Postcolonial and Anticolonial Studies

The dispossession at the core of the fur trade is barely perceptible, especially when recounted as part of the genesis narrative of British North American capitalism and state-formation. By focusing on the exploitation of Indigenous peoples' labour by company traders, I make this dispossession more conspicuous, revealing it as neither a direct nor a uniform process, but rather fragmented and driven by a host of legal, economic, and geopolitical factors. To achieve this, dialectical materialism is the preferred mode of analysis. Such a perspective brings into relief the uneven and combined nature of legal and economic transformation, disclosing the inner dimensions of dispossession that are the principal legacy of the fur trade and British North American settler-colonialism alike. At stake in this study is not only a comprehensive account of the processes of dispossession, but also a commentary on the insidiousness of these processesthat is, an inside look at how customary reciprocity was distorted through exploitative practices that served of dispossession.

Interracial sex mattered to the British colonial state in West Africa. In Crossing the Color Line, Carina E. Ray goes beyond this fact to reveal how Gold Coasters—their social practices, interests, and anxieties—shaped and defined these powerfully charged relations across racial lines. The interplay between African and European perspectives and practices, argues Ray, transformed these relationships into key sites for consolidating colonial rule and for contesting its racial and gendered hierarchies of power.

With rigorous methodology and innovative analyses, Ray brings Ghana and Britain into a single analytic frame by examining cases in both locales. Intimate relations between black men and white women in Britain’s port cities emerge as an influential part of the history of interracial sex and empire in ways that are connected to rather than eclipsed by relations between European men and African women in the colony.

Based on rich archival evidence and original interviews, the book moves across different registers, shifting from the micropolitics of individual disciplinary cases against colonial officers who “kept” local women to transatlantic networks of family, empire, and anticolonial resistance. In this way, Ray cuts to the heart of how interracial sex became a source of colonial anxiety and nationalist agitation during the first half of the twentieth century.

As the advent of the 'postmodern' and theoretically appointed 'postcolonial' ages have brought to the forefront of academic attention, the global history of First Peoples has been mired and desecrated by countless aspects of Judaeo-Christian colonialism and imperialism which have persisted far longer than they ever should have. And of course, as the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis posits that languages not only influence but may even entirely construct our realities and the perspectives they are formed from -something which colonial forces were obviously acutely aware of when they imposed linguistic hegemonies to overtake, erase, assimilate and replace First Peoples’ languages and beliefs with languages such as English, French and Spanish and the socio-political and religious realities embedded within them- it follows logically that the creative and activist translation of these colonial histories and the poetry, writings, myths and stories which were oftentimes partially born as an anticolonial reaction to them, as well as the cultural revival of ancient traditional practices and belief systems to counter these sordid realities, are necessarily a quintessential part of properly honouring these First Peoples and cultures of the Rainbow Tribes and Medicine Wheel, indeed to all of existence.


As such, self-translation is even moreso primordial to the emancipation from neocolonial realities Native, Métis, Inuit and multiethnic/diasporic peoples in general find themselves embedded within -much against their own will- since it allows for a direct expression of their  realities and experiences within eurocentrically linguistic constructs which, without their own anticolonial and activist backgrounds and the ability to self-determine the semantic fields and parameters of what is originally being expressed in their poetry, writings, stories and myths, has otherwise often been lost -or at the very least significantly distorted and/or corrupted/repurposed- by translators who, even with the best of intentions, could not possibly have fully rendered the depth, intensity, complexity and soulful nature of an experience which they had not personally lived, and had likely been quite detached from in terms of their understanding of it.

El sistema económico de base liberal trae consigo importantes consecuencias a nivel social, que tanto en poblaciones urbanas como rurales tiene impactos de gran magnitud. En Chile, es el pueblo mapuche el más afectado con el avance de la sociedad hacia una transformación social que se desdibuja entre la búsqueda del progreso y la explotación desenfrenada. Producto de este modelo, los pueblos originarios ven cómo sus derechos humanos son violentados frente a un Estado incapaz de proteger la cultura y la tierra en la que se funda la identidad del país. En definitiva, la explotación de la tierra fundamentada en la idea de progreso, trasciende la vida humana y las consecuencias sociales y medioambientales, traspasando incluso las normas morales y éticas en las que se sostienen las relaciones sociales y la justicia.

