Pre-Roman Italy

Rome matters. Roman religion is, basically, the religion of one of the hundreds of Mediterranean city states. Many features of this type of territorially bound religion, centred around a politically independent community, characterise Roman religion down to the end of antiquity. However, Roman cults, gods, iconography, rituals, texts, were exported to many places throughout the Roman Empire. A change of the point of view produces similarly ambivalent results. Many of the religious traditions or concepts that attracted people in Rome originated outside of Rome and were shared by many non-Romans. At the same time, even the major religious traditions of antiquity gained distinct features at Rome and these Roman varieties informed developments outside Rome. After all, Rome was a capital, politically for the Imperium Romanum, religiously not only for the cult of the Capitoline triad, but for Isis or Christianity as well. It is one of the many attractions of the theme of “Roman religion” that in dealing with the traditions of a metropolis (and its growing “hinterland”) we are able to look into transformations reaching far beyond. At the same time we are reminded of one of the truths of modern globalisation: place and local culture matters.
Religion matters. Ancient religion is not longer the object of – at best – antiquarian research, interested in “Altertümer” and pre-rational behaviour, i. e. the European exotic. With the cultural and the following “turns,” religious institutions, signs and practices, religious mentalities and language, have come to the centre of mainstream historical and literary studies. Thus, analysis of religion itself can no longer be handled as an isolated sector of culture but has to be contextualized within its cultural, social, and economic setting and has to be analysed for its political function and its use in legitimating power or resistance.

Aims
The volume aims to help its readers
- put the manifold religious symbols, discourses, practices, which they encounter in literally every field of ancient studies, into a larger framework;
- offer a broad range of methodological approaches to seemingly intransigent phenomena; the presuppositions and limits of these approaches will be made explicit;
- offer basic information about the most important religious symbols and institutions; and
- attempt at coherent narratives, yet not to formulate new orthodoxies, but rather to suggest that narrative is an important form of historical explanation and a didactically useful tool.

Non solo sull'antico vertono i saggi raccolti in questo volume, dedicati a un antichista sui gene-ris che ha sempre inteso i confini tra le discipline non cinema e nell'opera lirica, per citarne solo alcuni. Una cosa accomuna Giuseppe (Pino) Pucci e quanti hanno voluto testimoniargli la loro amicizia: la consapevolezza che l'antico non è mai irrevocabilmente tale, relegato in un passato separato, e che anche nella storia della cultura le mort saisit le vif. MIMESIS / FILOSOFIE

The first part of the book presents archaeological evidence from the Prehistoric Aegean and onward, which demonstrates the existence of an enduring, highly valued and advanced prehistoric Aegean apiculture. Some well known ceramic vessels from Knossos "palace" are identified here for the first time with beekeeping paraphernalia thus proving the existence of a systematic Minoan apiculture. In the second part, an alternative view is proposed for some of the most important scenes on Minoan and Mycenaean gold rings, seals, and clay sealings that have led Evans, Nilsson, and many others over the past century to various speculations regarding the nature of the Prehistoric Aegean religion. By applying a naturalistic context of interpretation on the depicted scenes, apiculture paraphernalia and practices are recognized, instead of the religious symbols of the "sacred tree", "flying gods", "baetyls and birds epiphany of deities", "great goddess", "horns of consecration", "altars", "temenos" and "double axes".
The authors conclude that established ideas about the prehistoric Aegean religion should be reconsidered, thus creating significant challenges for future research."

