Greek and Roman studies

Antik yerleşimlerin Roma Dönemi tabakalarında, kırmızı renkte kilden ve kırmızı renkte parlak astarlı, kalıpta ya da çarkta yapılmış, kabartmalı bezemeli ya da bezemesiz seramikler sıklıkla bulunmaktadır. İlk yapılan çalışmalarda Arezzo ya da Arretine Seramiği olarak anılmış, fakat sonraları diğer antik yerleşimlerde de sıklıkla bulunduğu saptanarak, ilerleyen çalışmalarda Terra Sigillata olarak isimlendirilmiştir. Günümüzde, Geç Roma Dönemi’nde üretilen kırmızı renkli seramikler için Kırmızı Astarlı terimi yaygınlaşmıştır. Son yıllarda ilerleyen çalışmalarla, Roma Dönemi’nin bu karakteristik seramikleri Anadolu’daki çok sayıda yerleşimde bulunmuş ve yayınlanmıştır. Antik Batı Anadolu’nun önemli Ion kentlerinden biri olan Phokaia, bu karakteristik seramik grubunun üretim merkezlerinden biridir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Phokaia Sahil Yolu kazısında bulunan Kırmızı Astarlı seramiklerini tipolojik ve kronolojik olarak incelemek ve kil analizlerini sunmaktır.
In the Roman Period layers of the ancient settlements, there are often ceramics with or without relief decoration, made of red clay and bright red slip, made in molds or on wheels. In the first studies, it was referred to as Arezzo or Arretine Ceramics, but it was later determined that it was frequently found in other ancient settlements and was named Terra Sigillata in later studies. Today, the term Red Slip has become widespread for red colored ceramics produced in the Late Roman Period. With the progress of studies in recent years, these characteristic ceramics of the Roman Period have been found and published in many settlements in Anatolia. Phokaia, one of the important Ionian cities of ancient Western Anatolia, is one of the production centers of this characteristic ceramic group. The aim of this study is to examine the Red Slip Ware found in the the Coastal Road excavation of Phokaia, typologically and chronologically, and to present their clay analysis.

Today some scholars think that the name Poseidā́ōn means 'o husband of Dā-!', supposing that Dāwas a goddess of water. Accordingly, the name Demeter is explained as 'Mother Water'. But PIE *poti-in compounds and univerbations never means 'husband', but 'lord' (§ 3). Other scholars explain the name Poseidā́ōn as 'o lord of water!', interpreting dāas 'water'. But there are arguments that advise us to prefer the older etymological proposals 'o lord of the earth!' and, regarding Demeter, 'Earth-mother'. The main arguments are: a) Since Walter Burkert discovered that Ilias 15, 187-193 is influenced by the Babylonian epic Atrahasis, it was possibly nobody else than Homer who started defining Poseidā́ōn as the overlord of the Sea (§ § 3; 5.1). b) Homeric epitheta ornantia often are relics of an earlier stage. Therefore epitheta of Poseidā́ōn like 'Earth-shaker' suggest that he was before Homer rather the lord of volcanism, earthquake and tsunami than of the sea itself. There is no single Homeric epitheton of this god concerning the sea (§ 4). c) The particular importance of this god in Mycenaean texts matches with the volcanic eruption on the Aegean island of Thera (Santorini) circa 1470 B.C. and could be a further argument for volcanic character of Poseidā́ōn (§ 5.1).

