Ramesses II

Textiles were ubiquitous in the elite Egyptian cultural sphere—from clothing, furniture coverings, and wall decorations to grave goods and temple offerings. The Egyptian world was draped in cloth, yet the producers were often marginalized members of society—immigrants, war captives, and women, who produced for a select few to whom they did not often belong. This paper aims to use textiles as a medium to investigate how the New Kingdom textile industry maintained social inequalities and power differentials. This paper highlights the efforts of marginalized labor in the production of textiles in New Kingdom Egypt, utilizing an intersectional approach to understand the interactions of the producers, varying levels of management, and elite consumers. Textiles were a high-value resource and one of the only goods that increased in value with labor, unlike other crafted goods, like metals, for example. I posit that this was inherently linked to the marginalization of the labor involved. The fabrics woven were a display of the Egyptian hegemony and reaffirmed the social order between the elites and the rest of society.

References to Thoth in New Kingdom epigraphy in the Middle Kingdom precinct of Senwosret III at Dahshur include two case studies: a literary dipinto and a depiction of an ibis. The fragmentary text might have contained a hymn to the god of writing, or a text resembling eulogy of the scribal profession. Alongside Kemyt, it attests to an emphasis on literacy and specialist knowledge. An image of Thoth articulated the allegiance to the patron of scribes. The New Kingdom writing and visual practices contribute to an understanding of the New Kingdom community involved in the use and destruction of the Middle Kingdom pyramid complex.

Ramesses II is, with Tutankhamun, the most famous pharaoh of ancient Egypt. It must be said that he did everything necessary for and his age, very advanced for the time, helped him greatly!
In this video, Egyptologist Amandine Marshall introduces you to this great character!

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k8DV2JBb4U4&ab_channel=NefertiTube

After the fall of Amarna, Ramesses II personally led campaigns through the southern Levant. If identified as the biblical Shishak, Ramesses II's Syrian campaigns might have included Jeroboam, who, after a period of exile in Egypt, led Israel's northern tribes against the House of David, ultimately causing the division of the kingdom and the sack of Jerusalem. Tracing the Israelite divided kingdom, the biblical timeline intriguingly aligns with geopolitical shifts and events during the reign of Ramesses II and his successors.

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  - ⁠Divided Monarchy Year 1 (Rehoboam Year 1)
  - Ramesses II Year 2 - Beth-shean Stele.
Ramesses II's pre-campaign in Beth-Shean coincides with the Ten Tribes revolt led by Jeroboam since Beth-Shean is located right in the area between Samaria, the seat of power of Jeroboam, and Tabor, first conquest of Ramses’ Syrian campaigns. This also explain the presence of the Nearim in the Battle of Kadesh Bulletin as being Jeroboam’s forces.

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  - ⁠Divided Monarchy Year 5 (Rehoboam Year 5):
  - Ramesses II Year 7 - Sack of Shalem in the Ramesseum (Kitchen, 1982)
The sack of Jerusalem described in 1 Kings 14:25-26 mirrors the sack of an unidentified city named Shalem as boasted by Ramses II in his fourth Syrian campaign at the Ramesseum.

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  - ⁠Divided Monarchy Year 22 (Jeroboam Year 22):
  - Ramesses II Year 22 - Hittite Peace Treaty
Egyptian forces retreat from the Levant following the Hittite Peace Treaty could have immediately preceded and influenced the fall of the House of Jeroboam’s in 1 King 15:29 if a contextual vassalage connection is infered from previous alignments.

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  - ⁠Divided Monarchy Year 46 (Baasha Year 23)
  - Ramesses II Year 48 - Later recollected in Merneptah Stele
Prince Merneptah is already an established military leader who later, in his own reign as pharaoh, claims he was responsible for "Israel's seed is no more" which parallels the biblical account that describes the massacre of the House of Baasha’s when “no single male was spared” in 1 Kings 16:11.

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  - ⁠Divided Monarchy Year 77 (Joram Year 1):
  - Ramesses II Year 78* (Siptah Year 1) - Irsu the Syrian in the Papyrus Harris
Rise of Irsu's Syrian Canaanite religious revolt in Egypt could have extended and be connected to Jezebel’s Canaanite religious conflict of Baalists against Yahwehists in Israel as described in 1 Kings 18:4.