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This study deals with the problems connected to the identification of the so- called North-Picene language, i.e. the still unknown language in which the inscriptions of Novilara have been written presumably during the 7th-6th century B.C. Since only one of these has been found during the regular excavations of that proto-historic site (Brizio 1895: 175), the rest having emerged from the antique trade, the first aim is to establish which of the inscriptions traditionally ascribed to the “Northern East Italic” (Conway, Johnson & Whatmough 1933 = PID) is pertinent to the research (§ 1.0.). The re-analysis of the whole documentation available allows the exclusion of four of them, resulting in a corpus constituted by only two epigraphs: PID 343 and PID 344.
Following the most recent indications (Agostiniani 2003) for the epigraphic analysis of the longest and most significant inscription (PID 343), the study is directed towards an in-depth epigraphic and linguistic inquiry of the whole material (chapter 2, 3, 4). This analysis is compulsory not only for the central aim of the study, i.e. to identify the North-Picene Language, but also because an up-to-date epigraphic analysis allows some contemporary scholars to deny the authenticity of PID 343 (§ 1.2.1.), without which the North-Picene would simply vanish.
The epigraphic inquiry reveals that the presumed “inconsistencies” identified by recent researches (§ 1.2.3.) could be seen, on the contrary, as facts peculiar to a peripheral (and little known) tradition as is the one under analysis. Through numerous examples drawn from coeval material from Southern Italy (§ 2.2.), the reader is led to consider that other peripheral traditions similar to Novilara’s (such as the Messapic or some of the Greek writing traditions of Magna Graecia) show analogous features, “inexplicable” from the point of view of the Etruscan-Italic canon. The fact that, despite their “irregularities”, none can doubt the authenticity of these documents, will not solve our problem. On the other hand it can at least clarify that in the case of Novilara the purely epigraphic ground of argumentation cannot stand the claim that PID 343 is not authentic.
The presence of two (allo)graphs noting the sibilant in different phonic envi ronments (“asymmetric” sade before palatal vowels, “normal” sade in the rest of the environments, § 2.1.2.) seems moreover to suggest that in PID 343 we find traces of a palatalization process, which is far well diffused in natural languages. This fact also contrasts with the hypothesis of PID 343’s falsity: it is, at any rate, highly improbable that any 19th century forgery could have shown such refined linguistic knowledge.
Nonetheless the proposed linguistic analysis does not enable us either to translate the text nor to restore the historical dimension of the Novilara inscriptions: these remain deeply enigmatic, showing in many respects only chaotic references to ancient Greek as well as to Etruscan, Latin, Illyrian and some Italic dialects.
At this point the research needs to be addressed diversely in order to verify the historicity of these documents and thus their authenticity. Since the inscribed steles can be viewed and analysed as objects of material culture, the study tries to isolate a technological, decorative/figurative and dimensional repertoire common to the two steles (§ 5.1.), to be compared to other artefacts of the same typology, chronology and provenance (§ 5.2.). The result of this operation is the emergence of an extremely cohesive and distinctive group of decorated steles named the “Novilara group”. This becomes the corpus secundum of this study, i.e. the material defined on archaeological basis that keeps an explicit relation with the epigraphic (and linguistic) elements. In fact, we can safely assume that the corpus secundum is tightly linked to our corpus primum because the analytical repertoire fits perfectly to the “exclusive co-occurrence” rule:
1) all the features that define the “group” occur in overwhelming majority in each of the steles;
2) both the inscribed and non-epigraphic supports are decorated exclusively through the same models;
3) these models are strictly peculiar to Novilara and are absent in the rest of coeval Italic traditions (but present in Istria and Daunia, § 5.3., § 5.4., § 5.5.).
In other words we are allowed to ascribe both the figurative / technological repertoire of corpus secundum and the alphabetical / linguistic repertoire of corpus primum to one and the same cultural horizon, i.e. to the same ethnic group. Among the designs engraved on the constituents of the “Novilara group”, the boats, and especially the morphology of their stern and of the steering equipment, conflicts with the present knowledge concerning ancient Mediterranean naval technology (§ 5.5.1., § 5.5.1.1.). The only fitting comparisons come, once again, from peripheral traditions: Daunia, Istria, Illyria (§ 5.5.1.2.).
These are followed by a collection of short references to general characteristics of Novilara archaeological finds: the strong trans-Adriatic presences in the male burials (§ 6.1., § 6.1.1.), the isolation from the rest of Picenum proprie dictum (§ 6.1.2.) and the tight relation to the fortunes of pre-Greek Adriatic (§ 6.1.3.).
While a definitive solution seems distant, it is ultimately clear that both on linguistic (§ 3.3., § 4.41.) and archaeological ground (§ 6.2.) the references to the opposite shores of the Adriatic Sea are so numerous that they must be taken into account in order to solve the core problem of this research.
This would mean a new point of view on this marginal tradition for our Sciences of the Past.
Making a linguistic research on a corpus composed of only forty words requires some further clarification. It would have been at least desirable to have a larger corpus but this was simply not the case; on the other hand we must remind the reader that even in a brief, fragmentary text, one can encounter recursive phenomena, i.e. distinctive and functional elements: it is essentially a matter of good luck other than of scientific competence.
We believe that the case of Novilara was particularly lucky in this respect.

