Poitical Science

מאמר זה בוחן את המושג רפובליקניזם, בפרט אל מול המושג לאומיות, ומסיק שישראל זקוקה לתודעה רפובליקנית אך כזו המחזקת את הלאומיות ולא באה תחתיה.
חלקו הראשון של מאמר זה (סעיפים א-ג) מתאר את ליבת העמדה הרפובליקנית ואת הגרסאות השונות לה זכתה במחקר ובהגות הנאו-רפובליקנית בעשורים האחרונים. עיון זה מלמד שהעמדה הרפובליקנית איננה בהכרח חלופה ללאומיות ובגרסאות מסוימות שלה היא אף השלמה נדרשת עבורה.
בחלקו השני (סעיפים ד-ה) המאמר בוחן את את היתכנותו של רפובליקניזם לאומי מתוך המסורת היהודית ומתוך המחשבה הציונית. הוא מתאר את קיומם של יסודות רפובליקניים במחשבה היהודית אך גם מבהיר מדוע נדרש מאמץ פרשני וחינוכי לשם הטמעתם בחשיבה הישראלית.
חלקו השלישי של המאמר (סעיפים ו-ז) מנתח את השימוש הכושל בשיח על רפובליקניזם סביב הדיון על לימודי האזרחות בישראל, וכן בוחן את המשמעות המיטיבה האפשרית של תודעה רפובליקנית עבור מיעוטים במדינת לאום ובפרט עבור ערביי ישראל.

Mark Curtis is an outspoken British journalist unafraid of the disquiets of the establishment as he embarks on his goal to expose the fallacies of British foreign policy in the Middle East, especially during the twentieth century and beyond. This review essay explores these issues as identified and studied in his 2018 book, Secret Affairs.

Political writing as a sub-theme in Indian writing has engaged to be the strongest soul of democratic system of the society for centuries now. Though it is a stylish form of area under literature which easily gains attraction from every corner of the nation, it has not been very easy for the writers to be able to adapt with the later consequences that waits them. It has seen many of the struggles to find its space within the broad but shrunk mind-set of the leaders and government machinery. Mahasweta Devi, one such eminent activist who wrote for eighteen hours a day during the peak period of her career gave a light to the nation about the plight of people suffering under the democratic masked authoritarian government. She worked for the rights and empowerment of the tribal people (Lodha and Shabar) of West Bengal, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh states of India. She is praised for her vibrant tolerance to oppose the powerful rule that was mostly feared by majority of the men writers of the period. She became the light house of the scattered thoughts of tribes and the outcomes of the situation, called to be the Naxalites. Mahasweta exposes the feudal system which is anti-tribal, anti-women, anti-poor and anti-tiller. Present study is an attempt to explore and throw light on Mahasweta Devi " s theme of Political displacement with the help of her selected work " Mother of 1084 " and a few others. It is to state the fact that, she wished for an alternative government that really would solve the issues of the common man, especially the tribal community. Similar to her views, the rebels would arise from each corner of the country. But in the true sense, it is not to capture the country and its constitution, but to save the poorest of the poor from the shadows of thirsty blood suckers.

Коцюбинский Д.А. Думская монархия (1906-1917) в современной историографии: проблема переосмысления и уточнения понятийно-категориального аппарата // Таврические чтения 2019. Актуальные проблемы парламентаризма: история и современность. Сб. научных статей Международной научной конференции. В 2-х частях. Под ред. А.Б. Николаева. 2020. – Ч. 2. – С. 44-61.

Помимо статьи, в публикации содержатся материалы дискуссии по теме сообщения. (С. 62-86).

Penelitian ini mendeskripsikan kinerja partai politik Gerindra dalam kaderisasi politisi perempuan di
DPRD Kota Yogyakarta serta kaderisasi politisi perempuan dalam keanggotaan dan kepengurusan.
Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Subyek penelitian ditentukan menggunakann
teknik purposive dengan jumlah informan 5 orang. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan
wawancara dan dokumentasi. Keabsahan data diperiksa dengan teknik cross check. Teknik analisis data
melalui tahapan reduksi, penyajian, dan verifikasi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pertama,
kinerja partai politik Gerindra dalam kaderisasi keanggotaan memberikan kesempatan yang sama antara
laki-laki dan perempuan untuk bergabung dalam partai politik, belum ada perlakuan khusus dalam
kaderisasi keanggotaan politisi perempuan; kedua, kaderisasi partai politik Gerindra dalam kepengurusan
pada tingkat DPC Kota Yogyakarta sudah menempatkan politisi perempuan, terdapat pendidikan kader
yang dilakukan oleh Pimpinan Pusat di Hambalang Bogor; ketiga, kinerja partai politik Gerindra untuk
meningkatkan keterwakilan politisi perempuan di DPRD Kota Yogyakarta belum sepenuhnya melembaga
dan terstruktur pelaksanaannya dari tahun ke tahun, meningkatknya keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD
Kota Yogyakarta merupakan terobosan Ketua DPC Gerindra Kota Yogyakarta sebagai strategi alternatif
untuk menyiasati masih rendahnya keterwakilan perempuan pada Pemilu sebelumnya.