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  - ⁠Divided Monarchy Year 88 (Joram Year 11)
  - Ramesses II Year 89* (Ramses III Year 8) - Bronze Age Collapse
The Battle against the Sea Peoples anchors the dating of the Anatolian destruction layers in the Bronze Age Collapse connecting the Levantine destructions layers to the fall of the House of Ahab in the broader Assyrian-Aram War of 1 kings 22:31.

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  - ⁠Divided Monarchy Year 89 (Jehu Year 1)
  - Ramesses II Year 90* (Ramses III Year 9) - Phillistine Ware
The settlement of the Peleset in Canaan by Ramesses III aligns with the first mention of the Phillistine in the biblical account in 2 kings 2:8 after the king David story which could come from a renewed sense of cultural identity of the region by the new Myceneaen settlers.

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Note 1: The year count marked with “*” are the projection of Ramesses regnal years after his death to provide better comparinson.
Note 2: The reign of Amenemessu was cosidered parallel to the main line of pharaohs.
Note 3: Thiele’s corregencies harmonization was used in the Divided Kingdom of Israel count of years.

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CAVALCANTI, PG. Sack of Jerusalem: Ramesses II’s Syrian Campaigns cause the Ten Tribes Revolt. Amazon. 2024. ISBN: 9798338974650

Since the recent identification of the pyramid of Khay, vizier of Ramesses II, on the hills of Sheikh Abd
el-Qurna by the Belgian archaeological mission, this high official has drawn renewed interest. This paper
presents and discusses two fragmentary stelae attributable to Khay, one held in the Kelvingrove Art Gallery
and Museum in Glasgow (1902.116.n.1-4), the other in the Museo Egizio, Turin (Suppl. 6000).

Following the recent identification of the pyramid of Khay, vizier of Ramesses II, on the hills of Shaykh Abd al-Qurna by the Belgian archaeological mission, this high official is the subject of renewed interest. This paper aims to retrace the main steps of his activity in connection with the village of Deir el-Medina. A translation of an ostracon mentioning Khay from the Turin Museum (Suppl. 6782 = CGT 57238) is also published for the first time.

Just as in previous documents the proposed chronology shortens the current Mesopotamian timeline by 300 years, it similarly adjusts Egyptian Chronology. The situation of Egypt is much more prone to a revision because of the "Third Intermediate Period". This is a period that poses challenges for Egyptologists. Initially, I relied on David Rohl's approach to address this issue (Rohl, 2001). Furthermore, I considered astronomical dates for Ramses II by linking the Mursilli' eclipse (KBO 3, 1916) to the eclipse of Aug 12, 961 BC, and for Ramses III by linking the Trojan War eclipse (Iliad, Book 17, line 366) to the eclipse of July 04, 857 BC. These specific dates are attested by the Nasa Solar Eclipse Canon (Spenak & Meeus, 1999). Later, as my own chronology developed, I proposed a new solution for Egyptian timeline.

In ancient Egypt, individuals often married in their late teens or early twenties, especially among the ruling classes, where the pressure to secure dynastic succession meant early adulthood often brought significant responsibility. As a result, a 20-year span for each generation is a reasonable and historically plausible estimate. Given the pace of life, reproductive patterns, and the importance of maintaining bloodlines through early marriage, this estimate allows historians to bridge substantial periods without overestimating the time gap between successive generations.

Applying this 20-year framework across eighteen generations yields a timespan of around 360 years. This aligns well with the broader timeline, from the fall of Amarna—marked by the decline of the 18th dynasty and the end of the religious and political reforms of Akhenaten—to the eventual rise of Nubian rule under the 25th dynasty. Thus, the use of 20 years per generation provides a practical, historically supported basis for understanding the temporal gap between these two significant epochs in Egyptian history.