Ο τόμος αυτός επιχειρεί να προσφέρει ένα έγκυρο βοήθημα για τη μελέτη της αρχαίας ελληνικής γραμματείας κατά τους ελληνιστικούς και αυτοκρατορικούς χρόνους, δηλαδή την περίοδο από τον θάνατο του Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου, το 323 π.Χ., έως το τέλος της ρωμαϊκής αυτοκρατορίας που σηματοδοτείται από το διάταγμα του Διοκλητιανού για την τετραρχία (το 293 μ.Χ.) και τη μεταφορά της πρωτεύουσας στην Κωνσταντινούπολη από τον Μεγάλο Κωνσταντίνο (το 330 μ.Χ).
Παρότι και οι δύο αυτές περίοδοι παρουσιάζουν, ως προς τη γραμματειακή παραγωγή τους, αρκετά κοινά χαρακτηριστικά (με βασικότερο την εξάπλωση και την κυριαρχία της ελληνικής παιδείας), εμφανίζουν όμως και σημαντικές διαφορές έτσι ώστε να επιβάλλεται, από μεθοδολογική άποψη, η εξέτασή τους σε δύο διαφορετικές ενότητες.
Στην ενότητα που αφιερώνεται στην ελληνιστική περίοδο εξετάζονται οι σημαντικότεροι εκπρόσωποι της λογοτεχνίας της περιόδου: Καλλίμαχος, Θεόκριτος, Απόλλωνιος ο Ρόδιος, επιγραμματοποιοί, Πολύβιος, όπως επίσης και εκπρόσωποι της επιστημονικής γραμματείας: Θεόφραστος, Ευκλείδης, Αρίσταρχος, και μαθηματικά επιγράμματα. Τα κεφάλαια 1.1. και 1.2.1.-1.2.6. συνέγραψε ο Βασίλειος Βερτουδάκης, ενώ το 1.2.7. η Αθηνά Μπάζου.
Στην ενότητα που αφιερώνεται στην αυτοκρατορική εποχή εξετάζονται οι σημαντικότεροι εκπρόσωποι της λογοτεχνίας της περιόδου: Λουκιανός, Διογένης Λαέρτιος, Δίων από την Προύσα (Χρυσόστομος), Πλούταρχος, Φλάβιος Φιλόστρατος, Αίλιος Αριστείδης, όπως επίσης και εκπρόσωποι της επιστημονικής γραμματείας: Στράβων, Πτολεμαίος, Γαληνός. Τα κεφάλαια 2.1.1., 2.1.3.-2.1.6. και 2.2.1.-2.2.5. συνέγραψε ο Μενέλαος Χριστόπουλος, ενώ τα 2.1.2. και 2.2.6.-2.2.7. η Αθηνά Μπάζου. Τα κεφάλαια 1.3. και 2.3. περιλαμβάνουν Παράρτημα τα αποσπάσματα από τα αρχαία κείμενα που χρησιμοποιήθηκαν.

Ausonius' Mosella represents a river that is a matrix of multi-species relationalities--spatial, legal, sympathetic, antipathetic, cosmological, economic, and filial. Reading the river as relational unlocks new perspectives on the alluvial nature of late antique intertextuality, broadening our hermeneutic horizons from other texts to the wider living world.

Traduction entièrement nouvelle de l'Apologie, tenant compte des dernières éditions ainsi que des enseignements tirés de l'édition-traduction du Dialogue avec Tryphon publiée en 2003, avec les articles qui l'accompagnent. Bien que les destinataires ne soient pas les mêmes, le mode de composition de l'Apologie présente, dans le détail, d'évidentes analogies avec celui du Dialogue (démarche rigoureusement argumentée et solidement structurée, au sein de laquelle le passage d'un thème à un autre se fait souvent, de manière implicite, par glissements successifs). Dans l'Apologie comme dans le Dialogue, Justin raisonne à la fois de manière discursive (plan apparent)  et analogique (démarche sous-jacente).  L'ensemble des commentaires qui ne pouvaient pas trouver place dans cette édition Pléiade se retrouveront dans une prochaine monographie sur Justin de Naplouse tenant compte de l'ensemble des données révérées par l'analyse des textes qui lui sont attribués.

Die vorliegende Studie setzt sich mit der militärischen Metaphorik im Corpus Paulinum im Blick auf deren Vorkommen und Bedeutung auseinander. Es zeigt sich, dass sich die militärische Rede und deren Anwendungsbereich im Corpus Paulinum über alle dreizehn Briefe hinweg, die der Reihe nach ihrer wahrscheinlichen chronologischen Abfassungsfolge entsprechend analysiert werden, zu entwickeln scheint: dienen militärische Motive anfangs noch vorwiegend als Vergleichsmomente, so werden sie im weiteren Verlauf der Briefchronologie zunehmend identifizierend eingesetzt. Thematisch verwendet Paulus militärische Redeweise insbesondere zur Schaffung und Wahrung von Einheit in der Gemeinde auf Grund gemeinsamer Identität sowie um sich und die Gemeinde als »Mithineingenommene« in den transzendenten, eschatologischen Kampf gegen Satan zu verstehen und praktisch zu verorten bzw. anzuleiten. Das Evangelium selbst ist umkämpft, was daher auch die Missionstätigkeit des Paulus bzw. der Gemeinde als eine geistlich-militärische Mission verstehen lässt. Als »echte Metaphern« können die militärischen Metaphern bei Paulus weder verlustfrei ersetzt noch aufgelöst werden.

