Nation State

This essay analyses the 1993 Estonian Law on Cultural Autonomy for National Minorities (LCANM), based on an earlier one of 1925 during the first period of Estonian national independence, as the potential basis for the National Cultural Autonomy (NCA) of the Estonian Russian community. The latter was in fact never established in Estonia -and the question would be, why not? Law & Economics analysis is used in order to find out more about this complex matter. First, we discuss the issue of whether the purpose of the LCANM has actually been to further (Russian or any) NCA in Estonia to begin with. Second, if it was, then the question remains whether it is a bad thing that this never worked, either from the perspective of the Estonian state or from that of the Estonian Russians.

Closely associated with China's growing prominence in international politics are discussions about how to understand Chinese history, and how such perspectives inform the way a stronger China may relate to the rest of the world. This article examines two narratives as cases, and considers how they fit against more careful historical scholarship. The first is the nationalist narrative dealing with Qing and Republican history, and the second is the narrative on the Chinese world order. Analyses of Chinese nationalism tend to see a more powerful China as being more assertive internationally, based in part on a belief in the need to address and overcome past wrongs. Studies of historical regional systems in Asia point to the role that a peaceful 'Confucian' ethos played in sustaining a stable Chinese-led order, and highlight the promise it holds for checking regional and international tensions. The two perspectives create an obvious tension when trying to understand China's rise, which can suggest that using historical viewpoints to understand contemporary developments may be doomed to incoherence. This article argues that difficulties in applying knowledge of the past to analyses of China's role in contemporary world politics indicate a relative inattentiveness to Chinese and Asian history. It illustrates how the nature of China's rise may be more contingent on the external environment that it faces than popular received wisdom may indicate. The article suggests that a more extensive engagement with historical research and historiography can augment and enrich attempts to appreciate the context surrounding China's rise.

The international terrorism usually has intercourse with the illegal trade to available funds them that group can survive. Various terrorist network generally has a very different ways with the others, so it was hard to figure relation between one and the other. Nevertheless, in a manner funding had then we can see how a terrorist network was in a continent can be connected with terrorists in other continents through this funding. Terrorist financing itself obtained from illegal trade like as drug trafficking and illegal weapons. Drug trafficking by terrorists is then called narcoterrorism where business assisted by user in the world. The user uses the links between terrorist networks on the continents.

The paper is structured in four sections. First, we trace the rise of the far right in contemporary Malta and describe its more prominent manifestations. Second, we construct a localistic and ‘exceptionalist’ analytical framework which emphasizes a particular and insular local political-cultural context; in this first sense Maltese far right movements can be understood partly as a deep rooted response to a historical pathos of identity and nationhood, partly as straightforward xenophobia triggered by irregular migration. We then move on in the third section to look at the ways in which the far right in Malta is linked to and interacts with similar groups elsewhere in Europe. Two processes emerge as being of crucial importance. First, the entrepreneurship of transnationally well-connected mobile individuals; second, the burgeoning in recent years of the Internet and transnational cyber-communities. Seen in this light, the far right in contemporary Malta is, to paraphrase James Clifford, both ‘rooted’ in local social processes and at the same time ‘routed’ via transnational exchanges. Our paper argues that one way of resolving this apparent contradiction is to think of the far right as a loose ‘global’ collection of tropes and ideas which, as a result of specific situations, are embedded—selectively and usually unsuccessfully, and typically by transnational cultural entrepreneurs and self-proclaimed ‘elite’ individuals—in local histories and narratives of identity.

Malaysia is a multi ethnic country that has a diverse cultures. The policy during the colonial era caused a conflict between ethnic groups in Malaysia.To foster a racial integration in Malaysia, the government has been striving to create a nation state.One of the most important methods in creating a nation state is through the use of one language which is ‘Bahasa Melayu’.Various efforts have been made by the Government in order to upholding the Malay language. Among them have established laws and special Act on Malay language, writing in various fields in the Malay language and the establishment of Wawasan school.The findings found some challenges in achieving the nation state are lack of fluency in Malay language among the multi-racial society, political aspects, education and the usage of the ‘rojak’ Malay language. Various efforts from the Government in empowering  the Malay language need to be pursued so that the Malay language can be one of the main tools in moulding the identi...

