Islam and Judaism

This paper discusses the Qurʾānic verses about the Jews and the people of Israel in terms of the naming and the content. Key questions to be addressed are: What is the purpose of the frequent mention of the people of Israel in the Qurʾān? What is the context and the content of the verses about the Jews and the people of Israel both in Meccan and Medinan sūrahs? What message or messages are intended to or can be conveyed by these verses?

"If we accept the suggestion that our and Casanova’ supposition is correct, Quran accuses Jews of believing fallen angels to be sons of God. This accusation is situated next to reproaching Christians for deifying Jesus in the same ayah not by chance: in the view of Quran, those who lived on earth cannot be sons of God, and both Christian messiah and fallen angels of the Jews lived a fully terrestrial life when they found themselves on earth (see 3 Enoch, chapters 6-11) .
The name of Uzair can be a distortion of one of the fallen angels' name. Phonetic difference among them is not that great, and the variability of names in oral tradition is rather significant. Let us recall that in different Hebrew midrashim fallen angels are called Uza, Uzu, Uzi, Aza, Iza, Uziel and Azael – in different combinations. 
"

Islamic sources indicate that Muslims often sought to distance themselves from the practices of Jews (as well as Christians and Zoroastrians). One method used to differentiate Islam from other religions was mukhālafa, doing the opposite of those around you. A good example of this principle at work is the laws of menstruation (ḥayḍ). In this case, Muslims not only sought to differentiate themselves from Jews, but also to make Islamic practices more lenient (rukhṣa) than those of Judaism.

Abstract: The Qurʾān states that it is the last link in the chain of divine books, such as the Torah, Psalms, and the Gospel, and that it is also the approval and regulator of these books. As a result, there are some mutual narratives with other holy books, as well as some issues that differ from them and bring different explanations from them. These issues have been the subject of polemics, especially with Judaism and Christianity throughout the history. The cru- cifixion of Jesus Christ formed the foundation of Christianity theology. However, the subject of ‘the cross’ has also been one of the most important issues by which Christian communities have made different explanations and interpretations since the 1st century, and have di- verged accordingly. Although the docetists, who are our subject, are divided into many groups with different views, they generally accept that Jesus Christ was of a different nature from other people, had a divine nature, and therefore, it was not possible for him to be crucified. In the only verse in the Qurʾān that deals with the cross of Jesus Christ, it is mentioned that Jesus was not crucified. For this reason, a significant part of the interpretations in the commentaries have some similarities with the views of the docetics at first glance. It is possible to see more of the similarities mentioned in the commentaries, especially in the so-called “substitutionary interpretation”, in which it is stated that someone else was crucified instead of Jesus. In the Christian world, it is often claimed that Islam emerged in the Arabian Peninsula, where Chris- tian heretics are abundant, and that it was influenced by the views of some heretic Christians. In this context, starting with John of Damascus in the 8th century, based on the above-men- tioned similarities, many Christian researchers throughout the history claimed that the Qurʾān took this view from docetics. In this study, there has been an attempt to examine all of these claims. In this context, first, the docetics were researched, and as a result, it was revea- led that Christians named groups with very different views from the early times as “docetic”, and that there was no standart use of the concept of “docetic” in the Christian World for cen- turies. It appears that it was determined that the concept would be used as a kind of umbrella concept for groups considered heretical. Then in the article, the different translations and in- terpretations of the verse in the Qurʾān and certain sources from the classical and modern Islamic literature were selected and identified. This led to the examination of how the said verse was understood in the Islamic world throughout the history. In this context, all types of substitutionary interpretations in the commentaries were made into a list by mentioning the sources of these interpretations, and then, these interpretations and the views of the docetics were compared. After revealing the similarities and differences in the explanations and inter- pretations in the commentaries and the views of the docetics, a new perspective on the sub- ject was attempted by trying to explain the verse outside of its traditional interpretation throughout the history, considering the context of this verse and the Jewish literature. Con- sidering that various Jewish claims about Jesus and Mary were responded to at the beginning of Qurʾānic the verse and just before the verse that mentions the cross, information in the Jewish religious literature was consulted about the allegations that Jews killed Jesus as men- tioned in this verse. In this context, Jewish claims about the end of the life of Jesus in the Tal- mud, that they first killed him and then crucified him, were adressed and researched. Fur- thermore, an attempt is made to explain that the use of wa-mā qatalūhu wa-mā ṣalabūhu in the verse may be an answer to the claims of the Jews that they first killed Jesus and then cru- cified him. These claims of the Jews in the Talmud are further explored, and considering the context of the Jews of that time, it is explicated that these actions would not have been possi- ble due to the political conditions in that period. Taken together, this study has attempted to address that the view claiming that docetics have an impact on the Quran via the related verse is not validand that the actual recipient of the verse is the Jews.