The 327-year-old theory that identified King Merenptah of Egypt, the son and immediate successor of Ramesses II, with the biblical "pharaoh of the Exodus" 3 was very widely accepted in 1896, when Flinders Petrie made the most sensational of his many archaeological discoveries. In the ruins of Merenptah's funerary temple in Thebes, Petrie found a stela bearing an inscription from year 5 of Merenptah's reign "specifically naming 'the people of Israel'"-a socioethnic group, with no fixed address, mentioned together with seven city states or lands in or near Canaan-"and recording their defeat by King Merenptah. " Petrie began immediately "to consider the historical setting" of the allusion to Israel. For Petrie, it appears, the ideal historical interpretation of Merenptah's victory ode would have been consistent with six basic premises: (1) Merenptah's clash with Israel, before year 5 of his reign, took place in or near Canaan; (2) Ramesses II was the pharaoh of the Oppression, who conscripted the Israelites to (make bricks to) build the vast Delta capital bearing his name (Exod. 1:11, 13-14); and (3) Merenptah was the pharaoh of the Exodus, who succeeded the pharaoh of the Oppression immediately after the latter's death (Exod. 2:23, 4:19) and during whose reign (4) Israel, more or less in its entirety, left Egypt, after which (5) it spent forty (2 + 38) years in the desert before (6) it crossed the Jordan into Canaan after year 8 of Ramesses III, the year of the last Ramesside military expedition to Asia. However, Petrie was unable to find a hypothesis consistent with all of these premises. He was not alone. James Henry Breasted, for example, believed it was "certain" that premise (1) had made premises (3) and (5) mutually exclusive. 163. All the rulers are prostrate, saying "Peace!". .. [š-r-m = Shalom], 164. not one among the Nine Bows dare raise his head. 165. Plundered is Libya (Tehenu), Hatti is at peace, 166. Carried off is Canaan with every evil. 167. Brought away is Ascalon, taken is Gezer, 168. Yeno'am is reduced to non-existence. 169. Israel[ 7 ] is spoiled, his seed is not, 170. Khurru has become widowed because of Nile-land. 171. All lands together are (now) at peace, 172. and everyone who roamed about has been subdued, 173.-by the King of S & N Egypt, Baienre Meriamun, 174. Son of Re, Merenptah, 175. given life like Re daily. 8 When Petrie first laid eyes on what would soon become known as the "Israel Stela, " it was lying-with Merenptah's inscription face down-in the ruins of that king's funerary temple at Thebes. To expedite the decipherment of the inscription, Petrie mounted the stela on stones and had the ground cut away beneath it. 9

Introductory video:
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1lyiAw50qOQMD9ML-oKSWl1WSf2Dctm86/view?usp=sharing

The Egyptian campaign in Canaan described in the Bible during the reign of Rehoboam can be synchronized through the proposed chronology exactly to the initial years of Ramses II. We have an attestation for the presence of Egyptian troops in Canaan during this time. The commemorative Stele of Nahr el-Kalb even though almost illegible due to weathering is assigned to the 4th year of Ramses II as a celebration for conquering the Hittite vassal city of Amurru in Syria. Since we have the city of Amurru located further North in Hittite borders we can suggest Jeroboam having conquered Israel in even earlier years was in the interest of Egypt to provide safe passage for Ramses II troops. This means Ramses II caused the division of the Ten Tribes of Israel for his military endeavor that historians call today the First Syrian Campaign.

Another great synchronism we can find between the biblical account and Egyptian sources comes from the famous Battle of Kadesh.This was a direct consequence of the First Syrian Campaign that it was  suggested Jeroboam of Israel played a part in it. The detail in this battle describes the troops of Canaanite mercenary soldiers named "Ne'arim" in the description of the Bulletin of the Battle. (Pritchard, 1969) The word Ne'arim happens several times in the Bible but only in the books of Samuel (19 times), Kings (4 times), Isaiah (4 times), Ruth (3 times), Psalms (1 time), Job (1 time) and Lamentations (1 time). The word is not present neither in earlier books like Exodus, Joshua, or Judges the current chronology places pharaoh Ramses II reign. This is an indication that the context of the book of Samuel is more likely to be during the Late Bronze Age rather than the current consensus in Iron Age II.

Finally, the strongest source of synchronicity is the Ramses inscription about his accomplishments for the 7th Year (corresponding to Year 8th in the Egyptian calendar) of his reign in the temple known as the Ramesseum. There, anyone can read: "The town which the king (Ramses II) plundered in Year 8 - Shalem" (Kitchen, 1990) (Rohl, 1995). The description of a campaign to the regions of Syria and Canaan in the Ramesseum describes the pharaoh himself leading the army. He attacked and conquered the cities of Jerusalem and Jericho during the conflict that historians today call the Third Syrian Campaign. All this is in accordance with the biblical account about the conquering of Jerusalem by Shishak in Book of First Kings 14:25: "In the fifth year of King Rehoboam, Shishak king of Egypt attacked Jerusalem. He carried off the treasures of the temple of the Lord and the treasures of the royal palace. He took everything, including all the gold shields Solomon had made".