The ongoing colonial dispossession of Indigenous peoples is predicated on the idea of a hierarchy of civilizations wherein western culture is positioned at the ontogenetic apex of civilizational maturity - as 'modern' - and non-western societies are positioned in contradistinction as dependent infants or children. Colonial modernity is exemplified in politics organized around adult capacities for speech and reason and, therefore, governed according to liberal democratic norms within a sovereign state. In this paper, I examine Indian intellectual Ashis Nandy's unique and potent critical explorations of the ontogenetic model of colonial modernity. I argue that Nandy's work on the infantilization of cultures and the " ideology of adulthood, " which he derives in part from Gandhian practices of resistance, stands alone in postcolonial and subaltern studies in allowing us to clearly identify three modes of anti-colonial resistance, two of which are problematic in their endorsement of the ontogenetic model. The first, epitomized by the Marxist anti-colonial struggles of the 1950s and 60s, asserts that Indigenous societies are capable of pursuing and achieving western thresholds of civilizational maturity. The second, embodied in the post-Marxian notion of alternative or multiple modernities, asserts that Indigenous peoples are developing their own hybridized measures of maturity. The third, developed primarily by Nandy, rejects both the colonial premise of cultural development as well as the hierarchical distinction between child and adult that fundamentally grounds coloniality. Although post-Marxian modes of resistance are currently the most prevalent they tend to recapitulate the logic of development and, I argue, we can therefore look to Nandy's non-developmental mode of resistance for a more thorough and effective understanding of the contemporary colonial condition. I conclude with some suggested amendments to Nandy's work, specifically with respect to his observations on the colonial feminization of non-western cultures, which I suggest is best understood as internal to the ontogenetic model.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

This chapter addresses the life and works of Italian transnational anarchist and anti-fascist Camillo Berneri (1897-1937) drawing upon Berneri’s archives and original papers, never translated into English with only few exceptions. For the first time, I analyse Berneri’s work through spatial lenses, investigating the contributions that this can bring to the contemporary fields of critical, radical and subaltern geopolitics. My argument is twofold. First, I argue that the analysis of spaces of exile and transnational solidarity networks are paramount for understanding the trajectories of anarchist anti-fascism between the two world wars. Berneri is an outstanding representative of an entire generation of Italian anarchists and antifascists. He was eventually defined ‘the most expelled anarchist of Europe’ due to his innumerable travels and tribulations across the borders of Italy, France, Germany, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg and Spain. Second, I argue that Berneri’s writings on the geopolitical problems that the Spanish revolution had to face from 1936, such as the question of the armed defence from Franco’s troops and the Italian imperialism in the Balearic Islands, can nourish present-day perspectives in radical internationalism and stateless geopolitics. The prickliness of Berneri’s analyses, published in the journals of Italian anarchists fighting in Spain with the CNT-FAI, can also explain why he was murdered by Stalinist agents during the Bloody Week of Barcelona in May 1937, just few days after delivering a radio speech where Berneri pronounced a moved tribute to another Italian anti-fascist, Antonio Gramsci, just died in a fascist prison in Italy.

"Ex oriente nigri: "Captain of the Blacks" and the Fabrication of the Minoan Culture

The fabrication of the Minoan culture is the specifically modern phenomenon, closely linked to the imperial and colonial conquest and appropriation of Ancient Greece. The Greek war of independence created an arena in which Europe could take part in the fight for its cradle. In the postcolonial key, the paper situates the fresco "Captain of the Blacks" into the context of the fabrication of the Minoan culture and the colonial narratives inscribed into it. In the beginning of the 20th century, this colonial past of the notion, known today as the Minoan culture, played a major role in the definition of the European past, present and future. The Minoan culture, as a colonial discursive formation in archaeology, has remained in the framework of the culture-histori-cal paradigm, but beyond it as well. The paper argues that the reconstructionof the fresco "Captain of the Blacks" in the works of Arthur Evans is the consequence of the colonial racism, putting the emphasis on the colour of the skin as a racial/ ethnic category. The interpretation that the dark-skinned figures are of the African origin has rarely been questioned, but rather perpetuated as a given.

Key words: Minoan culture, racism, "Captain of the Blacks", Egypt,colonialism, post-colonial perspective"

Neste artigo ensaiamos uma reflexão teórica sobre as dimensões atlânticas e de história comparada. Partindo dos estudos sobre quilombos e os movimentos contemporâneos de luta pela terra como os remanescentes quilombolas propomos uma avaliação metodológica sobre o uso de algumas categorias no campo da sociologia e da Ciência Política.
Palavras chaves: quilombo, revolução social, movimentos antirracistas

This paper seeks to explore Tagore’s idea of education and its role in the context of the turbulent period of India’s struggle for freedom during the first few years of the last century. During the period of 1890 to1910, Tagore was producing all those overtly political writings, delivering public lectures replete with distinct nationalist themes, and was advocating for self-empowerment by growing indigenous economic enterprises, went on to establish swadeshi bhandars (nationalist shops). It is in this context, it is highly significant to locate Tagore’s invention of a new pedagogy whereby a completely new way of imparting education to the Indians would be envisioned. The principal precept of this education system is the use of Bengali or Indian language as an alternative to the colonial mode of education. Needless to reiterate that Tagore’s school in Santiniketan founded formally in 1901 became the fundamental rallying point of his idea of decolonizing Indian educational system.