Öz: Kur'an-ı Kerim kendisinin Tevrat, Zebur ve İncil gibi ilahi kitap zincirinin son halkası ol- duğunu, aynı zamanda bu kitapların doğrulayıcısı ve tashih edicisi olduğunu ifade eder. Bu- nun sonucu olarak diğer kutsal kitaplarla bazı ortak anlatılara sahip olduğu gibi onlarla ayrış- tığı, onlardan farklı açıklamalar getirdiği hususlar da bulunmaktadır. Bu hususlar da tarih bo- yunca özellikle Yahudilik ve Hıristiyanlıkla polemik konusu olmuştur. Hıristiyanlığın teoloji- sinin temelini İsa Mesih’in çarmıha gerilmesi oluşturmuştur. Ancak çarmıh konusu aynı za- manda Hıristiyan toplulukların ilk yüzyıldan itibaren farklı açıklama ve yorumlar yaptıkları, buna bağlı olarak ayrıştıkları hususların en önemlilerinden birisi olmuştur. Konumuz olan doketikler, farklı görüşlere sahip pek çok gruba ayrılsalar da genel olarak İsa Mesih’in diğer insanlardan farklı yapıda olduğunu, ilahi bir tabiata sahip olduğunu, bu sebeple çarmıha ge- rilmesinin mümkün olmadığını kabul ederler. Kur'an-ı Kerim’de Hz. İsa’nın çarmıhı konusu- nun işlendiği tek âyette Hz. İsa’dan çarmıha gerilmediği şeklinde bahsedilmektedir. Bu ne- denle tefsirlerdeki yorumların önemli bir kısmının doketiklerin görüşleriyle ilk bakışta bazı benzerlikleri söz konusu olup, tefsirlerdeki özellikle “ikameci yorum” denilen, Hz. İsa’nın ye- rine başka birisinin çarmıha gerildiği belirtilen yorumlarda sözü edilen benzerlikleri daha fazla görmek mümkündür. Zaten Hıristiyan dünyada İslam’ın Hıristiyan heretiklerin çokça bulunduğu Arabistan yarımadasında ortaya çıktığı ve bazı heretik hıristiyanların görüşlerin- den etkilendiği iddiası sıklıkla dile getirilmektedir. Bu bağlamda yukarıda bahsedilen benzer- liklerden hareketle ilk olarak 8.yy.’da Yuhanna ed-Dımeşkî ile başlayarak tarih boyunca pek çok Hıristiyan araştırmacı Kur'an-ı Kerim’in bu görüşünü doketiklerden aldığını iddia etmiş- tir. Bu çalışmada söz konusu iddialar incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda öncelikle doke- tiklerin kimler olduğu araştırılmış ve sonuç olarak Hıristiyanların erken dönemlerden itiba- ren birbirinden çok farklı görüşlere sahip grupları “doketik” olarak isimlendirdikleri ve Hıris- tiyan dünyada yüzyıllar boyunca doketik kavramının standart bir kullanımının olmadığı or- taya konularak bu ismin heretik kabul edilen gruplar için bir tür şemsiye kavram olarak kul- lanıldığı tespit edilmiştir. Daha sonra Kur'an-ı Kerim’deki âyetin farklı mealleri ve tefsirleri için, klasik ve modern dönem İslami literatürden belli başlı kaynaklar seçilerek tarih boyunca âyetin İslam dünyasında nasıl anlaşıldığı incelenmiştir. Bu bağlamda tefsirlerde yer alan bü- tün ikameci yorum çeşitleri, bu yorumların yer aldığı kaynaklar zikredilerek bir liste haline getirilmiş, sonrasında bu yorumlar ile doketiklerin görüşleri karşılaştırılmıştır. Tefsirlerde yer alan açıklama ve yorumlarla doketiklerin görüşlerindeki benzerlik ve farklılıklar ortaya konduktan sonra bu âyetin bağlamı, siyak-sibakı ve Yahudi literatürü dikkate alınarak âyet, tarih boyunca yapılan geleneksel yorumunun dışında izaha çalışılarak konuya yeni bir bakış açısı kazandırılmak istenmiştir. Çarmıhtan bahseden ayetin başında ve hemen öncesindeki ayetlerde Hz. İsa ve Hz. Meryem ile ilgili çeşitli Yahudi iddialarına cevap verildiğini dikkate alarak bu ayette bahsedilen Hz. İsa’yı Yahudilerin öldürdüğü iddiaları hakkında Yahudi dini literatüründe yer alan bilgilere müracaat edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda Talmud’da Hz. İsa’nın akıbeti ile ilgili, onu önce öldürdükleri sonra da çarmıha gererek sergiledikleri şeklindeki Yahudi iddiaları zikredilmiş, âyette bulunan vemâ katelûhu vemâ salebûhu şeklindeki kullanımın, Yahudilerin Hz. İsa’yı önce öldürdükleri sonra da çarmıha gererek sergiledikleri şeklindeki iddiala- rına bir cevap olabileceği izah edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Ayrıca Yahudilerin Talmud’da yer alan söz konusu iddialarının o devrin siyasi şartları gereği mümkün olmadığı da açıklanmıştır. Bütün bu incelemelerle söz konusu ayette doketiklerin görüşlerinin Kur'an-ı Kerim’e etki ettiği iddialarının geçerli olmadığı ve ayetin muhatabının aslında Yahudiler olduğu ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır.