Malaysia is a multi ethnic country that has a diverse culture. The policy during the colonial era caused a conflict between ethnic groups in Malaysia.To foster a racial integration in Malaysia, the government has been striving to create a nation state.One of the most important methods in creating a nation state is through the use of one language which is 'Bahasa Melayu'.Various efforts have been made by the Government in order to upholding the Malay language.Among them have established laws and special Act on Malay language, writing in various fields in the Malay language and the establishment of Wawasan school.The findings found some challenges in achieving the nation state are lack of fluency in Malay language among the multi-racial society, political aspects, education and the usage of the 'rojak' Malay language. Various efforts from the Government in empowering the Malay language need to be pursued so that the Malay language can be one of the main tools in mouldi...

Setting nationalism and national identity in the theoretical framework of migration, the paper asserts that nation-states remain in strong control over who belongs and who is categorised as a foreigner. The nationalising effects of state policies perpetuate the embeddedness of membership in the exclusionary community of the nation rather than effectively promulgating enactments of inclusive civic state membership. Drawing on the chosen example of Slovenia as a relatively new nation-state and a recent country of immigration, the paper offers new insights into migrant experiences as illustrations of the need to relegate to the dustbin of history the existing practices of preferential treatment for members of the dominant nation. Arguing that it is essential to study migration in conjunction with nationalism, the paper urges a more inclusive theoretical perspective which would take account of migrants.

Some contrastive approaches, which are presented in the social science literature on the analysis of processes proceeding within the framework of globalization, are featured in this article. At the same time some peculiarities of the impact of the globalization on society’s social, political, economic and other spheres, as well as the issues of transformation of the nation state as a result of it, are discussed. In the conclusion it is stated that the globalization processes inevitably transform traditional institution of state which causes both new challenges and new possibilities.

Baris ve guvenligin devamliligi acisindan demokrasinin gelisimi ile toplumsal uzlasi ortaminin yaratilmasi ulke guvenligi acisindan onem verilen bir konudur. Demokrasi tarihi cesitli demokrasi yaklasimlarinin gelismesi ile sorunlara tikel kosullar dikkate alinarak cozum aranan surecin tarihidir. Dogru demokrasi arayisinda gelinen son nokta radikal demokrasi onerisidir. 1980’lerle beraber gelisen radikal demokrasi soyleminin, erken calismalari etnik milliyetcilige dayanan Antonio Gramsci’nin goruslerine dayanmasi, ulus devletler acisindan celiskili bir durum olusturmaktadir. Her ne kadar literaturde siklikla etnik milliyetcilik yaklasimini terk edip sosyalist bir yaklasim benimsedigi soylense de bu konu arastirmacilar arasinda tartismali bir konudur. Askeri disiplindeki orgutlenme modelini esas alarak alternatif bir orgutlenme modeli ile “karsit hegemonya” kurmayi onererek, iktidar iliskilerinde proleter sinifin etkinligini arttirmayi amaclayan Gramsci’nin hegemonya kavraminin; radik...

"Capture fisheries are constituted through historically specific environmental conditions and social and economic relations of production. Fisheries, whether saltwater or freshwater, are an important source of animal protein, livelihoods and exchange value in international trade, and are presently undergoing rapid socio-ecological change.To explore the political economy
and ecology of capture fisheries around the world, this paper synthesizes the insights of 11 empirical studies and places fisheries in the broader context of the capitalist relations of production through which they operate. The competitive market dynamics of fisheries production and consumption are examined, as well as the forms of social-property relations, social differentiation, labour exploitation and resistance that occur within them. This paper highlights some of the ways in which the unique combination of characteristics associated with fish and fisheries complement and complicate familiar questions in agrarian political economy. It concludes by identifying future research directions."

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.

El presente trabajo indaga las transformaciones de las que ha sido objeto el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia en la ultima decada, fundamentalmente desde la sancion de la nueva Constitucion Politica y la reforma del Regimen Electoral. Ambos instrumentos dan testimonio de un nuevo paradigma que pretende resignificar al Estado como una estructura propiciadora de espacios de debate plural que permiten reconocer y problematizar las identidades. En Bolivia se esta desarrollando un proyecto que apela a desmonopolizar la etnicidad del Estado y a lograr que sistemas simbolicos, linguisticos y de autoridad, desestimados e invisibilizados por siglos, puedan converger en un federalismo etnico que refleje la verdadera complejidad inherente al Estado. En la actualidad esta pulsion multicultural vislumbra nuevos horizontes en su lucha por ser reconocida, instaurando un nuevo sistema que se encuentra en las antipodas del Estado-nacion moderno y excluyente: la plurinacionalidad. Asimismo, distintos ...