Chaque année, le Comptoir suisse invite des pays comme "hôte d'honneur". Pour l'édition de 1973, le Portugal - une dictature depuis le milieu des années 1920 et engagé dans une guerre coloniale - est convié à installer son pavillon dans l'enceinte de la foire commerciale. Depuis le milieu des années 1960, le Comptoir voit défiler un million de visiteurs dans ses halles; il est également devenu une institution dans le paysage helvétique, un lieu de "mise en scène" du made in Switzerland et de la "suissitude". Alors que les invitations de pays étrangers est devenu une routine, le Portugal est la cible d'une contestation importante  (tandis que la présence d'autres pays - comme l'Espagne en 1967 ou la Tchécoslovaquie en 1969 - n'engendre aucune mobilisation). Une coalition de forces rassemblant la gauche radicale et des groupes chrétiens progressistes parvient à faire de la présence un problème. Mobilisant une vaste gamme d'instruments (pétition, manifestations, théâtre de rue, contre-expositions, lettres de lecteurs, brochures, tracts, projections de films, etc.), ces groupes rencontrent un certain succès au point qu'un évêque et la moitié de la députation socialiste boycottent les journées officielles. Moment fort des "années 1968" en Suisse, ce travail revient sur cette mobilisation en faisant appel à une approche théorique lié à l'étude des scandales.

Accretion, articulation, exploration, transformation, naming, sentiment, private and public property these are just a few of Juliana Spahr's interests. In this, her third collection of poetry, we find her performing her characteristic magic, turning these theoretical concerns into a poetic odyssey.

From her first poem, written in Honolulu, Hawaii, to the last, written in Berkeley, California, about her childhood in Appalachia, Spahr takes us on a wild patchwork journey backwards and forwards in time and space, tracking change in ecology, society, economies, herself. Through a collage of ''found language'' a deep curiosity about place, and a restless intelligence, Spahr demonstrates the vibrant possibilities of an investigatory poetics. This verse is more inclusive than exclusive; consistently Spahr includes grape varietals, the shrinking of public beachfront in Hawaii, endangered plant, fish, and wildlife species, the melting of the polar ice caps, and comparative poverty rates in her eclectic repertoire. She also knows how to sing in the oldest tradition of poetry of loss, and her lament for nature is the most keen.

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the colonies controlled by the British, the Dutch, and other European countries witnessed a number of devastating famines. These famines did not solely arise for the ‘natural’ reasons of the shortage of rainfall or food availability problems, but were aggravated by the systemic imperialist exploitation of the world by these major European powers. Taking as its case study the two great famines in Ireland and India – the 1845–52 Irish Famine and the 1943–44 Bengal Famine – the essay offers a reading of Liam O'Flaherty's Famine (1937) and Bhabani Bhattacharya's So Many Hungers! (1947). It shows that these works – apart from registering the devastating impact of the famines on the colonial population – have pointed through their powerful uses of content, form, and style to the world-historical reasons of long-term agrarian crisis, political instability, tyranny of the landlord classes, inefficiency of the British Empire, and others as responsible for the famines.

The concepts of unspoken & metaphorical translation are fascinating ones to examine in the context of the myriad phonetic perceptions which occur in the course of a poetic musical experience such as the one I am about to offer you. The song I will be analyzing is part of a very unique subcategory of Hip-Hop which has often been referred to as spiritual Hip-Hop (which incidentally has no affiliation with religious Hip-Hop), and also contains elements of Vedic or kirtan Hip-Hop, as well as Sludge-Hop or Hell-Hop. All these may seem to be quite contradictory at times, but as I hope to show you these conundrums are in fact the essence of the message being transmitted. The song “The Secrets of the Golden Flower” by Son of Saturn, also known as Son of Satya (Truth in Sanskrit), and now as Ackumen, was created as a part of the collective Plague Monks, which as the founders Soul Shinobi and Vice-Versa explain, is a unique brand of Hip-Hop fusing electro-spiritual musical influences that recontextualize the often gloomy, depressing and negative energies which permeate our reality and transmute them into worthwhile, even cathartic or transcendental spiritual experiences, ones in which suffering with purpose and awareness offers us growth rather than stagnation. When you listen to this song, picture a fallen monk in a dark robe that harnesses the conflicting energy of the horrid pestilence of his ghastly surroundings in which he bathes and channels it into cryptic, darkly enlightening poetry. So at once the poet is expressing his dejection and corruption, yet he is also showing the listener that there is inherent divinity within all. Of course, each of you will likely have a different interpretation of what this song actually means according to your own understanding, musical preference and personal journey, and I would like to invite you to ponder the implications of this. There are as many possible “translations” of each of the concepts and sentences in this song as there are beings on this planet. Many will share a number of similarities, others will not. What I am offering you today is my persona translation of what remains unspoken, which is to say, of the meaning behind each of the ancient words and concepts he uses.