This bibliographic essay explores the works of scholars who have used ḥadīth collections in their research on early Muslim-Jewish interactions. One of the main issues of this field has been the question of Jewish influence on ḥadīths, either by way of discussions between Jews and Muḥammad and his companions or through early Jewish converts to Islam. Even within the Islamic tradition itself, it is acknowledged that discrete Jewish traditions have been embedded within the ḥadīth, traditions which are sometimes referred to as Isrāʾīlīyāt. In addition to these, there are also ḥadīths which describe Jews and Jewish practices, usually in a polemical context. The more controversial question among scholars has been that of whether the structure of Jewish oral law influenced the formation of the ḥadīth, and I provide a survey of developments in scholarly thinking on that issue. I then turn to the impact of the ḥadīth on medieval Jews themselves and discuss the views of scholars who have argued that the medieval Islamic science of ḥadīth study had an impact on how Jews viewed their own religious tradition. Finally, I look at contemporary Islamic writings on Jews and ḥadīths.

The article explains the rise of Karaite Judaism (in around the 10th century CE) as primarily motivated by the Jews' pressing need to authenticate Hebrew Scripture, due to their cultural awakening to Arabic literacy in general, and to the Islamic conception of the formation of the Qur’ān as a book, in particular.  Leading Karaite thinkers reconstructed a new foundational narrative, in which a "single" (written torah), as opposed to a "dual" (oral and written torah) formed the sole revealed base for Jewish creed. In this, they also perceived a credible response to the Islamic undermining of the Hebrew Bible as a revealed scripture abrogated by the Qur’ān. Nevertheless, there was also a degree of ambivalence in the Karaite reconstruction of Judaism, which is generally typical of heretical movements that are empowered by the dissemination of literacy among their folk. Karaite attempts to retain the kudos of oral culture are also highlighted, especially, in the envisioning of a distant oral past which originally informed various genres of the Hebrew Bible, as reflected in Karaite exegesis.

1832 yılında Alman Arabist 2 Georg Wilhelm Freytag (1788-1861), öğrencisi Abraham Geiger'ı (1810-1874) akademik bir yarışmaya katılması için teşvik etti. Bonn Üniversitesi Felsefe Fakültesi tarafından düzenlenen yarışmanın başlığı "Yahudilik'ten Türetilen Kur'an Konularına İlişkin Bir Araştırma" (Lat. "Inquiratur in fontes Alcorani seu legis Mohammedicae eas, qui ex Judaismo derivandi sunt") idi. Geriye dönüp bakıldığında, Bonn'daki profesörlerin belirlediği şekliyle böyle bir başlık, Müslümanların "Kur'an'ın Tanrı kelamı olduğu ve bu nedenle eşsiz olduğu" iddialarına karşı duyarsız görünmektedir. Ancak, İslam'ın temel inançlarından birine karşı bu duyarsızlık, zamanın bilgili Avrupalıları arasında, bırakın tepkiyi, hiçbir alâkaya mazhar olmadı. Genç Geiger hocasının davetini kabul etti ve önce ödüle layık görülen, sonra da kendisine Marburg Üniversitesi'nden doktora payesi kazandıran bir çalışma yaptı. Latince kaleme aldığı tezinin gözden geçirilmiş ve genişletilmiş baskısı sonradan Almanca olarak Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthume aufgenommen? "Muhammed Yahudilik'ten Ne Aldı" 3 başlığıyla yayımlandı. Bu başlık, Latince versiyonundan bile daha güçlü bir şekilde, [Hz.] Muhammed'in peygamber

As composed in 2019 for Theologische Literaturzeitung (later revised and expanded for my 2019 book, Religion without Violence: The Practice and Philosophy of Scriptural Reasoning).