Todos los artículos publicados son sometidos a arbitraje por especialistas en el tema mediante el sistema de "pares ciegos". El contenido de los artículos es responsabilidad de los autores. ISSN 2219-1631 D.R. © Controversias y Concurrencias Latinoamericanas Hecho en Latinoamerica Portada: Las manos en el fuego.

Women, who have historically been less represented than men in leadership positions, emerge as leaders in some societies more than others. Unlike previous cultural explanations for this effect (rooted in differences in values, practices, or gender roles), we argue that a culture's tightness–its strength of norms and social sanctions–can provoke a resistance to change practices that historically placed men in leadership positions. Tighter cultures will yield fewer women represented among top leadership positions. Moreover, ...

Bu makale, ilk olarak kilreselle~me veya ulus-devlet gibi olgular ilzerinde kavramsal bir r;all~ma yilrilterek, gerek baglmil degi$ken, gerekse baglmslz degi~ken ir;erisinde yer alan kavramlarz daha anla~lllr kzlmaya r;alz~acaktlr. Sonrasmda ise; bu r;alz~mada, ortaya baglmslz degi §ken olarak konulan kilreselle~me faktOryelinin, r;alzqmamn baglmll degi §keni konumundaki ulus-devlet olgusu ilzerindeki etkileri incelenecektir. Neticede, ortaya konulan kavramsal yaklaqlmlarla, sadece kilreselleqme olgusunun derinlemesine incelenmesi degil, aym zamanda bu olgunun uluslararasl sistemin dogasml ve bu sistem ir;inde yer alan aktOrlere olan etkileri de ele almml § olacaktlr.

Globalization is widely perceived as the master concept of our time. Yet a consistent definition remains elusive. Ironically, while participants in the globalization debate disagree over the meaning and extent of the phenomenon, they are largely united in the view that globalization impacts negatively on state power. In many cases, definitions of globalization presuppose in a somewhat circular manner the very outcome (of state retreat) that demands empirical investigation. A more fruitful conceptualization allows for the possibility that globalization may actually complement and co-exist-as opposed to undermine or compete-with national socio-spatial networks of interaction. This in turn paves the way for a more nuanced appraisal of the differential impact of economic openness on the capacity for national governance. Specifying the conditions under which state capacities may be either enhanced or diminished, sidelined or strengthened, remains the key task for students of the politics of international economic relations.

The main discussion point of this article is to explore the cause-effect relation between the weakening of nation state and the intensification of global terrorism by the influence of globalization. The main thesis of the article is that the malign effects of globalization have considerably weakened nation states or dragged them into a situation in which the security and stability would no longer be sustained as desired. Global terrorism can stem from the adverse effects of globalization, imbalance of power, disparity of players, and power vacuum. Failed states, separatist minorities and radicals use terrorism as warfare in order to counterbalance the power gap or to consolidate their authority. In order to verify/nullify the main thesis, we sought answers for three main issues: consequences of globalization; influence of globalization on terrorism; and lessons learned from terrorism. Our study has come to a conclusion that the most reliable way to cope with the challenges of the new form of terrorism is to strengthen the nation state concept in democratic, laic, social and legal terms.

The workshop aimed at showcasing and debating researches and case studies on the role of nation)states in transforming, representing and even creating nature. States have had a significant role in the modification of landscapes and natural environments of the nineteenth and twentieth century. Good part of this change may be ascribed to what James C. Scotat has defined the high)modernist tendencies within modern nation) states 1. States, both under democratic and totalitarian rule, have thus attempted to simplify, as to make more legible and

El presente artículo pretende, en primer lugar, propiciar reflexiones en torno al surgimiento de la escuela y la categoría maestro en Colombia. En este sentido, se aborda de manera crítica la escuela y su carácter de dispositivo de “civilización”, “cristianización”, “humanización”, “educación”, “homogenizador” y eliminador de las diferencias: racista; en el marco de la colonización europea y la emergencia del Estado Nación. En segundo lugar, propone un debate frente a la condición, el lugar y prácticas pedagógicas de las y los maestros en relación con el reconocimiento del Estado pluriétnico y multicultural sustentado en la Constitución Política de 1991 y consecuentemente la reforma educativa que se genera en la ley General de Educación de 1994. Finalmente, se presentan una reflexión en torno al racismo en la escuela: repensando el lugar de la afrodescendencia en la escuela y propuestas para enfrentar el racismo y la discriminación racial en la escuela.