The fourth century BC was a tumultuous time for military systems and strategies. In this period, regions like Italy became something of a testing ground as cultures clashed. On the equipment side, swordsmen, spearmen, and javelineers contested for tactical supremacy.

157 IX regional survey in the Cisterna area 181 (1990 campaign) X two landscapes 211 References 239 Dutch summary 247 Appendix: the Monticchio pollen-core (by B.J. Haagsma) 249 8 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The present research would not have been possible without the enthusiasm and energy of the members of the various survey crews. They not only collected the ten of thousands of sherds -under sometimes harsh circumstances -but also quantified and weighed them, of ten on-site. Many of the participants more over did not hesitate to partake in the subsequent campaigns during which selected ceramic samples were studied, described and drawn. I appreciate the intellectual involvement that participants always showed in spite of the sometimes tedious work. It kept me confident in the good sense of the undertaking. The names of the individu al participants are listed below.

A linguistic framework is offered by the Author in the first part of the paper, where the term "signacula" ins analyzed in the Latin language as well in other Indi-European languages. The paper deals further with a theoretical semiological, onomastic, neuropsychological framework on the whole category "trademarks", "logos" and "seals". A seriality feature seems to distinguish the signacula and other similar items in the ancient and in the modern world as well. The paper is completed by an excursus of the class in the  Etruscan world, where even if any direct proofs of signacula has been observed until now, some candidates like seals impressed on roof titles, bricks, gutti, strigils, dolia, fistulae, ollas, bowls, simpula or lamps are possible indirevt candidate for the class.

Abstract: During excavations on the summit of the hill Timpone della Motta near the village of Francavilla Marittima (Calabria), many decorated and heavy loom weights of a unique type were found. These loom weights were uncovered with
fragments of cooking stands, bucket-shaped pithoi, and datable fragments of pottery imported from Euboea or inspired by
it. The objects are associated with the remains of a 28 m long, apsidal timber structure (Building V.b) with an altar, built by
Italic-Oenotrian elites in the 8th century BC. The loom weights were decorated with variations of meander-swastika motifs,
which were likely to have been inspired by woven fabrics. The motifs on the loom weights symbolised the sun and appear on
other objects used by Oenotrian women, including loom weights from Canale Ianchina. Thus, the Calabrian 8th-century BC
weaving was an indigenous activity, evidenced by its relation to the widespread European solar iconography of the Bronze Age.
However, contacts with Greeks from Euboea and elsewhere, may have changed or/and intensified the local textile production.

This paper investigates the Italic military phenomenon in pre-Roman Calabria. Weapons can be regarded as a symbol of the ethnic and cultural identity of their users. In this light the “Samnite” belt and its presence in Calabrian funerary contexts is analysed and discussed. In fact, the presence of this item in the indigenous communities of Bruzio could also be the indicator of ethnic diversity due to multiple factors (recruitment, mobility/migration, mercenary service, etc.).
The instruments and forms of warfare among the Lucanians and the Brettians are then examined based on literary sources in order to outline the social and practical causes of their way of fighting. Thanks to the analysis of the data set ¬− with special attention for the provenance context − chronological phases, areas of origin and cultural interactions can be better defined.

La natura della presenza greca all’epoca dei primi contatti con le popolazioni indigene è uno dei temi maggiormente affrontati e discussi nell’attuale dibattito storico-archeologico sulla colonizzazione greca nell’italia meridionale. Nell’ambito di questo contesto scientifico non può che suscitare grande interesse tra gli studiosi il sito di l’Amastuola, posto circa 15 km a nordovest dell’attuale Taranto (fig. 1) e caratterizzato proprio dalla presenza di strutture abitative riferibili sia alle popolazioni indigene che ai nuovi coloni, i greci. le prime indagini archeologiche a l’Amastuola sono state eseguite dalla compianta dottoressa grazia Angela Maruggi, ispettrice della Soprintendenza ai beni Archeologici della Puglia, che nel 1988 investigò parte della necropoli del sito e nel 1991 l’abitato ad essa connesso1. nel presente contributo vengono presentati i dati raccolti dalla dottoressa Maruggi, integrati coi risultati acquisiti nel corso delle nuove campagne di scavo a L’Amastuola condotte dalla VU università Amsterdam a partire dal 2003. oltre allo scavo archeologico, tali indagini hanno previsto anche ricognizioni integrali sistematiche, l’uso di tecniche di sondaggio non invasive (quali le prospezioni geofisiche e geoarcheologiche) e l’analisi dei reperti botanici. Grazie a questa strategia di ricerca che ha coinvolto simultaneamente più aspetti, si sono ottenuti dei risultati di estremo interesse, che mettono maggiormente in luce le modalità di relazione tra le popolazioni indigene ed i coloni greci.