Here is the abstract for the original essay:

"Deep calls to deep at the thunder of thy cataracts; all thy waves and thy billows have gone over me" (Ps. P2:7) As first developed in 1992, Scriptural Reasoning (SR) names a method for studying scriptures across the borders of any tradition. 12 Our prototype was a study of Abrahamic scriptures: the Tanakh, the New Testament, and the Qur'an studied side-by-side, so that students, adherents and observers of any one scriptural canon would feel welcomed to read and comment on verses of the other canons as well. 3 One of our goals was to find better methods for teaching religions through the study of scripture and for teaching scripture in a way that was enriched by both academic and traditional forms of commentary. Another goal was to find methods for peaceful encounter across religious traditions. 4 I often hear the term "Scriptural Reasoning" applied to this broader program. I use the term in both senses. "Formational SR" refers to the original practice, which remains a prototype and the single most effective exercise for introducing folks to the mindset presupposed by all the other forms and applications of SR. Formational SR. The elements of our original practice are quite simple. There is, prototypically, a table with 3-8 chairs placed around it. On the table are three small sets of verses, one from each of the three Abrahamic canons of scripture: the Tanakh (the Hebrew bible), the New Testament, and the Qur'an. The verses appear in translation so that all the participants can read them. Participants discuss the plain sense of different scriptural verses as if they shared equal facility in reading those words. They gradually turn to discussing what seems most challenging or surprising in those verses.

The dissertation is the first book length study of the intellectual links between Judaism and Shi‘ism in the Middle Ages. It is dedicated to Rabbi Judah Halevi's treatise al-Kitāb al-khazarī, (Book of the Kuzari), one of the most renowned and important treatises in Judeo-Arabic culture. This central treatise is a fascinating test-case instance of a Jewish writer drawing from Shī‘ī literary sources. At the core of his work, Judah Halevi examined the idea of the Chosen People. A wide-ranging textual and phenomenological investigation of the Judeo-Arabic text shows that the writer relies on terms and conceptions borrowed from the Shī‘ī Imām doctrine, in order to develop the principal motifs depicting the People of Israel as God's Chosen. Judah Halevi's inclination towards Shī‘ī literature seems to move upon the axis drawn between the central theme of Shī‘ī theology – the Imām doctrine - and the main idea of Halevi's thought – the idea of the Chosen People. Some of the terms, conceptions and structures characteristic of the Shī‘ī  Imām doctrine and of the way in which Shī‘ī  theology shape the status of the Prophets and Imāms as God's Chosen appear in Halevi's work in the theological context of shaping the status of Israel's progenitors and the People of Israel as God's Chosen.
This study also aims to present a certain historical perspective that enables us to understand the basis for Judah Halevi's interest in and attraction to Shī‘ī  literature, with its unique category of God's Chosen. The polemic argument over the issue of the legitimate heir to leadership in early Islam, as well as the debate around the legitimate heir-group in medieval inter-religious dispute, emerge as the relevant historical background for the seemingly surprising linkage between concepts and ideas of the Shī‘ī Imām doctrine and the idea of the Chosen People in Judah Halevi's thought. This linkage reflects Halevi as a bold, original thinker on the one hand, and the Shī‘ī Imām doctrine as exceedingly fruitful on the other – reaching beyond the bounds of Islam.
This study is based on a comparative reading of a wide variety of Shī‘ī sources of the 8th – 11th centuries; treatises that represent the lines of development of the Shī‘ī Imām doctrine in its two central trends– the Imāmī Shī‘a and the Ismā‘īlī Shī‘a. The study is further based upon the impressive progress made by the recent generation of researchers of Shi‘a trends, and it benefits from the recent considerable improvement in accessing Shi‘a's early literary sources.