“The Secret of the Golden Flower” is an ancient Taoist treatise written by the Chinese mystic Lu Tzu, Lao-Tzu's predecessor. Lao-Tzu is often regarded as the founder of Taoism and his magnum opus, the Tao-te-Ching (The Book of the Way and its Virtue) is almost as famous as the Bible yet very few know about The Secret of the Golden Flower. I was not even familiar with it before I endeavoured to write this presentation.

This ancient esoteric treatise was transmitted orally for centuries before being recorded on a series of wooden tablets in the eighth century. It was recorded by a member of the Religion of Light, whose leader was the Taoist adept Lu Tzu (also known as Lu Yen and Lu “Guest of the Cavern”). It is said that Lu Tzu  became one of the Eight Immortals using these methods. The ideas have been traced back to Persia and the Zarathustra tradition and its roots in the Egyptian Hermetic tradition.

There is a rich intellectual history to the development of anti-colonial
thought and practice. In discussing the politics of knowledge
production, this collection borrows from and builds upon this
intellectual traditional to offer understandings of the macro-political
processes and structures of education delivery (e. g., social organization
of knowledge, culture, pedagogy and resistant politics). The
contributors raise key issues regarding the contestation of knowledge,
as well as the role of cultural and social values in understanding the
way power shapes everyday relations of politics and subjectivity. In
reframing anti-colonial thought and practice, this book reclaims the
power of critical, oppositional discourse and theory for educational
transformation. Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of
Resistance, includes some the most current theorizing around anticolonial practice, written specifically for this collection. Each of the
essays extends the terrain of the discussion, of what constitutes anticolonialism. Among the many discursive highlights is the interrogation
of the politics of embodied knowing, the theoretical distinctions and
connections between anti-colonial thought and post-colonial theory,
and the identification of the particular lessons of anti-colonial theory
for critical educational practice. Essays explore such key issues as the
challenge of articulating anti-colonial thought as an epistemology of
the colonized, anchored in the indigenous sense of collective and
common colonial consciousness; the conceptualization of power
configurations embedded in ideas, cultures and histories of
marginalized communities; the understanding of indigeneity as
pedagogical practice; and the pursuit of agency, resistance and
subjective politics through anti-colonial learning.

The 1955 Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, Indonesia was a seminal event of the twentieth century. Meanings of Bandung: Postcolonial Orders and Decolonial Visions revisits the conference not only as a political and institutional platform, but also as a cultural and spiritual moment. At Bandung, formerly colonized peoples came together as global subjects to co-imagine and deliberate on a more just world order. Our book attends to what remains seriously under-studied: Bandung as the enunciation of a different globalism long in the making, and as an-other archive of desires and sensibilities.

This essay surveys some recent attempts to decolonize political theory and engage with non-western political thinkers and traditions, especially anticolonialism. Our concern is that these engagements remain too centered on western political thought as the object of critique and analysis. Through the example of Gandhi and Fanon, we argue that anticolonialism, while engaged in a critique of the west, also had a positive or reconstructive theoretical agenda, one that has been taken up in creative ways in postcolonial political thought. Taking cues from the work of Sudipta Kaviraj, Partha Chatterjee, and Mahmood Mamdani, the essay proposes an alternative mode of decolonizing political theory that takes as its central aim the generation of theory from a study of postcolonial politics. It argues for a historically attuned and comparative approach to postcolonial politics that aims to innovate new concepts and reanimate inherited ones. From this perspective, decolonizing political theory is less a recurring critique of Eurocentrism than an effort to shift the terrain of theorizing and thereby reinvigorate the practice of political theory as such.

