "change dynamics"in this common geography. By the way, the concept of “risk society” is still have in lowest level for reseachers. The process of perspectives are declared on many of Political reviews, final report after the official regional summits and their official publications. The Black Sea and the Caucasus
unique multilevel / multipart structures of the 21st century in terms of who will assess Turkey also.
The study primarily focuses on the security of economical and political peace and possible hidden and/or open risks.
It will examine the frameworks. In this article, the historical chronological basis
economical, political of the Black Sea and the Caucasus
and social situation of importance for both Turkey and countries in the region will be discussed in a limited size. It is a kind of extended summary study.
Keywords: Black Sea, the Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, the Energy Politoeconomy.

Türkçe Özet
Doğu Karadeniz'e kıyıdaş ülkelerin ve Kafkasya devletlerin siyasal, ekonomik değişimi yüzyıllar boyu
İnişli çıkışlı gerilimlerle sürse de; toplumsal değişim, kültürel etkileşim de bu coğrafyada yüzyıllardır aynı yoğunlukla süregelmekte ve beklentiler ötesinde kurumsal düzenlemelere doğrudan etki etmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, değişen
dünya sisteminde ‘değişim dinamiklerini’ de yeniden,yeni egemenliklerle dönüşen Karadeniz ve Kafkasya devletlerindeki içsel ve dışsal etkenlerin gelişi-
mini bu ortak coğrafyada ‘risk toplumu’ anlayışını en düşük oranda gerçek-
leştirebilme sürecini açıklayabilmektir. Karadeniz’in ve Kafkasya’nın kendine
özgü çokkatmanlı/Çok parçalı yapılarını 21.yüzyılda Türkiye açısından değerlendirecek olan bu
çalışma, başta ekonomik ve siyasal barışın ve olası risklerin de güvenlik yak-
laşımları çerçevesinde inceleyecektir. Bu makalede, tarihsel kronolojik esasa
göre düzenlenmiş bölümleriyle Karadeniz ve Kafkasya’nın ekonomik, siyasal
ve toplumsal durumu hem bölge ülkeleri hem de Türkiye için önemi sınırlı bir boyutta tartışılacaktır. Bir tür genişletilmiş özet çalışmadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler : Karadeniz, Kafkasya, Rusya, Türkiye, Enerji Ekonomipolitiği

Climate changes have transformed the Arctic region, rich in natural resources and minerals, into a magnet for different actors, and as a result, into an arena for their struggles. The most prominent state in this context is Russia, which since Putin’s rise to power has viewed the Arctic region as a Russian area of strategic influence and has formulated policy documents aimed at actualizing Russian aspirations in the region. To this end, over the past decade Russia has implemented a process of military buildup, including the upgrade, improvement, and increase of its military strength, and has been engaged in military activity that signals its intentions to the various actors involved.

The article comparatively investigates the foreign energy policy of Russia in terms of its strengthening diplomatic position on mutual energy dependence with the EU between years of 2000-2010. The research, hereby, emphasizes the key factors of changing foreign policy perceptions of the Russian Federation in explaining its energy based political tools in 31 energy clashes with 20 countries in the European energy diplomacy between those ten years. To widen scope of the research, the author also focuses on two interrelated policy scopes so as to support the main topic thesis. The first research question focuses on the reasons most often explain the changing, solidifying and constraining factors on Russia’s foreign energy policy toward the EU as reflection of its current statecraft policy. The question refers about how Russia has used its energy card as a political weapon in its foreign relations with the Union. The research starts from the hypothesis that refers to Russia, as a rising super energy power in international relations, has become the most influential and collimating political actor in European energy security through its geo-strategic and geo-politic progresses in its near-abroad thank to the leadership of Vladimir Putin. In order to address the theoretical framework of the research, some core elements of the Neo-Realist theory of Kenneth Waltz will be adapted and reflected into the case such as geo-politic and geo-strategic dimension of the Russian foreign energy policy, the interdependence dilemma of Russia’s energy demand security, Russia’s wider power seeking objectives in its near-abroad and Europe, and Russia’s efforts to re-become a polar in IR.