Several years ago an international conference was held at the University of California to honor Professor William Brinner, whose personal scholarship throughout the years has focused on both the Jewish and Muslim historical, cultural, and intellectual experiences. This volume, which consists of the works of many of the conference participants, is a collection of essays that deal with the interaction of Judaism and Islam over history from different perspectives.
The book is divided into nine parts: introduction, overview, Jewish-Muslim interaction in medieval times, Jewish-Muslim interaction in modern times, Bible and Qur'ān, law, philosophy and ethics, sectarian communities, and language, linguistics and literature.
As a resolution the Arab-Israeli conflict slowly edges forward, we believe that this publication will serve the purposes of both serious scholarship and better cultural understanding.

İntihal: Bu makale, intihal tarama programlarıyla taranmış ve intihal tespit edilmemiştir. Plagiarism: This article has been scanned with plagiarism screening programs and plagiarism has not been detected. Etik Beyan: Bu çalışmanın hazırlanma sürecinde bilimsel ve etik ilkelere uyulduğu ve yararlanılan tüm çalışmaların kaynakçada belirtildiği yazar(lar) tarafından beyan olunur. Ethical Statement: It is declared that scientific and ethical principles have been followed while carrying out and writing this study and that all the sources used have been properly cited.

el-KÜTÜB'TEN 'İSRAİLİYAT' A BİR KA VRAMIN TARİH İÇİNDEKi YOLCULUGU Ali KUZUDİŞLİ* Özet Bu makalede: -İslam literatürünün ilk kaynaklarında sıkça tekrarlanan 'el-Kütüp =Kitaplar' kavramının anlamı; -el-Kütüb kavramının İslam öncesi dönemden hicri dördüncü asrın sonlarına kadar olan dönemdeki gelişimi ve İsrailiyat kavramıyla yer değişimi; -Kitaplardan gelen nakillerin cümle kalıpları ve genel içerikleri -İsrailiyat kavramını ilk kullanan kişinin önceki bazı çalışmalarda iddia edildiği gibi Mes'fıdi olmayıp, Vehb b.

Within Jewish tradition there exist sources that express towards aspects of Muslim religiosity an attitude that extends beyond tolerance and reflects positive intellectual and religious respect and admiration. It is important for both Jews and Muslims to become acquainted with these sources, and to consider their implications. Here I consider one such source, found in the writings of rabbi Yitzhak Farhi of Jerusalem (1782-1853). It tells of a relationship between two outstanding men in late 18th century Damascus: a great Sufi sheikh and the Chief Rabbi of Damascus.

Islamic sources indicate that Muslims often sought to distance themselves from the Rabbinic Jewish laws of menstruation. A study of Islamic folklore on menstruation demonstrates that Muslim authors have adopted Jewish Midrashim on the subject, with certain alterations. In the following article, I will attempt to examine several Midrashic sources regarding menstruation that may have been absorbed into some Islamic sources. I will further seek to explain the differences between the Jewish and Islamic texts.

Ibn Hilāl al-Sijilmāsī, jurisconsulte du Tafilalt, et son contemporain al-Maghīlī du Touat sont des figures importantes de savants oasiens du IXe/XVe siècle. Le second est connu pour avoir initié une violente polémique au sujet des communautés juives du Sahara et appelé au meurtre des juifs du Touat. Al-Sijilmāsī, sollicité pour donner son avis à ce sujet, rédige une longue riposte aux positions d’al-Maghīlī, compilée dans son recueil de jurisprudences (Nawāzil). Je propose ici une étude de cette réponse en m’intéressant dans un premier temps aux profils des deux personnages, et à ce que cela nous apprend à la fois sur les contacts savants existants entre les oasis et les capitales maghrébines – notamment Tlemcen et Fès – et entre les lieux d’érudition au Sahara que sont le Touat et le Tafilalt. J’analyse ensuite les thèmes développés par al-Sijilmāsī dans sa réponse : défaillances du pouvoir, risques de discorde (fitna), question de l’impôt et ce que cela montre des relations entretenues, dans les oasis, avec les communautés juives sahariennes.

Within Jewish tradition there exist sources that express towards aspects of Muslim religiosity an attitude that extends beyond tolerance and reflects positive intellectual and religious respect and admiration. It is important for both Jews and Muslims to become acquainted with these sources, and to consider their implications. Here I consider one such source, found in the writings of rabbi Yitzhak Farhi of Jerusalem (1782-1853). It tells of a relationship between two outstanding men in late 18th century Damascus: a great Sufi sheikh and the Chief Rabbi of Damascus.