SCHLÜSSELBEGRIFFE
Neues Testament, Corpus Paulinum, Biografie, Paulus, Apostel, Militär, Kampf, Krieg, Kriegsführung, Metapher, Metaphorik, Rhetorik, Hermeneutik, Einheit, Jesus, Satan, Evangelium, Mission.

SUMMARY
The study deals with military metaphors in the Corpus Paulinum with regard to their occurrence and significance. It turns out that the military speech and its scope of application in the Corpus Paulinum seems to evolve across all thirteen letters, which are analyzed in sequence according to their probable chronological order: if military motifs serve as comparative moments at first, they are increasingly used identically in the further course of the letter chronology. The use of military speeches in particular serves the purpose of creating and maintaining unity in the community on the basis of a common identity, and in order to understand and guide the community in a transcendent, eschatological struggle against Satan. The Gospel itself is contested, which also explains the missionary activity of Paul as a spiritual-military mission. As »real metaphors«, Paul's military metaphors can neither be replaced or dissolved without loss.

KEY TERMS
New Testament, Corpus Paulinum, Biography, Paul, Apostle, Military, Struggle, War, Warfare, Metaphor, Imagery, rhetorical criticism, Hermeneutics, Unity, Satan, Gospel, Mission.

The Colosseum is well understood as a dynastic monument that was key to the Flavian building programme and to Flavian ideology. From this point of view it has been approached as the fulfilment of Augustus's ambition for a large-scale amphitheatre, as serving to diminish Nero's memory as it was constructed on the atrium of his dismantled Golden House, and as a victory monument built with the spoils of the Jewish War. One important political aspect of this dynastic monument has been largely overlooked: its connection with emperor worship. Outside Rome, it is well known that amphitheatres served as a venue for the procession and placement of imperial cult images; in Rome, the Circus Maximus and the theatres were venues for the display of imperial images and attributes brought in during their respective pompae. Through the deployment of textual, topographical and visual evidence, this article demonstrates that the Colosseum also had a pulvinar that displayed images and attributes of the gods and divi brought in during the pompa. The location of the pulvinar and the mechanisms by which it was serviced are explored, as are the ideological implications of cultic activity in the Colosseum.Il Colosseo è considerato un monumento dinastico, chiave del programma edilizio e dell'ideologia flavia. Da questo punto di vista è stato considerato in molti modi: compimento del desiderio di Augusto di un anfiteatro di grandi dimensioni, o ancora la sua edificazione è stata letta come volontà di oblio di Nerone, essendo stato costruito sull'atrio della demolita Domus Aurea e anche come monumento legato alla vittoria di un evento bellico, costruito con le prede della guerra giudaica. Tuttavia un importante aspetto politico di questo monumento dinastico è stato ampiamente tralasciato: la sua connessione con il culto imperiale. Al di fuori di Roma, è ben noto come gli anfiteatri servissero come sede per la processione e per collocarvi le immagini di culto imperiali. In Roma il Circo Massimo e i teatri erano sedi in cui venivano esibiti le immagini imperiali e gli attributi portati durante le rispettive pompae. Attraverso l'analisi di testi, fonti topografiche e iconografiche, il presente articolo dimostra come il Colosseo fosse fornito anche di un pulvinar, in cui venivano esposte immagini e attributi degli dei e divi portati nella processione. Vengono esaminati la localizzazione del pulvinar e il meccanismo di manutenzione, nonché le implicazioni ideologiche dell'attività cultuale all'interno del Colosseo.