In the past few years, we have witnessed that many different types of innovative technologies, such as crowdsourcing, ridesharing, open and big data, have been adopted around the world with the aim of delivering public services in a more efficient and effective way. Among them, ridesharing has received substantial attention from decision makers around the world. Because of the multitude of currently understood or potentially unknown risks associated with ridesharing (unemployment, information privacy, environmental risk due to increased emissions, liability), governments in different countries have adopted diverse strategies in coping with risks associated with ridesharing. In some countries or municipalities, ridesharing is prohibited. In other countries, ridesharing, however, received strong support from governments. In this article, we address the question how are risks involved in ridesharing governed over time. To answer this question, we present a single in-depth case on Singapore and examine how the Singaporean government has addressed risks in ridesharing over time. This case study about Singapore can be regarded as a revelatory case study, helping us to further explore the governance practices in other countries.

Αριστοτέλους Αθηναίων Πολιτεία από τις απαρχές μέχρι το Σόλωνα: διαθεματική διδακτική προσέγγιση στο πανεπιστήμιο. Ο φιλόσοφος Ηράκλειτος η εποχή του: ο πολιτικός άνδρας, η πόλις και ο πόλεμος. Ιστορική προσέγγιση και διδακτική πρόταση στο πανεπιστήμιο.

Breves reflexiones sobre los tiempos a los que asistimos, trazando miradas a la educación ponendo en relieve lo imprescindible de la relación ética que se establezca en el acto de enseñar, en la que prevalezca el amor como valor, como suceso, como acontecimiento que acompañe la reflexión que lo que somos, de lo que podemos ser, en el mundo y con los otros. Se trata de educar para la vida y comprender las realidades, con el amor como soporte, o resinarnos a hundimos y claudicar ante la ruina.

Machiavelli stated that "Princes should understand, therefore, that they begin to lose the State from that hour when they begin to break the laws and ancient institutions under which men have lived for a long time," This paper discusses one of Machiavelli's observations about the state and its ruler. Looking at his work on Livy discussing the downfall of the Roman King Tarquinius in contrast to the demise of Tony Abbott as leader of the Liberal party and PM, similarities in their leadership style arise.

En este trabajo propongo una interpretación de las obras de Pedro Ribadeneyra, Baltasar Alamos de Barrientos, Pedro Barbosa Homen, Diego Saavedra Fajardo, Baltasar Gracian y José Alfonso Lancina. En la primera parte sostengo que Ribadeneyra y Álamos establecen los dos polos entre los cuales se mueve el pensamiento político español. Ambos defienden el sistema monárquico y entienden que la política está subordinada espiritualmente a la religión, pero se diferencian porque el primero propone una rearticulación ortodoxa de la política a la moral y las obligaciones religiosas, mientras que el segundo asume de manera clara el realismo político y le confiere una plena autonomía a la razón de Estado. En la segunda y la tercera parte aspiro a demostrar que Barbosa, Saavedra y Gracián toman como punto de partida una perspectiva cercana a la de Ribadeneyra, pero le confieren una progresiva autonomía a la política y establecen una secularización gradual del pensamiento sobre el Estado. En esa línea, Lancina finalmente separa la política de la moral, aunque sin abandonar la subordinación espiritual a Dios. En la última parte establezco una serie de reflexiones sobre las indagaciones de los autores en relación con los problemas jurisdiccionales entre el Estado y la Iglesia. A partir de esta última cuestión, concluyo que el pensamiento político español es una forma de reflexionar y sostener intelectualmente la monarquía de los Habsburgo.