Table of Contents


Acknowledgments
I. Amílcar Cabral and Critical Theory: Introductions, Investigations, and Interpretations
a. The Weapon of Critical Theory: Amílcar Cabral, Cabralism, and Africana Critical Theory (Reiland Rabaka)
b. Imbrications of Coloniality: An Introduction to Cabralist Critical Theory in Relation to Contemporary Struggles (Dan Wood)
Translator’s Note
II. Analysis of a Few Types of Resistance
a. Political Resistance
b. Economic Resistance
c. Cultural Resistance
d. Armed Resistance
III. The Role of Culture in the Struggle for Independence
Bibliography
Index

Reviews

"Amilcar Cabral defines African critical theory as well as radical African politics. This book shows the unfailing engagement and the rigourous thinking a concrete philosopher needs in order to decolonize a society. That’s true even in contemporary struggles. This book belongs to the “postcolonial library.”
-Seloua Luste Boulbina, Research Associate in Philosophy, University of Paris VII

"Wood’s essay, “Imbrications of Coloniality: An Introduction to Cabralist Critical Theory in Relation to Contemporary Struggles,” contributes an elegant and eloquent contextualization of Cabral’s thought. Students of Cabral who have an appreciation for those works that examine Cabral as more than a philosopher or theorist will appreciate Wood’s attention to the context of these lectures to the PAIGC. Wood’s attention to Cabral’s analysis of religion in the context of the “coloniality of religious power” (61) is, as Woods states, quite timely."
-Charles Peterson, Journal of Lusophone Studies

"Resistance and Decolonization is a tour-de-force in the bourgeoning field of Cabral studies and/or the epistemology that can be called Cabralism from the decolonial epistemic perspective. The spectre of Cabral haunts us and the fundamental questions which he raises from the positionality of being dehumanized bring about the unmasking of coloniality in the modern colonial world. Dan Wood’s translation, as a decolonial testament, instils that Cabral still lives and another world is possible."
-Tendayi Sithole, Associate Professor of African Politics, University of South Africa.

"Wood has […] performed a great service with this translation, not just to those who maintain an interest in African philosophy or Global Theory, but to philosophers, cultural critics, political scientists, and political theorists more generally."
-Review 31

"Cabral offers rich insight into the role and importance of culture in expanding Marxism to address modern national liberation and identity movements. Cabral is then useful to a broad range of philosophers and activists in critical race theory, politics of identity, transitional justice, and decolonialism. More generally, Resistance and Decolonialization is essential and successful in rendering African critical theory and its rich insights more visible. Marx & Philosophy Review of Books This is a very important and timely publication that adds to existing collections of Amílcar Cabral’s revolutionary writings and is therefore a welcome addition to the works of one of the most original African thinkers of national emancipation during the 20th century."
-Theory & Event

"These essays introduce us to Cabral the trans-disciplinary Africana critical social theorist, who picks up the weapon of theory not only in liberation of the wretched of the earth, but also to eradicate ‘the condition of wretchedness’ and ‘realise anticolonial revolution, trans-ethnic working-class struggle and revolutionary humanism.’”
-Leiden Journal of International Law

This paper explores the foundational role of race in humanitarianism, its historical geographies, genealogy, and contemporary practice. I pay particular attention to the work of Sylvia Wynter on the overrepresentation of (white bourgeois) Man in modernist understandings of the human that form the basis of humanitarianism in the present. Building on Wynter I offer an alter-historical geography of humanitarianism, locating its genus in the voyages of 1441 and 1492 that unsettles other critical work on the colonial origins of humanitarianism as both a normative and instrumental form of governance and their geographies. In following what Wynter terms a “human view”, I explore the racist orderings of Rational Man and his irrational, racialised ‘others’ that work to structure humanitarianism’s subjects. Alongside this I consider the parasitic relations of humanitarianism to the negation of life enacted through the genocide of Black and Indigenous peoples, arguing humanitarianism’s claims to save lives and relieve suffering cannot be divorced from conquistador violence. I argue that grappling with what Wynter calls “category problems” is necessary as humanitarianism — or huManitarianism — faces the contemporary challenges raised by Black Lives Matter that undermine and question its universalist legitimacy.

In the 1980s, freedom fighters and hackers from South Africa built an autonomous encrypted communication network that allowed activists infiltrated on the ground to communicate with the senior leadership of the African National Congress (ANC) based in Lusaka, Zambia via London. The encrypted communication network was set up as part of Operation Vula to attempt to launch a people's war and ultimately liberate a people's from apartheid. This article speaks to the history of technology in its attempts to further document and elucidate the encrypted communication network. To accomplish this, it draws both on previously available sources and also personal accounts obtained through interviews with some of the core individuals involved in the network's functioning. It also aims at expanding our understanding of highly intentional, politically-motivated practices of hacking, and the socio-technical infrastructures needed for such practices to exist.