Avoiding situations that jeopardize the health and life of children is an ethical imperative that cannot be solved by omitting the existence of the problem. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe intervened in relation to circumcision in 2013 and 2015, shifting the competence of the practice from the area of acts concerning religious freedom to acts against physical integrity. A lack of sensitivity of the European Union that reduces ritual circumcision exclusively to the aspect of physical intervention. If the secular world requires rational, scientific reasons, which religions have always provided, nevertheless it should be borne in mind that there is something deeper, not irrational, but metaphysical that underlies the rites.

A talk in Roundtable on 'Building understanding across religious and cultural differences: The legacies of Martin Buber', Organised by Research Network in Jewish Studies. Senate Room, New College, Edinburgh,
4-5.30 pm, 21 February, 2017.

In the aftermath of the 1848 revolutions, the search for a symbolic Jewish presence in the urban centers of Central Europe led to the emergence of a monumental synagogue architecture in the Moorish revival style. This new architectural convention experienced a sudden breakthrough in April and May 1854, when it was adopted almost simultaneously in the plans for three major synagogues to be built in Leipzig, Vienna, and Pest. In this article, I will demonstrate that the social and aesthetic agendas of the three community leaderships were interconnected and that they must be understood in the context of the international political events transpiring at the time. In the spring of 1854, Europe witnessed the military and propagandistic run-up to the Crimean War. In the spirit of liberal patriotism, Hungarian Jews identified with the Ottomans against the Czarist Empire and saw the contemporary Islamic-Christian alliance as a globalizing extension of the emancipation process.

It would be interesting to rethink Europe as a continent, also examining Eastern Europe, to rediscover both commercial and cultural links and exchanges that bind Jews, Christians and Muslims in these four centuries (XVI-XIX). Instead, it seems that some European roots have been cut, both in the East and in the South in the Mediterranean, whose reconstruction is quite complex, and that the great work of the essays collected in the book “Intertwined Stories” tries to bring to light.

Das Wort Khamsa (arabisch) oder hamesh (hebräisch) heißt fünf und bezieht sich auf die Anzahl der Finger an einer Hand. Das Amulett ist ein bedeutendes Schmuckstück in der Volkskunst und soll den sog. "bösen Blick" abwehren. Bis zum heutigen Tag lebt die Khamsa im Islam als "Hand der Fatima" und im Judentum als "Khamsa fort. Das Projekt entstand in Kooperation mit William Gross, Paul Dahan und dem Eretz Israel Museum in Tel Aviv.
Weitere Autoren: Shimon Stein,  Monika Boosen, William Gross
Dt./Engl.
ISBN 3-936988-02-1

Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Muhammad Haj Amin al-Husseini (Jerusalem 1893-Beirut 1974) has been widely recognized as one of the most important protagonists of political developments in Palestine prior to creation of the State of Israel. Historians are also well-acquainted with his collaboration with the Nazis during the World War II, even though there are aspects of that collaboration yet to be more thoroughly scrutinized. However, as I have argued in my article Haj Amin al-Husseini: Herald of Religious Anti-Judaism in the Contemporary Islamic World the Mufti’s role in shaping wider Muslim perception of Jews might be a far more important and lasting legacy of his, than the immediate political activism in Palestine, in Germany or elsewhere. An important source for supporting this thesis can be found in a booklet authored by him and intended for the Muslim soldiers enlisted in an SS Division in Bosnia. During the Mufti’s stay in Berlin he closely befriended the Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler. Himmler’s fascination with Islam and the Mufti’s zealous support for the Nazi cause resulted in several common enterprises of theirs. The one relevant for this study had been the Mufti’s engagement in establishing a volunteer Waffen-SS Division in Bosnia, made up mostly of Bosnian Muslims, later named the Handžar Division. Most books about the Handžar Division display photography of its soldiers – distinguishable by the Division’s insignia on uniform lapels and fez headgear – reading a booklet titled Islam und Judentum. The cover does not display the name of the author, but it is most certainly the Grand Mufti, and the booklet is the German version of his pamphlet Islam i židovstvo (Islam and Judaism). In whatever language the pamphlet was originally written, the intended readers, as we shall see from the text, were Muslims (Bosnian or other), and not Germans. I have not been able to find a German copy of the text to compare, but it seems reasonable to regard the text written in the language of the Bosnian Muslims, which was at the time called Croatian as the most relevant. That fifteen-page booklet I have translated from the Croatian original into English, and present it here in its entirety.