Volume stampato con il contributo della British School at Rome 11 Strab. V 2, 10: Th' / de; Turreniv a/ parabev blhtai kata; to; pro; e{ w mev ro~ hJ ∆Ombrikhv , th; n aj rch; n aj po; tw' n ∆Apenniv nwn labou' sa, kai; e[ ti peraitev rw mev cri tou' ∆Adriv ou. 12 Polyb. II 16, 1-4: to; n dV ∆Apenniǹon ... Ligustiǹoi katoikousin ... eJ xh` de; Turrenoiv : touv toi~ de; sunecei` eJ kav teron to; kliv ma nev montai twǹ proeirhmeǹwn oj rwǹ "Ombroi. 13 MAzzArino 1965-66, II, pp. 228 ss. 14 Plin. ep. IV 1, 3-4. Cfr. ep. III 4, 2: cum publicum opus mea pecunia incohaturus in Tuscos excucurrissem... 15 AFzelius 1942, pp. 64 s. 16 Liv. X 18, 3-4. 17 Liv. X 24, 18: provincia etruria extra sortem Fabio decreta est. 18 Liv. X 25, 4.

Le immagini di proprietà dello Stato italiano sono state pubblicate su concessione del MiBACT -Dipartimento per i Beni Culturali e Paesaggistici -Direzione Regionale per i Beni Culturali e Paesaggistici del Friuli Venezia Giulia -Soprintendenza per i Beni archeologici del Friuli Venezia Giulia ed è vietata l'ulteriore riproduzione e duplicazione con ogni mezzo senza l'autorizzazione della Soprintendenza.

Al V sec.a.C. ca. risalgono le prime attestazioni primarie e secondarie relative all'esistenza politica dei Lucani. I Brettii, invece, entrano nella storia più tardi e prepotentemente verso la metà del IV sec.a.C. A partire da queste date si svolge la vicenda storica di questi due popoli ripercorsa nel presente volume, che dalle prime fasi di contatto culturale e conflitto militare con il vicino mondo magnogreco sino allo scontro con Roma al fianco di Annibale nel III sec.a.C. costituirono due degli stati più potenti e più temibili dell'Italia antica. Si sono volute indagare poi le organizzazioni federali alla guida ed alla base della potenza di entrambi i popoli. Attraverso le notizie degli autori antichi ed il materiale archeologico lato sensu è stato possibile così ricostruire un quadro delle strutture e dei modi e forme di funzionamento delle due Leghe.

Il presente articolo si propone di indagare e approfondire la figura di due importanti divinità di Falerii Veteres: Giunone Curite e Minerva Capta. Per far ciò, si è adottata quale prospettiva il rapporto di entrambe con l’evocatio romana, il rito finalizzato a privare le città nemiche assediate della loro divinità tutelare: si è infatti più volte ipotizzato che le dee falische abbiano subìto tale pratica rituale.
Giunone Curite era la divinità poliade di Falerii; il sito del tempio testimonia di un culto e di riti grandiosi, descritti tra gli altri da Ovidio e Dionigi di Alicarnasso. La dea fu probabilmente evocata nel 241 a. C., a seguito di una ribellione. Il suo culto a Roma ebbe sede nel Campo Marzio.
La figura di Minerva Capta pone un problema spinoso: era possibile prendere prigionieri gli dèi? Il primo significato dell’epiteto infatti farebbe pensare che la dea fosse stata catturata. È più probabile tuttavia che essa fosse già avvinta da vincoli, secondo influssi religiosi di ambito dorico.