Torture, tear gas, bird shot, electrocution, anal rape, and beatings are just some of the examples of state-sponsored violence undertaken by the Bahraini regime since 2011. This more commonplace 'state-sponsored' violence has monopolised the headlines due to its egregious nature and visceral unpleasantness. Yet the rise of social media, and the devolution of acts of surveillance and online vigilantism has confused this binary of state versus loyalist violence. Now, acts of social control undertaken by those representing the hegemonic order, such as balṭajiyya (thugs), but not necessarily agents of the state, are becoming increasingly important as a regime survival strategy in Bahrain. This paper acknowledges the importance of violent acts undertaken by those representing the hegemonic order, while also problematising the notion of violence itself. In Bahrain, where surveillance and social media are increasingly an important tool in the state's intimidation of activists and civilians, it is important to critically interrogate how the generation of fear through social media and surveillance constitutes violence itself. These strategies of control, which generate physiological responses such as fear anxiety, should no longer be distinguished entirely from acts of physical violence, and taken more seriously as a form of repression.

Los resultados de las últimas elecciones catalanas han corroborado la alta fragmentación partidaria del sistema político en el Principado. Y han visibilizado de nuevo el sajo en mitades entre las opciones secesionistas y no secesionistas. Se confirma el efecto electoral de la dicotomía social en las dimensiones funcional y territorial de la sociedad catalana. Pero su interpretación para la constitución del nuevo Govern y el reparto de las poltronas institucionales sigue confundiendo por igual a consejeros áulicos y ciudadanos de a pie. El dilema en torno a agrupar preferencias en torno a los 'viejos' conflictos de clase (izquierda/derecha) o 'seculares' identitarios (catalán/español) condiciona la agenda de las negociaciones entre los partidos. ¿Se puede ser étnicamente supremacista y auspiciar la igualdad de derechos ciudadanos?, ¿o es prioritario desgajarse de una unión superior (la española, no la europea) para aspirar a un bienestar comunitario generalizado? Algunos partidos tejen y destejen semejantes aporías políticas. Y mientras tanto, en la fase previa de las negociaciones entre los partidos con representación en el Parlament, se anteponen las incompatibilidades y los vetos mutuos. ¿Es progresista repartirse los cargos con los representantes de la derecha nacionalista, o quizá sea mejor conservar el objetivo finalista de la independencia como pegamento simbólico que todo lo supera y repara? ¿Habría alguna otra fórmula en el muestrario de la política como 'arte de lo posible'? Miremos en derredor. El gobierno Draghi acaba de recibir en el Parlamento italiano el voto de investidura. Para muchos observadores, el ejecutivo encabezado por Super Mario sería el epítome de un gobierno de coalición Frankenstein, por la amplia y variada representación de diferentes sensibilidades políticas.

Dirigida por Fabián Ludueña Romandini La pregunta por el sentido de la política, su alcance, su tradición y sus posibilidades ha sido fundamental en las más diversas culturas. La presente colección busca interrogarse sobre el fenómeno de lo político atendiendo a la pluralidad de perspectivas históricas y escuelas teóricas. En igual medida, la política se encuentra en asiduo contacto con otros saberes y prácticas de cuya variedad también se querrá dar cuenta. En la línea del legado de Hannah Arendt, se trata de que los libros vayan tejiendo la trama de investigaciones que, al mismo tiempo, permita pensar en un nuevo mundo público común frente a los desafíos crecientes de la política global en el presente siglo.

Esensi utama demokrasi adalah kedaulatan rakyat, yakni tata kelola pemerintahan yang berasal dari rakyat, oleh rakyat, dan untuk rakyat. Benang merah demokrasi dan amandemen konstitusi jelas, yakni amandemen konstitusi harus berpijak pada aspirasi dan kedaulatan rakyat dan substansi amandemen harus mampu mewujudkan apa yang menjadi kebutuhan rakyat dan tujuan nasional bangsa Indonesia. Secara umum, mencuatnya wacana untuk memunculkan PPHN didasari oleh pandangan bahwa dibutuhkan landasan filosofis dalam melaksanakan pembangunan nasional, sehingga pembangunan nasional yang diselenggarakan oleh pemerintah selaras dan mampu mencapai tujuan nasional sebagaimana dibunyikan dalam Preambul UUD NRI 1945 Alinea Ke-4, tanpa terpengaruh oleh perubahan rezim atau pergantian pemerintah sebagai konsekuensi sirkulasi elit selama lima tahunan (Pilpres).

This article analyzes Roberto Esposito’s idea of the impolitico, with the aim of showing the relation between the impolitical and Carl Schmitt’s das Politische. Schmitt is examined in terms of the impolitical tradition reconstructed by Esposito, and the impolitical characteristics of das Politische are discussed. We then argue that Esposito gives a refined interpretation of Schmitt, solving some problems regarding transitions in Schmitt’s work the 1920s, but that Esposito ends up obliterating Schmitt’s
influence. We propose a reading, which separates Schmitt from political theology by linking him to the impolitical tradition and which drafts the relation between the impolitico and das Politische.