Después del colapso soviético, fuimos testigos del fin de la idea de una división del mundoentre el bien y el mal, entre capitalistas y partidarios de la economía planificada, entre la derecha y la izquierda, entre procomunistas y proamericanos; y de nuevo desapareció la necesidad de tantos países emergentes de definirse como un “tercer bloque” frente al sistema bipolar. La idea económica de un primer, segundo y tercer mundo podría haberse considerado superada. El mundo se vio obligado a releerse a sí mismo y a comprender que era necesario empezar a pensar en las relaciones internacionales de una manera completamente diferente.

Nationalismus und Nationalstaat in Deutschland und Europa. Ein Forschungsüberblick Einleitung Mehr als andere Forschungsfelder ist die Nationalismusforschung sensibel für ihre politischsoziale Umwelt. Der Motor und gleichzeitig das Ergebnis der politischen Kräfte zu sein, die auf sie einwirken, verbindet die Analyse der Nation mit ihrem Gegenstand. 1 Dieter Lange-Folgende Titel werden unter anderem besprochen:

This paper examines two contrarily complementary EU cross border city-region case studies by applying the 5-System City-Region analytical framework discussed at the RSA 2013 Winter Conference (Calzada, 2013). On the one hand, the case of the Basque Country (OECD, 2013) nationalistic city-region (Calzada, 2011) in between Spain and France nation-states reflects surprisingly low cross border territorial development strategic synergies. On the other hand, in contrast, the case of the Oresund non-nationalistic cityregion (OECD, 2013) shows a highly cooperative and fluent cross-border dynamic that started in 2000.

“Reescribiendo la historia de nuestro país, no más símbolos de la colonización y apología a la violencia”. Estas fueron algunas de las razones dadas por los indígenas Mizak por sus acciones iconoclastas contra monumentos que representan una nación blanqueada y acrítica al legado colonial. Este artículo recuenta algunos casos y pone en contexto los debates sobre la batalla simbólica por la representación, la memoria, la historia y la justicia que llevan a cabo los pueblos originarios en el espacio público en Colombia. El fenómeno no es exclusivo del país, pero su materialización responde a formas locales de gobernanza y reconstitución cultural. Este debate se centra en los procesos de construcción de nación y sus repercusiones racistas en el pasado y el presente como resultado de la adopción de modelos clasicistas en su educación artística y modelo cultural. Palabras clave: Iconoclasta; memoria; historia; despojo; violencia; indígenas; justicia; vandalismo; fabulación; soberanía estética Iconoclasm, Indigenous Justice, History, and Memory. Acts of Imagination and Sovereignty Abstract "When rewriting the history of our country, we don’t need any more symbols of colonization or an apology for violence", were two of the reasons given by the Misak indigenous people to justify their iconoclastic actions against monuments that conveyed a whitewashed and uncritical view of a nation with an undeniable colonial legacy. The article retells a few experiences that stem from the debates around the symbolic value of representation, memory, history, and justice, as they are upheld by indigenous peoples in the Colombian agora. But this phenomenon is not exclusive to one Latin American country: the very fact of its existence responds to local forms of governance and a drive toward cultural reconstitution. Focusing on nation-building processes and the race-based repercussions that stem from the past and the present as a result of the adoption of a classicist educational and cultural model. Keywords: iconoclasm; memory; violence; indigenous peoples; aesthetic sovereignty

The question of the role of higher education in society and culture today is linked, in this article, with two parallel processes: the questioning of the nation-state in the global age and the gradual decomposition of the welfare state in the majority of the OECD countries. What is currently happening is, rst, a major rede nition of the general responsibilities of the state vis-à-vis the familiar type of society characterized by the welfare state and, second, a major revision in thinking about the role of the state in contemporary politics and economies brought about by globalization processes (and hence the possible demise of the nation-state). The modern German-inspired university in the form in which it exists in Europe is certainly affected by the two processes. The aim of this article is to discuss higher education in this particular context.

Nationalismus und Nationalstaat in Deutschland und Europa. Ein Forschungsüberblick Einleitung Mehr als andere Forschungsfelder ist die Nationalismusforschung sensibel für ihre politischsoziale Umwelt. Der Motor und gleichzeitig das Ergebnis der politischen Kräfte zu sein, die auf sie einwirken, verbindet die Analyse der Nation mit ihrem Gegenstand. 1 Dieter Lange-Folgende Titel werden unter anderem besprochen:

Globalization is widely perceived as the master concept of our time. Yet a consistent definition remains elusive. Ironically, while participants in the globalization debate disagree over the meaning and extent of the phenomenon, they are largely united in the view that globalization impacts negatively on state power. In many cases, definitions of globalization presuppose in a somewhat circular manner the very outcome (of state retreat) that demands empirical investigation. A more fruitful conceptualization allows for the possibility that globalization may actually complement and co-exist-as opposed to undermine or compete-with national socio-spatial networks of interaction. This in turn paves the way for a more nuanced appraisal of the differential impact of economic openness on the capacity for national governance. Specifying the conditions under which state capacities may be either enhanced or diminished, sidelined or strengthened, remains the key task for students of the politics of international economic relations.