This article offers a reappraisal of Monsieur Toussaint, a
play about the final days of the Haitian revolutionary Toussaint
L’Ouverture by the Martinican writer and theorist Édouard Glissant.
Written between 1959 and 1961, when Glissant was forced to remain
in France due to his political activities, Monsieur Toussaint was
not performed until 1977 and, by the author’s own account, “was not
crafted according to the economy of theatrical representation.” Rather
than taking the later version scénique [scenic version] as the definitive
version (as critics and translators invariably do), I consider the
non-performance of the original play as integral to its commentary
on the Haitian Revolution and to what Glissant calls the Antilles’s
“non-history.” Ultimately, I show how, when faced with an impasse in
the movement for decolonization, Glissant circumvents the here and
now of “live” performance in order to create what he calls a “prophetic
vision of the past” – a spectral stage.

Artículo publicado en el no. 10 de revista Alzaprima. Investigación y creación, Departamento de Artes Plásticas de la Universidad de Concepción, Chile. Agosto de 2017.

Abstract:
La figura del artista latinoamericano emerge en la década de los sesenta como expresión de una voluntad inédita de politización y articulación colectiva. A partir de la lectura de ésta en los postulados del artista, educador y teórico del arte germano-uruguayo Luis Camnitzer, expuestos en su Didáctica de la Liberación: Arte conceptualista latinoamericano (2007), podemos concebir al conceptualismo como integrante de un campo intelectual anticolonial extensivo a la región completa, a partir de su deseo de una historia del arte propia, con categorías autónomas y un horizonte emancipatorio regional. Palabras clave: artista latinoamericano, arte la-tinoamericano, crítica de arte, pensamiento an-ticolonial.

The figure of the Latin American artist that emerges in the sixties in an expression of an unprecedented will of collective politicization and articulation. Upon a reading of the postulates of German-Uruguayan artist, educator and art theorist Luis Camnitzer, in his Didactics of Liberation: Latin American conceptualist art (2007), we may conceive conceptualism as part of an extensive anticolonial intellectual field in the entire region, based on its desire for an art history of its own, with autonomous categories and a regional emancipatory horizon.

This is a paper I gave to the New Polis conference at the University of Denver by Zoom on 16th April 2021. https://thenewpolis.com/2021/03/22/decoloniality-and-disintegration-of-western-cognitive-empire-rethinking-sovereignty-and-territoriality-in-the-21st-century-international-conference-program/ Here is the video with powerpoint  slides https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qkeL60bk-g8
In this paper I identify two problems:
1. The way the language and history of colonialism make the question of the colonial status of Scotland contentious. In histories of empire (including postcolonial histories) the role of incorporating Union of 1707 tends to be treated as a Scottish problem rather than part of a global analysis. By contrast, in histories of Scotland the geopolitical context can be overwhelmed by the detail and the who, what and when, which can obscure the why and the colonial context.
2. The problem of collusion and its implications for colonial/decolonial/postcolonial studies. I show how approaches to competitive oppression, based on anachronistic readings of history, perpetuate the tactic of divide and rule - so effectively applied by colonial powers.
I re-read the 'incorporating Union' of 1707 as one of the many instances of the rhetoric of imperialism. I propose this can assist in a consideration of the status of Scotland in the contemporary debate. - it's a kind of ‘no but yes argument’ - which addresses the continuing dynamics of colonial strategies being played by London to obstruct Scottish Independence in 2021. This is not a paper about the past, it is a paper about the present.

Une version portugaise de cet article existe également:
– « Moçambique, o "fim da história"… única. Trajectórias dos anticolonialismos em Moçambique », Africana Studia (Porto, Centro de estudos africanos da Universidade de Letras), 15, 2e semestre 2011 : 195-240 (traduction du français en portugais par Salvador Cadete Forquilha) (<https://www.academia.edu/4374064/Mocambique_o_fim_da_historia_..._unica._Trajectorias_dos_anticolonialismos_em_Mocambique>)
Longue étude historique et politique sur le livre de Barnabé Lucas Ncomo, Uria Simango, um homem, um causa, Maputo, NovAfrica, 2004, le premier livre écrit par un Mozambicain remettant en cause l’histoire officielle de la trajectoire nationaliste. Mais l’histoire est-elle le contraire mécanique de l’histoire officielle ? La critique, parfois sévère, de cet ouvrage, permet de passer en revue la plupart des grandes questions historiographiques relatives aux anticolonialismes dans le Mozambique contemporain.