Keywords: Impolitical. Neutralization. Political. Antagonism.

The debate on church and party politics is far from being exhausted in South Africa. Although the Methodist Church of Southern Africa discourages the participation of clergy persons in political parties, it is becoming critical that the church offers a prophetic voice in the political sphere. Issues of morality and spirituality within the political parties necessitate a careful involvement of the Church in politics. This article therefore sets out to offer a theological reflection on the (possible) ministry of Methodist clergy persons to political parties in South Africa.

What has become of the cooperation of developing countries for a New
International Economic Order, the ‘socialist globalisation’, as Johanna Bockman (2015) refers to it? To address this question, we focus on the way international crises and conflicts over sovereign debt have transformed the agenda and mandate of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the Geneva-based organization founded in 1964 and whose history is closely linked to the G77 group of developing countries. This chapter documents a historical shift in the way UNCTAD has constructed debt as a policy issue. Two ‘problematizations’² of debt are identified, each corresponding to a specific mode of addressing the debt problems affecting developing countries: i.e. establishing a diagnosis, a set of causal relationships and identifying the preferred modes of treatment and policy instruments. The first one is what we call the entangled problematization of debt. Here, local contexts of over-indebtedness are
interpreted within the broader, structural context of international capital flows,
asymmetric trade, and power relations between nations. The second one is the
disentangled mode of problematization that emphasizes domestic factors to
explain and blame over-borrowing, which is less about structural issues and
more about reckless spending, data reporting problems, and misuses of funds,
all of which would relate to poor decisions by state officials. Proponents of the
former problematization typically blame the international economic and financial
architecture as the main issue affecting over-indebtedness while proponents of the
latter often view the nation state as the sole culprit and source of its misfortune.
Remedies also vary depending on the mode of problematization: the former
highlights the need for a systematic debt restructuring mechanism and the
rebalancing of international power relations; the latter emphasizes dedicated
public policies at a domestic level, with ad hoc and ‘case by case’ solutions, for
instance the micro-management of public finances, the need for monetary and
fiscal discipline, and the building of reliable and transparent data provided to
official and private creditors. This shift toward the insulation of the debt problem,
circumscribed to the domestic sphere, is not restricted to UNCTAD. It can also be
found in IMF policies emphasizing domestic blames and remedies to sovereign
debt crises in lieu of structural reforms of the international financial system.

At that time, people like Nelson Mandela were imprisoned for their activism against apartheid. In some Western countries Mandela as a member of African National Congress (ANC) was considered a terrorist. However, the Canadian government, under Prime Minister Mulroney, represented by Joe Clark and other volunteer lawyers participated in various international discourses in order to stop the apartheid regime that violated the rights of black majority in South African.

This timely intervention by the Government of Canada helped to facilitate a new level of international relationship between the two countries. It also gained South African black peoples’ trust and international respect for Canada. These trust and mutual respect have helped to boast political diplomacy, encouraged economic diplomacy, and other forms of cooperation between the two countries. Their relationship has moved from mere foreign based aid relationship to that of bilateral business treaties.

Master Thesis tat covres Allen Ginsberg's beatnik writing and his political manifestos in poetry and prose. One of the most valued poet, Allen Ginsberg, provides us with perfect examples and commentaries of tensions and moods present in America after the World War II. The paper reseraches sociopolitical reality of that period to analyze his works for the political discussion on the basis of Stephen Greenblatt's problematic of power tensions and negotiations. My thesis examines Ginsberg's approach to personal identity, sexuality, culture, drug culture and war and contrasts abovementioned with mass culture and American establishment.

Revolutions are arguably one of the most complex and intriguing events in history and what constitutes a revolution can be interpreted in different ways, varying from country to culture, from social class conflicts to religious and enlightened ways of thinking. The enlightenment itself was an important historical period which influenced the fathers of many a revolution. The so called 'Age of reason' convinced many European intellectuals about the power of reason and rationale. The enlightenment thinkers would ask questions such as, What society worked best?

Este trabajo plantea una perspectiva de análisis de la nación como resultado de una lucha hegemónica entre sujetos concretos que abanderan proyectos de nación diversos y antagónicos. En primer lugar analiza las prin- cipales formas como se ha argumentado la categoría de nación, señalando los límites que presentan para la comprensión del fenómeno y, en segundo lugar, reconstruye la perspectiva de análisis de la nación como lucha hegemónica. Más que una esencia trascendente o un conjunto de rasgos tangibles, la nación es una construcción histórica y artificial resultado de relaciones de poder es- pecíficas. En consecuencia, el análisis debe centrarse en la lucha entre pro- yectos de nación, encarnados por sujetos concretos, en pugna por dotarla de significado y constituirse en hegemónicos.