We argue that the continued persistence of borders is an effect of their constitutive role for the many dimensions of a social particular. States cannot choose to have a border; but they can and do make choices amongst the materials available on the various planes of inscription for bordering. For contemporary states the planes have become increasingly disaggregated, in the sense that they do not fall into place at one and the same border. Thus, states have to pick and choose different articulations (often inconsis- tently) on different planes. We illustrate these ideas with instances, present-day and historical, of bordering. A corollary of there being more need to pick and choose is that articulations of sovereignty change. So, sovereignty is increasingly the material of ‘sovereignty games’, where sovereignty is used as a political instrument. In sum, our theory directs attention to state bordering on different planes of inscription.

El presente trabajo indaga las transformaciones de las que ha sido objeto el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia en la ultima decada, fundamentalmente desde la sancion de la nueva Constitucion Politica y la reforma del Regimen Electoral. Ambos instrumentos dan testimonio de un nuevo paradigma que pretende resignificar al Estado como una estructura propiciadora de espacios de debate plural que permiten reconocer y problematizar las identidades. En Bolivia se esta desarrollando un proyecto que apela a desmonopolizar la etnicidad del Estado y a lograr que sistemas simbolicos, linguisticos y de autoridad, desestimados e invisibilizados por siglos, puedan converger en un federalismo etnico que refleje la verdadera complejidad inherente al Estado. En la actualidad esta pulsion multicultural vislumbra nuevos horizontes en su lucha por ser reconocida, instaurando un nuevo sistema que se encuentra en las antipodas del Estado-nacion moderno y excluyente: la plurinacionalidad. Asimismo, distintos ...

A vast range of recent academic scholarships seek to theorize the recent convergence of neoliberal, anti-immigration, xenophobic and populist measures and practices since the Crisis of 2008. This paper analyses recent changes to the Canadian citizenship regime and it compares this changes to neoliberal and neoconservative trends in Europe. The authors argue that although it did not explicitly renounce its pluralistic orientation, the Canadian Conservative Party had already started its neoliberal and neoconservative reorientation of the Citizenship in Canada prior to the Crisis of 2008. Despite several similarities with European trajectories, the Conservative Party needs to deal with structural factors that are specific to the Canadian context: the electoral system; demographic trends; and a public opinion which, unlike in Europe, remains optimistic with regards to the economic contribution of immigration.

Postcolonial societies are a unique event in world history. Their emergence in the mid-twentieth century did not result from centuries-old internal social processes, but was directly determined by the formation and short-lived (by historical standards) existence and disintegration of the European colonial empires. The colonial borders reflected primarily the balance of forces between the metropolitan powers in this or that region, but not the preceding course of the region's own political, social, economic, and cultural history. With rare exceptions, many different peoples were forcibly united within a colony. Not only kinship but also cultural affinity among those peoples was often absent. At the same time, the colonial borders would divide one people or break the historically established regional systems of economic and cultural ties not less infrequently. Likewise, the colonialists would forcibly unite peoples that had never formed regional political and economic systems; moreover, had different levels of sociocultural complexity, and sometimes did not even know about each other or were historical enemies. At the same time, the colonial borders would often separate historically and economically connected peoples and societies. These features were supplemented by stadial and civilizational heterogeneity of the colonial societies. The elements of capitalism, implanted by the Europeans in different spheres, did not synthesize with a set of pre-capitalist features of the local societies. There was also a little intersection between the autochthonous and new sec

This Article illustrates how secular nationalism has been introduced as a source of collective identity and as a founding ideology of the Turkish state vis-`a-vis the Islamic legacy of the Ottoman Empire. This Article locates religion in the process of laying the foundations of civil religion and examine how religion has been sidelined, marginalized, and reconfigured by the state ideology. Finally, in the context of Turkey-EU relations, this Article will analyze how the Turkish state has repositiones itself with regard to Islam, non-Muslims, and freedom of religion.

Globalization is a term frequently used in the world today, but its precise meaning is not always clear. Globalization and internationalization are sometimes interchangeably used so that the differences between them are not consistently defined. In higher education, there are a dizzying variety of definitions of both words.