RESUMEN
Establecer la fecha del éxodo israelita de Egipto, relato contenido en el Antiguo Testamento (AT) de la Biblia, ha sido uno de los mayores retos para los investigadores de estudios bíblicos, historiadores y arqueólogos que consideran al menos un fondo histórico para este relato. Y es que el AT no menciona fechas ni nombres de reyes o faraones, y las señales o “pistas” que si proporciona en su texto, son muchas veces vagas, contradictorias, o sujetas a interpretaciones. Por tal razón, se han escrito numerosos (decenas de miles) libros, artículos y ensayos en los que se proponen teorías que por lo general no han sido satisfactorias, ni de aceptación universal.
Un meticuloso análisis del relato bíblico del Éxodo, y en particular de las señales o pistas que pudieran generar una respuesta válida al enigma de ¿cuándo ocurrió el éxodo?, encuentra que existen al parecer, fragmentos en los que se mezclan dos versiones (tradiciones) de este suceso. Los especialistas en estudios bíblicos las conocen como versión “Y” (Yahvista o de Jehová) y versión “P” (Sacerdotal). Si se tratara de dos episodios de éxodo recordados como uno solo, las contradicciones aparentes del texto se pudieran explicar sin mayor problema.
El propósito de este ensayo, es el de proponer la existencia y presentar evidencia de dos relatos en el AT de diferentes épocas. sobre la salida, escape o huida de Egipto de israelitas que habían sido oprimidos y esclavizados, y su regreso a la tierra de Canaán.
En este ensayo, se utilizan las fechas convencionales usadas por la mayoría de los historiadores para Canaán y Egipto durante el llamado Segundo Período Intermedio, el Nuevo Imperio y las dinastías egipcias correspondientes.

NOTA DEL AUTOR. En este ensayo se utilizan los términos Israelitas, hijos de Israel, y tribus de Israel tal y como aparecen en las citas bíblicas para referirse a los descendientes de Jacob-Israel en Egipto, en el Éxodo y en Canaán, pero en realidad el uso correcto de estos términos se inició mucho después de esa época, y probablemente se remonte a los tiempos de los reyes David y Salomón que gobernaron el Reino de Israel.

Establishing the date of the Israelite exodus from Egypt, a story contained in the Old Testament (OT) of the Bible, has been one of the greatest challenges for biblical studies researchers, historians and archaeologists who consider at least a historical background for this story. And the fact is that the OT does not mention dates or names of kings or pharaohs, and the signs or "clues" that it does provide in its text are often vague, contradictory, or subject to interpretation. For this reason, numerous (tens of thousands) books, articles and essays have been written in which theories are proposed that have generally not been satisfactory or universally accepted. A meticulous analysis of the biblical account of the Exodus, and in particular of the signs or clues that could generate a valid answer to the enigma of when did the exodus occur?, finds that there appear to be fragments in which two versions (traditions) of this event are mixed. Specialists in biblical studies know them as the "Y" version (Yahwist or from Jehovah) and the "P" version (Priestly). If these were two exodus episodes remembered as one, the apparent contradictions in the text could be explained without much problem. The purpose of this essay is to propose the existence and present evidence of two stories in the OT from different times, about the departure, escape or flight from Egypt of Israelites who had been oppressed and enslaved, and their return to the land of Canaan. In this essay, the conventional dates used by most historians for Canaan and Egypt during the so-called Second Intermediate Period (2 nd IP), the New Kingdom, and the corresponding Egyptian dynasties are utilized.

AUTHOR'S NOTE. In this essay the terms Israelites, children of Israel, and tribes of Israel are used as they appear in biblical quotations to refer to the descendants of Jacob-Israel in Egypt, in the Exodus and in Canaan, but in reality the correct use of these terms began much later than that epoch, and probably dates back to the times of kings David and Solomon who ruled the Kingdom of Israel.