Moving transversally across feminist, ecofeminist, anticolonial and posthuman positions, this paper gathers up various insights on the problem of representation. This gleaning not only highlights how these positions might collectively refigure technologies of representation, but also emphasises the important continuities, overlaps and shared concerns in these theoretical engagements. What emerges is the possibility of posthuman representation of non-human natures—in other words, a representation without representationalism, where the notion of a pre-representational reality as ontologically distinct from and hierarchically ordered in relation to its representation is rejected. The kind of representation I seek would remain concerned with the urgent need to advocate for the interests of others (non-humans, in this case), but also with the risk of capture and appropriation that runs alongside the impetus to ‘speak for others’ highlighted by feminist and anticolonial debates. Drawing on but extending these discussions, I link the problem of representationalism specifically to a tenacious nature/culture dualism. Here, posthuman feminist theories, and the work of Vicki Kirby in particular, prove helpful for navigating a path through the ontological quagmire of representationalism as intimately bound to the nature/culture split. Following an elaboration of Kirby’s flattened ontological schema where all matter is ‘nature writing itself’ differently—that is, as a difference differing— I return finally to the  fraught ethics of representing others (human and more-than-human). Accepting that representation is necessary, but that it should not entail mastery, I advocate paying closer attention to the lessons of anticolonial feminism, where the stakes of such representations are particularly high. Here, posthuman representation becomes a question of planetarity (Spivak 2003) as well.

This chapter frames the OSPAAAL within the longer historical arc of the inter-war League Against Imperialism (LAI). It argues that the OSPAAAL recovered five major ideological tendencies of the LAI’s understudied Americas-based section, the Anti-Imperialist League of the Americas (La liga anti-imperialista de las Américas) (LADLA), created in Mexico City in 1925. Despite the similarities of the political projects of these organizations, they exhibited a major difference in that the LADLA, in its early years, demonstrated less commitment to Black struggles in the Americas and was more focused on organizing with Indigenous communities. Through fashioning itself as a non-race-based global movement that prioritized Black struggles, the OSPAAAL aimed to correct for this limitation of its predecessor. However, although the OSPAAAL focused on Black struggles from its inception, it did so largely with respect to African Americans in the United States and South Africa, repeating the tendency of its predecessor to elide the problems of anti-Black racism in Latin America.

In "Counter-History of the Present," Gabriel Rockhill contests, dismantles, and displaces one of the most widespread understandings of the contemporary world: that we are all living in a democratized and globalized era intimately connected by a single, overarching economic and technological network. Noting how such a narrative fails to account for the experiences of the billions of people who lack economic security, digital access, and real political power, Rockhill interrogates the ways in which this grand narrative has emerged in the same historical, economic, and cultural context as the fervid expansion of neoliberalism. He also critiques the concurrent valorization of democracy, which is often used to justify U.S. military interventions on the behalf of capital. Developing an alternative account of the current conjuncture that acknowledges the plurality of lived experiences around the globe and in different social strata, he shifts the foundations upon which debates about the contemporary world can be staged. Rockhill's counter-history thereby offers a new grammar for historical narratives, creating space for the articulation of futures no longer engulfed in the perpetuation of the present.

"A high level polemic attacking the current enthusiasm for the notion of globalization—which Gabriel Rockhill regards as a feature of the political imaginary of our time—Counter-History of the Present will be discussed alongside work by Jameson, Harvey, and Lyotard." — Andrew Feenberg, author of "The Philosophy of Praxis: Marx, Lukács, and the Frankfurt School"

"In an era that, according to Lyotard, was supposed to have seen the end of the grand narratives, a grand narrative is spreading according to which globalization, technological development, and democracy are irresistibly marching forward in step. Gabriel Rockhill refutes this apologetic discourse not simply by appealing to growing social polarization, to shantytowns condemned to backwardness, to the toppling of democratically elected governments established by self-styled champions of democracy. 'Counter-History of the Present' is also an occasion for critical reflection on a series of theoretical categories (beginning with that of history) that dominant contemporary thought employs in an apologetic and often Eurocentric sense. In this way, Rockhill’s book is thus an important reference point for understanding and transforming the present." — Domenico Losurdo, author of "War and Revolution: Rethinking the Twentieth Century"

This article analyses Aravind Adiga’s Booker prize-winning novel The White Tiger (2008) through the lens of justice: philosophical, legal, and literary. What is justice when its agent is subaltern—disprivileged by both caste and class—and delivers justice to himself? I argue that the fictional representation of class, caste, poverty, and violence can be similar to the structuring and translations of justice. By writing his novel from the perspective of a subaltern character, Adiga joins the call by Dalit critics to reconfigure modernity from the interests of the oppressed and the marginalized. In the process, there can be a rethinking of postcolonial literary criticism from within the postcolonial nation, rather than the established perspective of the postcolonial nation understanding its own colonial oppression. My essay provokes wider insights into the implications for justice and human rights as they are informed and represented by literary fiction, subaltern theory, and deconstructive theory. How can a writer conceive of and represent justice—literary justice—by working within and against philosophical and legal conceptions of justice? The philosophers and theorists I invoke include Drucilla Cornell, Jacques Derrida, Wai Chee Dimock, Emmanuel Levinas, Gayatri Chakravarty Spivak, and Robert Young.