In molte occasioni è stata espressa in passato l'esigenza di avere una raccolta completa ed aggiornata del materiale epigrafico votivo etrusco, finora oggetto di numerose ricerche specifiche e parziali, ma mai analizzato nella sua interezza. La presente ricerca, quindi, è stata intrapresa soprattutto allo scopo di fornire agli studiosi un nuovo strumento di classificazione, il più possibile agile e completo, per maneggiare la complessità della materia. A tal fine, l'obiettivo principale dell'Autore è stato quello di stabilire un'impostazione metodologica coerente e compiuta per la realizzazione di un catalogo, nel cui schema sono state poi inserite le singole attestazioni, proponendo così una serie di definizioni delle diverse categorie di iscrizioni sacre ed un'analisi della loro diffusione e funzionalità. In questo contesto, per ragioni di completezza e nell'intento di allargare gli orizzonti della ricerca, si è ritenuto opportuno ampliare il discorso anche alle iscrizioni sacre di ambito non strettamente votivo, tentando così di integrare le informazioni epigrafiche sulla religione e sul pantheon. Il volume si compone di una prima parte, in cui vengono illustrati i criteri utilizzati per la classificazione del materiale epigrafico e le problematiche ad esso connesse, e di una seconda parte, che comprende il catalogo ragionato delle iscrizioni, completo dei dati archeologici relativi al supporto ed al contesto e di un commento specifico per ciascuna attestazione. L'intera opera è concepita come uno strumento di consultazione, in cui gli stessi argomenti sono affrontati più volte da diverse angolature, cercando di ricavare il massimo beneficio dallo studio dei dati epigrafici, linguistici, archeologici e geo-topografici, con l'intento di ottenere un chiaro inquadramento storico delle iscrizioni e della loro valenza religiosa.

IN LINGUA UMBRA A CONFRONTO CON LE RESTANTI ZONE CENTRO-ITALICHE T AM L corpus delle iscrizioni in lingua umbra comprende attualmente circa 45 iscrizioni brevi (tra cui una sehe di doppioni), un lungo complesso epigrafico di 4365 role -le Tavole Iguvine -e due o tre legende monetali (FIG. i), Alla raccolta epigrafica di Giovanna Rocca del 1996 (Iscri'^ioni umbre minon) e alle 35 iscrizioni elencate recentemente da Helmut Rix nel suo SabeRische Texte1 si agglungono alcune iscrizioni o frammenti d'iscrizione scoperte negli ultimi anni. 2 Per la provenienza di queste ultime spicca il territorio di Tadinum: vanno ricordate un'iscrizione su pietra, un terminus della seconda meta del iv secolo a. C. dal Colle I IVtori (?] ltdhna[-?-] 2ei tuke st[-'?-]) (FIG. 2), magari anche una breve iscrizione probabümente di possesso su una piccola kylix a vernice nera daUa necropoli Le Carriere collocabile intorno ai 300 a. C. con lettura rita (FIG. 3)4 e ü piccolo frammento di una tavola bronzea del tardo 111 secolo a. C. trovato in localitä Taino, pubblicato da Alberto Calderini e Simone Sisani. 5 Ai 111 secolo avanzato vanno riferite due iscrizioni frammentarie dal santuario d'altura sul Monte Torre Maggiore ai margine settentrionale della Conca Ternana: si tratta di un'iscrizione vascolare frammentaria6 con l'interessante nome

Volume realizzato con l'intervento del «Dipartimento di Scienze giuridiche e politiche» dell'Università di Camerino e del «Consorzio interuniversitario Gérard Boulvert per lo studio della civiltà giuridica europea e per la storia dei suoi ordinamenti» nell'àmbito della Convenzione con il Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche.

"«È noto che tutte le città si trovano sotto la protezione di un dio» (Macrobio). Questa semplice considerazione comportava una serie di importanti conseguenze per i Romani, in primis sul piano religioso.
Nel rapportarsi alle altre città, infatti, essi avvertivano il bisogno di entrare in contatto con la divinità tutelari di quei centri urbani; in caso di guerra, ciò avveniva talora mediante un particolare rito, l’evocatio, il cui scopo era di privare le città assediate, prima di espugnarle, delle loro divinità tutelari.
L’indagine del rito evocatorio porta anche a considerare la riflessione dei Romani in merito al peculiare vincolo che univa gli dèi romani al luogo, espresso in maniera efficace dal genius e dalla misteriosa figura della divinità tutelare segreta di Roma."