Meet the 'richest man who ever lived': Scientists recreate the face of Tutankhamun's grandfather, Amenhotep III, for the first time in 3,400 years
Amenhotep III ruled ancient Egypt at the height of its powers, 3,400 years ago
Using the skull of his mummy, his true likeness has been revealed for first time
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-13424895/face-Tutankhamuns-grandfather-Amenhotep.html

The Merneptah Stele, also known as the Israel Stele or the Victory Stele of Merneptah, is an inscription by Merneptah, a Pharaoh of the 19th Dynasty of Egypt. The text is largely an account of Merneptah's victory over the ancient Libyans and their allies, but the last three of the 28 lines deal with a separate campaign in Canaan, then part of Egypt's imperial territory. It is sometimes referred to as the ‘Israel Stele’ because a majority of scholars translate a set of hieroglyphs in line 27 as ‘Israel’.

Now the hieroglyphs that refer to Israel in the stele employ the determinative for ‘people’ as opposed to the determinative for a ‘city’ used to refer to the other enemies of Merneptah which he defeated. The determinative for ‘people’ was typically used by the Egyptians to signify nomadic groups or peoples without a fixed city-state home, thus implying a semi nomadic or rural status for 'Israel' at that time.

Because of this, any attempts by revisionists of the current Egyptian chronology, like myself, to date Merneptah’s rule later than 1000 BC is being rejected on the basis of this description of Israel as nomads by the victory stele of Merneptah.

Ramesses II proclaimed himself Ramesses The Great, and one thing is certain: he was indeed one of the greatest Egyptian pharaohs! Even though much has been written about him, there are at least five other things you probably didn't know about Ramesses II.

Perspectives on the Ramesside Military System.
Proceedings of the International Conference Held at the Institute for Egyptology and Coptology of Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich, 10–11 December, 2021

Edited by Mohamed Raafat Abbas and Friedhelm Hoffmann

Ägypten und Altes Testament 121 (2023)

The volume assembles the contributions of a conference on the Ramesside military system that aimed to shed light on new archaeological and historical perspectives concerning the entire military outlook of Egypt at this time. The intention of the conference was to make a broad assessment of the current state of knowledge about the Ramesside military system and discuss how the new knowledge relates to previously held theories, and to provide a forum for discussion. The Egyptian military activity was very significant during the Ramesside Period of Egypt (Dynasties XIX–XX, 1310–1100 BC) and was an important part of the historical developments during the New Kingdom of Egypt as well as in the contemporary Late Bronze Age of the ancient Near East. – On the basis of archaeological, iconographical and textual evidence, Mohamed Raafat Abbas collected the attestations of the Libyan war of Ramesses II. – Mohamed Abd el-Maksoud and Elsayed Abd el-Alim discussed the fortifications at Tell Heboua (ancient Tjaru) in north Sinai which secured Egypt’s eastern border at the Pelusiac branch of the Nile at the starting point of the so-called Ways of Horus to Palestine by protecting the crossing of the Nile at a strategically suitable place. – Peter J. Brand examined recurring ideological themes in the monumental military texts and reliefs of Sety I and Ramesses II and their impact on our endeavor to understand the historical context of the wars these pharaohs waged. – The fortress of Tjaru was dealt with by Ola El-Aguizy once more. It is depicted not only in the temple of Karnak, but also in the Ramesside tomb of the Generalissimo Urkhya at Saqqara. – James K. Hoffmeier discussed the fortress of Tell el-Borg, one of the bases along the Ways of Horus in north Sinai, concentrating on the reconstruction of the antique landscape in order to understand the position and the building phases of the fortress. – Jozef Hudec dealt with the fortress(es) of Tell el-Retaba east of Ismailia. Recent excavations of the Polish-Slovak Archaeological Mission revealed numerous structures inside the fortresses, and delivered new information about the defense walls and other defensive installations. – The chariot which is so prominent in the Ramesside war scenes was treated by Heidi Köpp-Junk in its historical development from the earliest evidence until the first century BC. – Alberto M. Pollastrini dealt with scale armours, which are mentioned as booty of war or diplomatic presents and occasionally depicted. – Sylvia Schoske dealt with the Stela ÄS 8025 from the Munich Egyptian Museum. – Steven Snape concentrated on the fortress of Zawiyet Umm el-Rakham west of Marsa Matruh which was erected by Ramesses II against the Libyans for securing the coastal trade. – Finally, Anthony Spalinger showed that studies of points of view have been a revealing strategy in analysing literary compositions of the ancient world. How the author or compiler of a relatively lengthy historical account established his focus upon the narrative automatically entails a certain strategy of presentation.