Sputnik se pone En Órbita para acercarte las noticias internacionales más importantes. En este espacio te informaremos sobre los hechos relevantes, con las voces de quienes hacen las noticias y de quienes las analizan. Se transmite en M24 de Uruguay y Radio Illimani y Radio Kawsachun Coca de Bolivia Desbande en el Gobierno de Bolsonaro: renunciaron el canciller y el ministro de Defensa ayer Síguenos en El ministro de Exteriores presentó su dimisión ante las críticas del Congreso. Horas después dimitió el ministro de Defensa, Fernando Azevedo, sin explicar los motivos de su salida. 'En Órbita' consultó al politólogo argentino radicado en Brasil, Andrés del Río. 16:41 Mundo El exdirector del MI5 británico, la nueva ficha de Isabel II para hacer frente al 'Megxit' 12:09

Liberalizmle ilgili tartışmalar, düşünce târihinde on sekizinci yüzyıla kadar uzanmakta. Bu tartışmaların bize gelişi, Tanzîmat dönemini buluyor. Fakat, 1980'lerden bu yana bu tartışmalar, daha fazla ilgi görmekte. 12 Eylül sonrasında hızla liberalleşen Türkiye, bu süreçte siyasî İslâm'ın yükselişine ve "muhafazakâr demokrat"(!) denilen yeni bir kimliğin empoze edilmesine tanıklık etti. Ekonomik ve siyasî krizlerle geçen 1990'ların ardından 2000'lerin başında yaratılan liberal iklim, kısa bir süre sonra, özgürlük ve demokrasinin baskı altına alındığı farklı bir iklime dönüştü. Bu sorunlar bizce, liberalizmin şu ya da bu amaca âlet edilmesinden çok, yapısal sorunlarından kaynaklanmakta. Nitekim, liberalizmin sunduğu ezbere formüller ve hazır reçeteler sonucu, gelir dağılımında adâletsizlik, fırsat eşitsizliği, işsizlik ve cârî açık büyüyor; böyle bir ortamda gerici ve baskıcı zihniyetler, iktidâr fırsatı yakalıyor. Liberalizmin Türkiye'ye verdiği zararları farklı yazılarımızda incelediğimiz için, bu konulara burada girmeyeceğiz. Bu yazımızda, liberalizmin çıkış noktasına, temel ilkelerine, Avrupa ve Rusya'daki gelişim sürecine kısaca temas edeceğiz.

In the last 20 years, during berlusconismo period, a new form of politics and new reality of the " MoVimento 5 Stelle " , created by Beppe Grillo and Gianroberto Casaleggio (1954-2016), have risen in Italy, reaching an essential role after the 2013 election. Aim of this paper is to show how, with Grillo's activities, the teatro della politica has become a teatro della crisi in the use of a theatrical language and contemporary dramatic expression. From a theatrical perspective, Nobel laureate Dario Fo (1926-2016) has become a noble father of the movement. Following Fo's sample, Grillo, entertainer and activist, has theatralized the crisis with one-man shows and theatre happenings, where the performance was essential. The dialectic between Fo and the two founders of the movement is developed in the book Il Grillo canta sempre al tramonto, constructed as a theatrical play where the chapters are similar to acts, the sub-chapters to scenes.

Parens (2015) defends a habit of thinking he calls “binocularity,” which involves switching between analytical lenses (much as one must switch between seeing the duck vs. the rabbit in Wittgenstein’s famous example). Applying this habit of thought to a range of debates in contemporary bioethics, Parens urges us to acknowledge the ways in which our personal intuitions and biases shape our thinking about contentious moral issues. In this review of Parens’s latest book, we reflect on our own position as participants in the so-called “enhancement” debates, where a binocular approach could be especially useful. In particular, we consider the case of “love drugs,” a subject on which we have sometimes reached very different conclusions. We finish with an analogy to William James’s (1907) distinction between “tender-minded” rationalists and “tough-minded” empiricists, and draw some general lessons for improving academic discourse.

Purpose -The purpose of this paper is to examine the education-job match of political science graduates from Slovenia, as well as from selected EU countries, in the context of other disciplines. In the frame of contested theoretical approaches, the implications of matching the knowledge that is acquired during education to the skills that are needed on the job are also examined.