“Um beijo para quem é travesti”, escrevem em cima de algumas fotos e imagens por telas de computador.

E eu me pergunto, com alguma inocência e curiosidade sincera, se alguma destas pessoas, de fato, já beijou uma travesti. Se conhece alguma travesti, até, ou se já conversou com alguma por alguns minutos.

Não sei. E, ao não saber, começo a refletir sobre algumas coisas...

As Willi Braun suggests in Introducing Religion, "A common frustration for scholars of religion concerns the restrictions, often self-restrictions explicitly invoked or tacitly obeyed by students at all career stages, that are placed on curiosity: the "better not ask" or "better not go there" affective stances that are put down as obstacles to the pursuit of a disciplined drive toward a cogent intelligibility of human practices we have come to call, in virtue of some stipulated markers, "religion" or "religious". The Pandora of myth is still censured in the academy, it seems, as the arch-or original sinner, the anti-model of intellection, that evil woman (it would be a woman, of course) whose curiosity released a can of toxic worms that kills cats, rather than as the mythic hero of curiosity as the giver of everything -which is what Pandora means." 1 These restrictions as to the limits of where 'Religious Studies' should end and popular/fringe culture in the derogatory sense many scholars view it should begin, are exactly what this essay intends to explore. If I have learned one thing above any other in this 1

Using a brief summary of the development of postcolonial studies and anticolonial thought as its main backdrop, the essay explores  representations of postcolonial imagination in various public history projects in contemporary Kyrgyzstan.

By linking public history and postcolonial thought, the essay demonstrates that the production of historical narratives from below, by non-professional historians, is rarely motivated by strictly historical goals.

Indeed, publicity here is a tool for subjecting historical materials to a process of deep recycling. The past is mined for forms, plots, events, and connections, which, then, enable ‘public historians’ to create and circulate stories about the present.

As a result, various historical projects not only (re)establish links with previously inaccessible historical periods, but also they effectively change the public context in which non-professional historians situate themselves.

Historical knowledge here is public in its form and postcolonial in its content.

Relying on Kyrgyz cinema and scholarly publications, the essay identifies two separate but interrelated postcolonial discourses – the ‘poetics of orphanhood’ and the ‘politics of belonging’. It argues that these two public languages of self-description are structured around the same themes of origin and relatedness. Each discourse problematizes these topics in its own way, but both discourses are intertwined in an intriguing symbolic dialogue.

An updated and improved version of this essay can be found in Chapter 2 of my book Epistemic Decolonization (2020).

In this essay I analyze and chart a number of the different conceptual and philosophical issues pertinent to discourses concerning 'epistemic decolonization.' Such discussions occur across a wide range of disciplines and often involve equivocations and/or overt disagreements about fundamental issues. This piece offers one account of why epistemic (de)colonization is a problem in the first place and brings to light some of the key differences between a number of different approaches to the decolonization of knowledge. The present clarification, I argue, is crucial to linking projects of theoretical decolonization to concrete political programs and to overcoming a prima facie approach to decolonizing knowledge.

Anti-colonialism is a scam today.
It is the ideological abode of new forms of capital accumulation, symbolised by the Capitalist International of the Postcolonial Immigrant and Silicon Valley.
Anti-colonialism propels the intensification of the 'social death' of black people.

Pretendo  analisar  parte  do  conjunto  de  imagens  relacionadas  à  cantora  Shakira,  com-preendendo-a como uma personagem geográfica e indagando sobre seu papel na enun-ciação de um movediço sentido global de lugar e de um inconstante sentido global de “raça”. Para a tarefa, a partir de movimentações epistêmicas, debato com os escritos anti-coloniais, pós-coloniais e decoloniais a respeito da ideia de “raça” e certa literatura sobre a narração de lugares, entrelaçando-os à torrente de imagens tecnicamente reprodutíveis que inunda e transcorre o globo. Assim, trato “raça” como performatividade, linguagem e imagem e alinho o debate sobre “imagem” com o debate etnorracial. Conduzo essa argumentação com o auxílio de montagens de imagens, uma narrativa visual não linear.

Palavras-chave: Shakira, imagem, raça, lugar, personagem geográfica.

Case studies in postcolonial contextualization mark a forty-year-old missiolog-ical trend in evangelical scholarship. The largely unqualified support of indigenous theological expression by mission theorists represents an epistemological shift from a conservative bibliology toward felt-needs evangelization and religious roundtable dialogue methods. Evangelical contextualization theory today echoes German Ro-manticism's early assessments of indigenous language and local religion, especially as seen in the works of pluralistic Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803). No study of postcolonial contextualization is complete without considering the enduring influence of Herder's " vernacular consciousness " on the current missiological mindset.