This paper deals with the inscriptions of the second pylon of king Ramesses II at Abydos. He built this temple to sanctify the three principal deities of Abydos: Osiris, Isis, and Horus, and to deify himself in it, and to be a house of a million years in which to be worshipped and religious rituals performed for him after his death.

Het zuidelijke gedeelte van het Indisch subcontinent viel tussen de 9e en de 13e eeuw onder de heerschappij van de Chola-dynastie. De Cholamandalam ('gebied der Cholas', het Engelse Coromandel) viel aanvankelijk samen met de delta van de rivier Kaveri en omvatte de districten van Tiruchirappalli, Tanjavur (Tanjore) en South Arkot in de huidige deelstaat Tamil Nadu. Het koninkrijk van de Cholas werd in de loop der jaren flink uitgebreid en bereikte het hoogtepunt onder de koningen Rajaraja I (circa 985-1014) en zijn zoon Rajendra I (1014-1047). Tijdens de Chola-periode kwam de architectuur tot grote bloei en werden er talloze tempels en tempelsteden gebouwd. De meeste en de mooiste daarvan bevinden zich in of in de nabijheid van de Kaveri-delta. De grote Rajarajesvara (Brihadisvara)-tempel in Tanjavur (1009-1010), de Brihadisvara-tempel in Gangaikondacolapuram (ca. 1025) en de Nataraja-tempel in Cidambaram (12c-13eeeuw) zijn bij elke liefhebber van de Indiase kunst bekend en staan vaak op het programma van groepsreizen naar Zuid-India. Maar waar de toeristen nauwelijks naartoe gaan zijn de relatief kleine en onbekende, maar voor de ontwikkeling van de hindoe-architectuur niet minder belangrijke Chola-tempels. Deze tempels staan vaak in kleine dorpjes of gehuchten en zijn met het openbaar vervoer moeilijk bereikbaar. Van een afstand zien deze tempels er meestal niet erg indrukwekkend uit. Ze zijn niet te vergelijken qua schaal met de grote monumenten van Tanjavur of Cidambaram. Sommige zijn al lang niet meer in gebruik en ze verkeren in slechte staat. Andere zijn door een slecht uitgevoerde restauratie zo veran derd dat de oorspronkelijke elementen niet meer te herkennen zijn. Toch bevatten veel van deze tempels kenmerken die ze voor kunsthistorici zeer interessant maken.

In this issue:

RAMSES & THE GOLD OF THE PHARAOHS
Nile Magazine’s pick of the most fabulous treasures in this amazing exhibition.

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN EYES
How the eyes in ancient statues and mummy masks sparkle with life.

TUTANKHAMUN, THE LIVING GOD
With his father dead, Tutankhamun welcomed back Osiris - and became a living god himself.

LOOKING BACK
Mummies on display. Is it right to display people’s remains as curiosities?

PLUS
Events and exhibitions, lots of hieroglyphs, and sensational photography!

Read more about the issue here: www.nilemagazine.com.au
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Or get a digital version: bit.ly/Nile_Digital
Enjoy your NILE time!

Velikovsky renumbered pharaoh Seti I, whom he often calls ‘Seti the Great’,
as Seti II. …. The reason for this is that Velikovsky had moved the pharaoh conventionally known as Seti (or Sethos) II Merenptah (c. 1202-1196 BC)
from his usual position at the end of the 19th dynasty to become a predecessor of Ramses I at the beginning of that dynasty; thereby preserving the tradition of a Seti (or Sethos) as founder of the dynasty.

This paper deals with the inscriptions of the second pylon of king Ramesses II at Abydos. He built this temple to sanctify the three principal deities of Abydos: Osiris, Isis, and Horus, and to deify himself in it, and to be a house of a million years in which to be worshipped and religious rituals performed for him after his death.

L'administration de L'epouse du Dieu Amon devait, depuis son apparition pendant la 18eme dynastie, en tant que haute autorite clericale etre capable d'entretenir une femme. La fonction exacte de la depositrice ne se laisse pas encore bien discerner mais sa participation a la procession du dieu etait pretexte a un riuel bien particulier. Son lien avec la descendance du Pharaon, et sa proximite du trone, est certaine

leading scholar in Egyptology and a beloved teacher and colleague to so many. It includes a biography of Dr. Bell along with contributions from eminent scholars on the topics of ancient art, archaeology, religion, and philology"-Provided by publisher.