This article is part of the State Country Report 2017. During 2016–2017, the energy sector underwent a number of attempts to increase transparency in electricity procure- ment, to negotiate energy supply contracts, and to appoint the key institutions in the sector (National Energy Regula- tion Agency (ANRE)). Some of them were successful, while others failed. The central authorities resorted many times to the Energy Community38 and development partners for financial and technical assistance, although they ultimately showed an inability or a lack of political will to meet their commitments without any deviation. Interference by politi- cal actors has continued to be a major problem. Despite the- se difficulties, several interconnection projects have entered a more advanced phase (natural gas) or have materialised in terms of financial coverage (electricity).

In recent years, numerous countries have adopted their national hydrogen strategies and begun to implement them. In July 2020, the European Union also adopted its strategic document in this field. Although the actions described in the document will impact the prospects of Russia exporting its fuels, Russia has only just begun to devise its position regarding this matter. To date, the first draft of the road map for the development of hydrogen energy in 2020–2024 has been compiled. Hydrogen energy is not among the priorities of Russia’s energy policy. This is confirmed both by the content of Russian strategic documents and by the limited actions of the Russian leadership and energy companies carried out to date. These actions are currently limited to research and development initiatives and pilot projects. International cooperation in the field of hydrogen energy involving Russian companies is also rather limited. Russia has major potential for hydrogen production. The main obstacle to the development of the domestic hydrogen energy sector is posed by the absence of significant genuine interest from the central authorities in challenges related to global climate change; this translates into very limited regulatory and funding activity. It should not be expected that the development of this sector could be boosted by internal factors (the Kremlin views neither decarbonisation nor the need to increase the share of renewable energy sources in the energy mix as priorities). However, this development could be facilitated by changes happening in its export markets. It is highly likely that the implementation of hydrogen strategies in the EU (Germany in particular) could trigger increased interest from Gazprom in hydrogen energy. Due to the political support from the Russian leadership it receives, Gazprom is likely to boost its position in its strategic export market. In addition, Moscow can expect that its cooperation in the field of hydrogen energy could help it not only to tighten its economic relations with the EU, but to also win another instrument to lobby in favour of a normalisation of political relations between Russia and the EU. Alongside this, in the long term the “hydrogen revolution” may pose a major challenge for Russia – energy transition in the strategic export markets (the EU, Asian countries) may translate into a rapid decline in the export of Russian fossil fuels, which will likely have serious negative economic consequences for Moscow.

The Shtokman Project's Blind Zone: Franco-Russian Relations This article points out that Norwegian actors tend to overlook the involvement and importance of the French oil company Total in the Shtokman gas project, mistakenly thinking of this project as an essentially Norwegian-Russian bilateral affair. In order to fill this lacuna, the article provides an overview of the political and economic cooperation between France and Russia, Total's global operations and the company's ties to the Russian and French states. The article concludes that Total and France are uniquely well positioned to develop their cooperation with Russian energy partners, and that this is both a potential benefit and a challenge for Norway's involvement in the Shtok-man project. Keywords: Russia | energy | Shtokman | Total | France Sammendrag Mange norske aktører har en tendens til å tenke på Sjtokman-prosjektet som en norsk-russisk bilateral affaere, og overser dermed det franske oljeselskapet Totals deltakelse i dette samarbeidet. For bedre å forstå bakgrunnen for Totals rolle i Sjtokman-samarbei-det, gir artikkelen derfor et overblikk over det politiske og økonomiske samarbeidet mellom Frankrike og Russland, Totals globale operasjoner samt selskapets bånd til den franske og den russiske staten. Artikkelen konkluderer med at Total og Frankrike er unikt posisjonert for å videreutvikle sitt samarbeid med russiske energipartnere, og at dette både kan vaere et potensielt gode og en utfordring for Norges involvering i Sjtok-man-prosjektet. Nøkkelord: Russland | energi |Sjtokman |Total | Frankrike