Il costante riferimento ai riti funerari delle colonie Greche è da connettere ai regolari scambi con le colonie e la regione circostante. A seguito dei contatti si ha la nascita tra gli indigeni di una classe dirigente. Il territorio di Gravina si trova nell‟estremità meridionale degli Appennini, nelle Murge a dodici chilometri da Altamura, sulla collina Petramagna. Si trattava di un sito indigeno come quelli di Altamura, Matera o Timmari. Nuovi tipi di tombe – la fossa, il sarcofago, la tomba a semicamera e a camera – li troviamo in breve di-stacco cronologico nelle colonie greche di Metaponto e Taranto sulla costa ionica.

Questo volume, che raccoglie gli Atti del LIII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, svoltosi a Taranto dal 26 al 29 settembre 2013, è pubblicato dall'Istituto per la Storia e l'Archeologia della Magna Grecia, con il contributo della Fondazione Taranto e la Magna Grecia e del Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo -DGBID. La redazione è stata curata da A. Alessio, M. Lombardo, A. Siciliano e dalla MUSEION Soc. Coop. Tutte le immagini presenti in questo volume sono consultabili, a colori, seguendo il link alla pagina: <www.isamg.it/ pubblicazioniatticonvegno.html>. Book 53°.indb 4 12/12/2016 11:37:21

Who wanted to become a ‘Roman’ in north-west Italy? Anyone? How did the individual person experience Roman imperialism? How did his or her life change after the Roman conquest, and did it change at all? We need to put ourselves in this position. What would motivate us to change our lifestyle, our habit, our dress, our language and identity so dramatically? We can assume that the top elite in north-west Italy might make use of Roman power structures and Roman symbols of power to consolidate their power. But unlike provinces like Gaul and Britain, this is a process that was taking many generations in Italy in Italy and usually only culminates in the 1st century B.C. and A.D.; Roman symbols of power need to be understood first and still in the bilingual dedication from Vercelli we can see that it was not the dedicant’s aim to express his ‘Romanness’. Instead we can see a long process in which local elites seemingly managed to consolidate their power within the existing sociocultural framework as we can see from the Padane drachma and its iconography, from Lepontic epigraphy and Iron Age material culture (e.g. the vaso a trottola).
But what about other strata of society, like the ‘native’ farmer, trader, and craftsman? Are they really aspiring to take on Roman material culture and lifestyle, culture, humanitas? Many of those sub-elite people were merely trying to survive, trying to make a living in a rapidly changing world. Some were trading on local markets, specialising in goods that yielded the largest profit; others moved to the newly emerging cities, they become parts of guilds (collegia), while others again might join the Roman army. Many would have needed a basic knowledge of Latin to come by in everyday situations. Those people might never have aspired to show themselves as a ‘Roman’, but there must have been group pressures how to act in a particular context (possibly also leading to code switching among many people).Many other sub-elite people were enculturating and getting habituated in the new environment, for example by growing up in a Roman-style cities.
It is therefore necessary to de-construct the traditional theme of ‘Romanisation’ if we want to aspire for a deeper understanding of the changes in Iron Age and Roman north-west Italy. There is not one all-encompassing process, but instead lots of individual developments: there are economic developments (e.g., increasing trade relations; specialisation of production of goods and in agriculture; the monetisation of the economy), there are societal developments (like social and spatial mobility; the grants of ius Latii and Roman citizenship), there are political developments (like the creation of new elites in charge of Roman-style municipalities), there are cultural and religious developments, some of which are a consequence of the former developments, while others are independent. We also need to take into account that Rome herself was changing regarding inter alia the integration of its allies into Roman citizenship, the nature of Roman culture as an increasingly cosmopolitan culture, the promotion of certain imperial and colonial discourses on Rome and the princeps.

The paper discusses two concepts fundamental to recent studies on ancient colonisation. The first concerns a shift away from approaching this phenomenon in terms of single events to a point of view that considers it in terms of processes. The second notion diverges from common conceptions of ancient colonial encounters, that interpret these encounters in strongly oppositional, ethnic terms of Greeks versus natives. In contrast, the authors emphasise the complexity of colonial encounters, questioning the idea that cultures can be readily identified from archaeological remains and associated with ethnic groups, either Greek or indigenous. In line with this, they insist on studying the dynamic and situational nature of identity, and to investigate how material culture and settlement organisation were used as media to negotiate social relations. Both notions are discussed with regard to southeast Italy and in particular the Taranto region, relating theory to fresh archaeological data.