One of the distinctive themes related to the officials" career is the rendering of their promotion to higher ranks. This prestigious event was well recognized by the high officials throughout the ancient Egyptian history. Therefore, officials were keen on commemorating their installation ceremony by words and pictures on the walls of their private tombs. The research introduces examples of the investiture and reward-investiture scenes to explain and analyze how the officials obtained their positions in Ancient Egypt during the New Kingdom. It also includes an analysis of the main elements constituting the investiture scenes. The key elements include the place of the ceremony, the characters involved, the anointing of officials, the Window of Appearance and the signs of the new office. Related representations are attested since the mid-18 th Dynasty in private tombs and rarely on temple walls.

Bienvenue dans ce programme un peu spécial du cinquième cahier de vacances de NefertiTube. Au programme, 20 jeux et quiz sympas à faire ! On révise ce que l’on a vu cette année et on apprend en s’amusant !

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0JByCiYBNyw&ab_channel=NefertiTube

During a six week field season in May and June of 2011, the Karnak Hypostyle Hall Project began to record inscriptions on the columns and abacus blocks of the building. This consisted of detailed collation of earlier records of the abacus blocks made by Ricardo Caminos in the 1950s and systematic photography of all the abaci facets in situ and of those now lying in the block yards. Many of the abaci have palimpsest inscriptions of erased Sety I or early Ramesses II inscriptions replaced by later Ramesses II reliefs. Orthogonal images of a representative sample of abaci facets were made in the block yards and from our scaffolding. Theodolite measurements of abaci facets and wall reliefs were also taken and a successful experiment was made to make a conventional photograph into an orthogonal one using the software program Redresseur. Collation of early sketches of the column scenes by Harold Nelson yielded a wealth of new epigraphic data, including palimpsest inscriptions on some of t...

This book is the necessary concomitant to the first volume of the hieroglyphic edition of Ramesside Inscriptions (KRI, I) and its companion set of translations (RITA, I), covering the reigns of Ramesses I (c.1295-1294 bc) and his son and successor Sethos I (c.1294-1279 bc). For each text published in KRI, I, there is a strictly corresponding Section (identically numbered and described) in this volume. Each such Section contains always two parts, and a third when needed. First (a) a basic (not exhaustive) bibliography; second (b) 'general notes' which are intended for a wide audience of scholars, students and informed layfolk, not solely for professional Egyptologists; third, when appropriate (c) 'special comments' which follow up on more technical details, mainly of interest to fellow Egyptologists (though not always exclusively). Arranged by category, this volume covers foreign wars and diplomacy (esp. dated), then internal affairs (dated documents, special topics or groups), a geographical series of royal monuments (from north to south), the principal documents of the reign (papryi, ostraca, letters, legal documents, and the like), in addition to further inscriptions pertaining to the royal family. A further twenty-eight categories are devoted to the private monuments of the principal administrators of the Empire, along with the vast store of documentation pertaining to the activities of the royal artisans from the village of Deir el-Medina in western Thebes. First published in 1993 by Blackwell Publishers (Oxford & Cambridge, Mass.), this volume has been entirely redesigned and is issued here for the first time in a handsome softback version.

During the 1910-1911 field season of the Metropolitan Museum's Egyptian Expedition at Thebes, Norman de Garis Davies, director of the Graphic Section, decided to work on the tomb of two sculptors named Nebamun and Ipuky (TT 181). The tomb had been recorded and published some sixteen years earlier (Sheil 1894), and the color plates had inspired Davies to include it in the series of tomb publications he was preparing for the Museum (Davies 1925). Since its publication, the entrance of the tomb had been reburied, and Davies consulted with local residents about its exact location. He then set about relocating TT 181 and, in the process, cleared the surrounding hillside, extending down to the tomb of another man named Nebamun (TT 179) and the tomb of Amenhotep (TT 182). While clearing the area, Davies uncovered more than seventy funerary cones. Thousands of these conical objects have been found in the Theban necropolis, but most, unlike these, are unprovenanced.