Bodnaruk, Mariana. “The Politics of Memory and Visual Politics: Comparing the Self-representations of Constantine and Augustus.” In: Annual of Medieval Studies at CEU. Vol. 19. Eds. Judith Rasson and Marianne Sághy (Budapest: Central European University, 2013), 9-32.

en un sello en ánfora Dressel 20, se revisa cuanto sabemos sobre el personaje, el Kalendarium Vegetianum y la importancia de las confiscaciones de Severo en la Bética, precisándose, gracias a la epigrafía anfórica, aspectos muy concretos de la

Appian's Illyrian book (Illyrike) was originally intended to be just an appendix to his Macedonian book and today remains the only extant ancient work dealing with the early history of Illyricum which is preserved in its entirety. In this short work Appian puts together different local and regional histories in order to create a unified historical narrative and determines the historical and mythological coordinates of Illyricum inside the ancient world. This paper will discuss Illyrike in the context of the Roman construction of Illyricum as a provincial space, similar to some other regions in continental Europe such as, for example, Gaul or Britain. They were all firstly created through the needs of Roman political geography and later written into literary knowledge through the works of ancient history and ethnography. This paper will argue that Appian's Illyrike represented the final stage of the Roman construction of Illyricum from an imaginary to a provincial space, which was the point of its full coming of age as an integral part of the ancient world and the Roman Empire.

Bodnaruk, Mariana. “Producing Distinction: Aristocratic and Imperial Representation in the Constantinian Age.” In: Shifting Genres in Late Antiquity, eds. Geoffrey Greatrex and Hugh Elton (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015), 135-155.

Scholars have viewed the relations between the emperor and the senatorial aristocracy in late antique Rome assuming that the senatorial elite and the emperor with his entourage form two discrete groups which, although interacting with each other in various ways, exist as two separate and often antagonistic “phenomena”. Scholars have tended to treat the Constantinian change as a single defining moment in a religious conflict between Christians and pagans. For that reason, the role of the imperial aristocracy in the age of Constantine has received less attention on its own. Early fourth-century aristocratic self-representation has not, with a few notable exceptions, received close scrutiny and the primary evidence has in many cases been neglected. This paper seeks to reconstruct aristocratic involvement in the political and cultural change in the Constantinian period concentrating on visual sources, and argues that the shift of focus to the senatorial class suggests a more complex intersection between the imperial and aristocratic ideological representation.
The first part of the paper presents the evidence for the political background to the aristocratic self-representation. Honorary statues, an exceptionally conservative medium of self-expression of the social elite, underwent conspicuous change. While the most closely dated portrait statues of the early fourth century, examples both of the fashion of the last decade of Constantinian rule and the constraints of re-use, show a lack of influence of the image of Constantine, they suggest the continued significance of the traditional Roman toga and demonstrate great continuity with the past. The iconography and chronology of the late antique togate statue will be explained from the sociological, political, and administrative changes that re-structured the elites of the Roman Empire after the reforms of the tetrarchy and Constantine, a process that made the development of new representational patterns possible.
The second part of the paper analyzes the imperial representation in light of the new visual language that came into being during the period. A radically new image conceived for Constantine, that of a beardless Augustus-like figure, has been recognized and held up as an important turning point in late Roman art. While it has been acknowledged that the Constantinian innovative image represents the end of the military tradition of the short-haired and short-bearded imperial likeness which culminated in the anonymous and effectively interchangeable portraits of tetrarchs, it is a much under-emphasized fact that the traditional elite did not embrace the Constantinian look, but continued to represent themselves in the established manner of the third century within the previous honorific statue tradition, in contrast to the new and widespread emperor’s image.
With this reassessment of a more complex political landscape of the Constantinian age than has been recognized, involving aristocratic representation together with imperial self-portrayal, which my paper reinstates to the same context, one witnesses the dynamic social world of the time, in both Rome and the provinces, and an approach that calls into question the “pagan/Christian” model and invites a new interpretation that is not based on religious categories.