This thesis explores the biological and socio-cultural variability in the populations inhabiting the hinterland and the lower Pescara valley during the 6th-4th centuries BC. These populations, also called Vestini by Roman and Greek historians, were organised in groups of villages, and they were involved in exchange networks with the surrounding cultures. Aside from the archaeological evidence, very little attention has been focused on the human element, on daily practices in life and in death, and on the ways in which these people understood and expressed who they were.
This dissertation, therefore, seeks to determine whether there were differences in diet, health, and identity among different populations’ groups in this region. If differences were found, another aim was to understand how they differed and what inferences could be made to explain the possible reasons for such variability. The research takes a biocultural approach, employing osteological analysis, dental microwear and isotope analysis, for a simultaneous examination of multiple markers of physiological stress and disease, diet indicators and mobility. This, then, paired with an evaluation of funerary customs and material assemblages in burials, provides a multifaceted image of the individuals’ life history. Five cemeteries are included in the study: Loreto Aprutino-Cappuccini, Moscufo-Via Petrarca, and Spoltore-Quagliera, Pescara-Ex Gesuiti, and Nocciano.
Despite limitations due to the small sample size, differences in health and diet are clearly present within and across the cemeteries. Potentially non-local individuals are identified at Loreto Aprutino-Cappuccini. Subtle differences in funerary practices are noted among the cemeteries, but primarily and interestingly between the hinterland and the coastal area. In light of these biological and cultural observations, this investigation into the populations settled in the hinterland and the lower Pescara valley in Abruzzo, can be used as a first step towards a greater understanding of the life and death of small Italic communities in the 6th-4th centuries BC.

"""""Umbria and Umbrians towards the Roman Expansion in 4th century BCE – 2nd BCE


This article is an attempt presenting the role of the Roman Republic's policies towards Umbrian’s tribes (4th century BCE-2nd BCE) and showing the effects of those policies. Umbria was initially an area inhabited by mosaic of Umbrian’s tribes representing various levels of development.
The policy of first conquering and then subordinating this area, as well as the powerful influence of Roman law, ideas, and cultural models, indicates not only the great military might of republican Rome but also the attractiveness of its civilization. Rome's effectiveness resulted mainly from the fact that its actions complemented each other. After victorious military operations, or sometimes at the same time as those operations, came settlement campaigns (colonies: Narnia, Interamna Nahars, Spoletium etc.)
Rome was also a master of diplomacy. It mollified its recent enemies by concluding alliances (foederae with Camerinum, Ocriculum etc.) that created a system of friendly state and tribal organisms and enabled its citizens to live peaceably in the conquered territory. All these actions made it possible to subordinate the region, make the Roman presence permanent, and effectively repulse invaders (Hannibal and his brother – Hasdrubal during the Second Punic War).
The intensified settlement policy in Umbria and the expansion of the infrastructure (roads) facilitated economic contacts between Roman settlements and with the centers of the subjugated, allied native tribes.
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Ricerche internazionali in un centro latino CRUSTUMERIUM Book design, cover design and typesetting: Siebe Boersma, Groningen Institute of Archaeology © The editors and authors, 2013 ISBN 9789491431203 All rights reserved. No part of this publication or the information contained herein may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronical, mechanical, by photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the copyright owners.

This study is a much expanded and updated version of my PhD dissertation (Gothenburg 2005) which concerned the late Etrusco-Italic glyptic production, especially the so-called
a globolo and related scarab gems. The new comprehensive study traces and examines the production and use(s) of engraved gems and seal stones in Central and Southern Italy from the early circulation of imported works, the establishment of immigrant (East Greek) engravers in Etruria and the South, and the development of local workshops in the second half of the sixth century BCE, down to the end of the Etruscan, Italic and South Italian production and the establishment of Roman Republican production centres. The holistic study includes an extensive survey of find contexts and other available archaeological data plus new typological and iconographical analyses. The appended list of items in the surviving corpus of gems in public, corporate and private collections updates and adds about 55% new material to earlier Gesamtkatalogen, notably those of Zazoff (1968), Martini (1971), Krauskopf (1995) and Giovanelli (2015).