The Libyan captives were very significant in some of the important historical records of Ramesses II. This paper surveys and discusses the significance of the Libyan scenes in the Nubian temples of Ramesses II, the significance of the Libyan captives' depiction on two private stelae from the forts of Ramesses II at the Libyan border, and the military employment of the Libyan captives during the reign of Ramesses II.

A recent tendency in the study of Ancient Egyptian art has led to the search for the role of the individual artist in the creation of any masterpiece. As yet, given the anonymity of Egyptian art – resulting in a scarcity of sources pointing to artists, on one hand, and a neutralization of their individual styles, on the other – the research methods applied by scholars have consisted most often in meticulous examination of the work itself. This approach has contributed to the distinguishing of artists’ hands and workshops, and sometimes even allowed for a reconstruction of the organisation of the work. Important observations on the process of the creation of a relief were made by John Baines, who studied the techniques of decoration in the Hall of Barks in the temple of Sethos I at Abydos.
The unfinished state of completion of the reliefs in this room has provided an opportunity to analyze the methods of decoration from the initial draft to the final touches of paint, and even determine an approximate time span for some of the work stages. In the context of the present
research, the crucial observation concerned the rapidity of the execution of the preparatory painting on the smoothed surface of the wall. Given the very elaborate painting of the details, one may assume that the images were transferred in this form from another medium (papyrus or board).
In contrast to the relatively short period for the entire process of decorating over quite large areas, the detailed elaboration of the initial design may have taken years, involving the study and copying of ancient texts and other models. It was Shelley Wachsmann who had proposed to examine the decoration of the Theban tombs “through the eyes of the artist”. This approach, consisting mainly of iconographic analogy, was based on the assumption of an existence of “pattern books”. These would have been source images, collected in one place, which were not copied automatically but instead creatively transformed and adjusted to a number of variables – the space available, individual preferences of the patron, etc. This idea was elaborated lately by Laboury, who has proposed the term “intericonicity”, emphasizing the creative approach of Egyptian designers in respect to sources while inventing new compositions. The present paper aims at presenting some scenes in the Chapel of Hatshepsut as an example illustrating this phenomenon.

O presente artigo visa analisar os diferentes papéis que a mulher exercia na sociedade egípcia de 3100 a 30 a.C. desde sua representação como senhora da casa, rainha, faraó, sacerdotisa e mulher da alegria, além de indicar a representação das deusas egípcias e sua importância para o sistema religioso e social do Egito Antigo. A mulher no Egito Antigo tinha seus direitos e deveres, que muito se diferenciava do papel da mulher em outros lugares, como na Grécia e em Roma, durante o mesmo período histórico, demonstrando como a mulher egípcia estava além do seu tempo, assim como toda a sociedade egípcia da antiguidade, podendo ser usada como exemplo frente aos debates atuais acerca da mulher e seu papel social.

Aesthetic and iconographic changes in art that occur during periods of cultural transition in ancient Egypt are frequently understood by art historians within the framework of political dynastic change. But transformations in art occurring directly after the Amarna period are challenging to define and their causations are often difficult to ascribe. An unprovenanced limestone plaque in the Louvre Museum that is inscribed for Ramesses II presents such a challenge. A tracing of the stylistic, iconographic and conceptual elements of the relief images and the inscriptions on the plaque defies arriving at a facile conclusion as to its date(s) of manufacture, or to the ostensible derivation of the imagery.

Perplexities include: objects depicted in the plaque which match unequivocally with objects firmly dated to the reign of Tutankhamun, with no other attestations appearing after his time; unexpected Amarna stylistic elements that are otherwise virtually unknown in post-Amarna works; and the appearance of iconographic motifs directly tied to traditions that were abandoned with the damnatio memoriae of the Amarna actors. Further, details in the treatment of the facial features do not fit easily, if at all, with the Ramesside royal likeness prototypes.

This presentation elucidates these questions, identifies some avenues for image transmission, examines intent, and proposes an operative aesthetic that may have been in play.

This is just a short treatise that updates CUT modelling for Late XVIIIth Dynasty and in doing so addresses Smenkhkare's position and thus his names in Afr., Eus., Arm., J. and Book of Sothis.  Having identified Smenkhkare's reign chronology (modelled as -1416 to -1368) and noted his association in inscriptions with Aye (-1412 to -1345) we postulate a co-rule from -1412 to -1386 which anchors the chronology and establishes his Manethonic names.  Updated 18/02/2023.