One of the recurring elements of the mythic landscape is the spring, whose appearance is linked to the fate of a series of female figures. Greek and Roman literature abound in stories of human and divine girls, who are the protagonists of plots based on the theme of erotic transgression and who meet their ends by being transformed into the liquid. In an anthropological perspective, I focus on these stories to examine the power of myth which refracts meanings and cultural practices in narrative contexts, and to highlight the action of myth which redefines geographical space.
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Abstract: Le village de Shahba, devenu la colonie romaine de Philippopolis, est situé à quatre-vingt dix kilomètres au sud de Damas et à vingt kilomètres au nord de Suweida’ en Syrie du Sud. Sa notoriété et son développement sont dus à l’empereur Philippe l’Arabe qui a transformé la petite bourgade où sa famille s’était installée, en une petite, mais riche cité de 244 à 249 lors de son règne.
La mosaïque polychrome qu’on pourrait appeller mosaïque de la « Fête Nocturne Pannychis » - à cause de sa représentation personnifiée - a été quelque peu oubliée par la littérature scientifique. On trouve cependant quelques brèves descriptions dans les travaux de J. Balty, de J.-Ch. Balty, de H. Hatoum, de L. Abad Casal, de H. Sichterman et d’A. Kossatz-Deismann. À ma connaissance, elle n’a été publiée que par petits fragments. Seul J.-Ch. Balty, dans un article du LIMC consacré à la personnification abstraite d’Euphrasia, propose une rapide interprétation de la mosaïque en expliquant le sens des mots « pannychis » et « euphrasia ».
La mosaïque de Pannychis n’est plus malheureusement en place, on peut néanmoins supposer, vu le thème représenté, qu’elle devait probablement orner une salle à manger (triclinium ou œcus).
Cette mosaïque rectangulaire, abritée au musee de Shahba, est composée d’une large bordure géométrique, de six petits panneaux représentant des personnifications inscrites sur les cotés courts du tapis, et d’un grand tableau central avec une effigie des trois Grâces (Charites) mis en valeur dans une belle bordure géométrique de ruban torsadé. Les tableaux angulaires représentent les Quatre Saisons. En commençant par l’angle gauche dans la rangée inférieure et en suivant le mouvement contraire à celui des aiguilles d’une montre, les Saisons sont placées en ordre suivant : Theros (l’Été), Methoporon (l’Automne), Heimon[e] (l’Hiver) et Ear (le Printemps). Entre l’Été et l’Automne, l’artiste a placé le buste de la personnification féminine de Pannychis – de la Fête Nocturne. Entre les personnifications du Printemps et de l’Hiver, le portrait en trois quart de la personnification féminine d’Euphrasia – (la Gaîté, la Joie dans un festin, la Réjouissance) a été placée.
Quel sens se cache derrière toutes ces images et à quelle idée elles font allusions ? Si le tableau central est le plus grand, il n’est que complémentaire par rapport aux panneaux latéraux. La clé du programme de la mosaïque est la personnification de Pannychis – de la Fête Nocturne. La personnification de la Gaîté – Euphrasia fait son pendant.
Que sait-on de ces faites nocturnes que les citoyens romains hellénisés en Orient célébraient en se réunissant en grand nombre ? Une source inestimable dans la recherche sur l’histoire des mentalités grecques sous la domination romaine est l’auteur grec d’Éphèse connu sous le nom d’Artémidore de Daldis, spécialiste de l’oniromancie. Il est célèbre grâce à son manuel d’interprétation des rêves (Onirocriticon) rédigé probablement à Éphèse à la fin du IIe siècle. Artémidore parle des Fêtes nocturnes vues dans les rêves. La fête nocturne est célébrée très joyeusement par ses participants. C’est une fête bruyante avec danse et musique. C’est l’occasion pour tout le monde de se rassembler et de faire de nouvelles connaissances. De plus, cette fête permet aux jeunes de dépasser certaines interdictions et d’exprimer leurs sentiments. Les nouveaux couples formés durant cette fête nocturne peuvent confirmer leur engagement par un mariage. Artémidore effectue des rapprochement entre la Fête nocturne et la réunion de personnes, le mariage, la gaîté, la bonne humeur, l’abondance et l’acquisition des biens (pour les pauvres). Le Pannychis et l’Euphrasia sont présents ensemble dans le texte d’Artémidore comme sur la mosaïque de Philippopolis. Sa description met l’accent sur des éléments caractérisant la Fête Nocturne : la joie, la bonne humeur et l’abondance (de la table et des boissons) que les fêtes offrent aux participants. La signification des Charites est complémentaire de celle qui est évoquée par les personnifications de Pannychis et d’Euphrasia. Le tableau de la mosaïque de Philippopolis fait sans doute allusion aux fêtes nocturnes que le propriétaire envisageait d’organiser, et sans aucun doute organisait dans sa demeure.
La mosaïque de la Fête Nocturne de Philippopolis qui ornait probablement un triclinium rappelle ce qu’on rencontre dans d’autres salles à manger chez les riches propriétaires. La théorie du caractère allusif à la vie de l’aristocratie de l’époque romaine (et de ses nouveaux riches) dans la décoration interne des maisons et des villa a de plus en plus de partisans parmi les chercheurs. La mosaïque de Philippopolis ressemble à la décoration des salles à manger qui évoquent la fête, les festins, la boisson, la bonne nourriture, la musique et la danse, tout les ingrédients d’un banquet réussi.

En este texto analizamos las prácticas bélicas y los derechos de guerra de la República Romana con los pueblos vencidos de Grecia y Oriente a partir de la obra Guerras civiles de Apiano (siglo II d. C.). Primero, revisamos las nociones de la guerra y la diplomacia romana, considerando enfoques historiográficos y culturales. Posteriormente, estudiamos los conceptos de deditio y oppugnatio, como recursos de guerra que consolidan la imagen de poder de Roma, a partir de los cuales Roma obtiene suministros económicos y militares, que favorecen el control de sus dominios y la conquista de nuevos territorios.

Il saggio ripercorre le ipotesi ricostruttive sulle origini di Roma di alcuni illustri studiosi - Dominique Briquel, Andrea Carandini, Tim Cornell e Jacques Poucet - oggetto in questi ultimi decenni di un vivace dibattito, accompagnandole da un commento. In appendice alcune considerazioni su Santo Mazzarino e la Roma del VI secolo a.C.

ÖZET
Amastris antik kentine ilişkin ilk epigrafik araştırmalar, buraya 19. yüzyılın son çeyreğinde ziyarette bulunan G.
Perrot, J. H. Mordtmann, G. Hirschfeld, G. Doublet, E. Kalinka ve G. Mendel gibi biliminsanlarının yaptıkları yazıt
kayıtlarını yayımlamalarıyla başlamıştır. Bundan sonrasında 1985 yılına kadar Th. Wiegand, A. Wilhelm, L. Robert,
M. T. Yaman ve G. Jacopi’nin eserlerinde Amastris yazıtlarının yayımlandığını görüyoruz. Ch. Marek ilk olarak
1985’te Amasra Arkeoloji Müzesi’ndeki 41 yazıtı, Epigraphica Anatolica Dergisi’nde, müzenin ilk epigrafik corpus’u
niteliğinde, hemen sonrasında ise 1993’te “Stadt, Ära und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord-Galatia” isimli
kitabının içinde “Katalog der Inschriften von Amastris” başlıklı bir bölümde Amastris kentinin 116 yazıttan oluşan
ilk epigrafik corpus’unu yayımladı. Amastris yazıtlarına ilişkin bu çalışmaların yanı sıra, D. French, W. Ameling,
W. Peek, E. Pfuhl & H. Möbius, R. Merkelbach & J. Stauber’in epigrafik kataloglarında kente ait bazı yazıtları
yayımladıkları veya yeniden değerlendirdikleri görülür. Fakat son dönemlerde Amasra’dan ve çevre bölgeden
Amasra Arkeoloji Müzesi’ne yeni yazıtlar kazandırılmış olup, bu süreç devam etmektedir.
Bithynia epigrafik çalışmaları kapsamında Amasra Arkeoloji Müzesi’ndeki yayımlanmış ve yeni Hellence ve
Latince yazıtları bir corpus çatısı altında toplamak amacıyla bir proje başlatılmış; bu amaçla 2009 yılında Müze
Müdürlüğü’nden alınan bir izinle Müze’deki yazıtlar kopyalanmış ve üzerinde çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Envanter
bilgilerinden öğrenildiği kadarıyla, tüm bu yazıtların Amasra, Bartın and Zonguldak civarından geldiği; Amastris,
Tios/Tieion ve Herakleia Pontike antik kentlerine ve territorium’larına ait oldukları anlaşılmıştır. Müzede yapılan
çalışmaların ilk sonucu niteliğindeki bu makalede ise daha önceden yayımlanmamış 7 Hellence yazıt tanıtılmaktadır. Müze kayıtlarına göre bu yazıtlardan altısı Amastris territorium’undan, bir tanesi ise şüpheli olarak Tios/Teion antik
kenti territorium’undan getirilmiştir. Roma İmparatorluk Dönemi’ne tarihlenen yazıtların isimleri ve çevirileri şu
şekildedir:
1) Dothios ile Philopapos’un Adağı: Dothios ve Philopapos adak vesilesiyle (sundular); 2) Glykon (?) için Bir Adak:
…207 yılı(nda); 3) İmparatorların Azatlısı Aurelius Khrysanthos’un Eşi için Yaptırdığı Mezar Steli: İmparatorların
azatlısı Aurelius Khrysanthos anısı sonsuz, son derece tatlı ve eşsever zevcesi filancaya anısı vesilesiyle (bu mezarı)
yaptırdı; 4) Adı Bilinmeyen Bir Kadın ile Aurelius Aleksandros’un Mezarları; A. [Şu kadar yıl] dü[zgün] bir yaşam
sürmüş olan, [...]onnas’ın kızı, [...]ar’ın ise eşi olan filanca (burada yatıyor); B. ?5 yıl yaşayan, Ariston oğlu Aurelius
Aleksandros (burada yatıyor). Sağlıcakla kalın!; 5) Khrysous, Eşi Zoe ile Oğulları Khrysippos’un Mezar Steli: 253
yılının Dystros ayının 12. gününde. 65 yıl yaşayan Demosthas oğlu Khrysous ve 40 yıl yaşayan eşi Zoe ve 29 yıl
yaşamın ardından daha önce ölen oğulları Khrysippos (burada yatıyor). Bu steli onların kızı (olan) ben Khrysemene
diktirdim. Sağlıcakla kalın!; 6) Adı Bilinmeyen Bir Kişinin Mezar Steli: 179 yılının Dios ayının ... gününde ...; 7)
Fragman: Hayırlı olsun!

ABSTRACT
The first epigraphical research into Amastris, started with the records of researchers G. Perrot, J. H. Mordtmann,
G. Hirschfeld, G. Doublet, E. Kalinka and G. Mendel who travelled here at the last quarter of 19th century. The
publication of the inscriptions from Amastris continued then with the works of Th. Wiegand, A. Wilhelm, L. Robert,
M. T. Yaman, G. Jacopi up to 1985, when the first epigraphical corpus of Amasra Archaeological Museum including
41 inscriptions was formed by Ch. Marek in the journal of Epigraphica Anatolica. Ch. Marek also published the first
epigraphical corpus of the ancient city of Amastris within his work Stadt, Ära und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia
und Nord-Galatia in 1993 under the title of “Katalog der Inschriften von Amastris” that contains 116 inscriptions. In
addition to these some inscriptions of Amastris were added to and evaluated in the special epigraphical catalogues
of D. French, W. Ameling, W. Peek, E. Pfuhl & H. Möbius, R. Merkelbach & J. Stauber, E. Laflı & E. Christof. But
new inscriptions from Amasra and neighbouring regions still continue to be brought into Amasra Archaeological
Museum.
As part of a project to compile all published and unpublished Greek and Latin inscriptions in the Amasra Archaelogical
Museum into a corpus, inscriptions were copied and worked on with the permission of the directorship of the Amasra
Archaelogical Museum in 2009. These inscriptions are all found from the vicinities of Amasra, Bartın and Zonguldak
regions and belong to the the ancient cities of Amastris, Tios/Tieion and also Heraclea Pontica. In this article giving
the first results of epigraphical work in the museum, seven previously unpublished Greek inscriptions are presented.
According to the registry of the museum, six of them are from the territory of Amastris and one is sceptically from the
ancient city of Tios/Tieion(?). The translation of the inscriptions dating to Roman Imperial Period are as follows:
1) Dedication of Dothios and Philopapos: Dothios and Philopapos (dedicated) this offering on behalf of their
promise; 2) Dedication for Glycon(?):…(in) the year of 207; 3) Gravestone of So-and-So, wife of emperors’ freedman
Aurelius Chrysanthus: The Emperors’ freedman, Aurelius Chrysanthus, erected (this stele) to his beloved wife Soand-So loving her husband, whom he had in everlasting remembrance in memoriam; 4) Gravestone of an unidentified
woman and Aurelius Alexander, son of Ariston: A. So-and-So, daughter of [...]onnas and wife of [...]ar who lived
a moderate life so-and-so years (lies here); B. Aurelius Alexander, son of Ariston, (who) died at the age of ?5 (lies
here). Farewell!; 5) Gravestone of Chrysous, his wife Zoe and their son Chrysippus: 12th (day) of the month Dystros
of the year 253. Chrysous, son of Demosthas (died) at the age of 65 and his wife Zoe (died) at the age of 40 and their
son Chrysippus died previously at the age of 29 (lie here). Their daughter Chrysemene erected this stele. Farewell!;
6) Grave stele of So-and-So:(on the so-and-so day) of the month Dios of the year 179; 7) Fragmentary: With good
fortune!

Βασιλείου-Δαμβέργης, Αλέξανδρος-Νεκτάριος, Ιω., «Η ιωνική της Εύβοιας από το Ποτήριον του Νέστορος μέχρι την κλασική εποχή». Πρακτικά Εργασιών 5ου Διεθνούς Συνεδρίου για την Προώθηση της Εκπαιδευτικής Καινοτομίας, Λάρισα 11-13 Οκτωβρίου 2019, Λάρισα 2020, σ. 23-31.

Con esta obra Alfonso Mañas se propone introducir al gran público en el fascinante mundo de los gladiadores. El autor, apasionado estudioso de la gladiatura desde hace años, no busca atrapar la atención de los lectores repitiendo las acostumbradas trivialidades a las que nos tienen acostumbrados los medios o las publicaciones de esta temática, sino que aporta información nueva y la presenta con un enfoque novedoso, logrando además combinar felizmente la sencillez y claridad de la exposición con la corrección de los datos. El tono divulgativo del libro no va en menoscabo del rigor científico, basándose la obra en el conocimiento de las fuentes contemporáneas a la gladiatura –tanto visuales, como epigráficas y literarias–.
El lector es introducido gradualmente en una realidad muy lejana a la nuestra, y compleja, que entusiasmaba a las grandes masas y también a los miembros más destacados de la sociedad (emperadores incluidos), que acudían a los anfiteatros para asistir a los combates gladiatorios y a las cacerías de fieras, y para aplaudir a sus favoritos. El autor no ha olvidado tratar ningún aspecto de la gladiatura: expone paso a paso la vida de los gladiadores, desde su reclutamiento pasando por el largo periodo de entrenamiento en la escuela gladiatoria hasta el combate ante el público, e incluso más allá... acompañamos al vencedor en su triunfo y descendemos con el perdedor a la tumba.
Profundiza también en los aspectos más particulares y en las curiosidades, como el sistema de entrenamiento que usaban los gladiadores, la difícil convivencia entre estos que se daba en la escuela, o sus relaciones con sus seguidoras. No se olvida tampoco de las gladiadoras ni de los emperadores que lucharon como gladiadores. Particular atención presta también al Coliseo, el mayor y más famoso anfiteatro, y a los espectáculos que se dieron en él durante los más de cuatro siglos que estuvo en funcionamiento.
Un libro científicamente riguroso, sólidamente documentado y cautivador, que satisfará al lector interesado en descubrir la realidad de la gladiatura, uno de los fenómenos más discutidos y fascinantes de la civilización romana, aunque menos conocido en su verdadera imagen.

Il Romanzo di Alessandro, testo greco di controversa datazione, attribuito falsamente allo storico Callistene, traspone la vicenda storica di Alessandro Magno su un piano mitico e allegorico e contribuisce a plasmare l’immagine del condottiero macedone come modello archetipico della sovranità, della sete di conoscenza e della ricerca del limite. L’Historia de preliis, che del romanzo greco è multiforme e fortunatissima traduzione latina, è forse il principale canale attraverso cui il mito letterario di Alessandro giunge e si irradia nel Medio Evo europeo.

Il testo di cui si dà per la prima volta l’edizione è uno dei più completi e interessanti volgarizzamenti italiani dell’Historia de preliis: un testimone prezioso che illumina le modalità della circolazione nella penisola del mito alessandrino. Lo studio prende in analisi l’opera lungo un doppio asse: quello “orizzontale”, in relazione alle altre traduzioni italiane superstiti (tutte, o quasi, inedite); e quello “verticale”, in rapporto al modello latino – coacervo testuale che proprio grazie a un inedito sguardo a partire dalla tradizione volgare assume, à rebours, una nuova e inattesa leggibilità.

A new issue of POLIS is available now. Contents:

Positive Freedom and the Citizen in Athens. Author: Naomi T. Campa

Atimia and Outlawry in Archaic and Classical Greece. Author: Christopher Joyce

The Madness of Cambyses: Herodotus and the Problem of Inquiry. Author: Lindsay Mahon Rathnam

πέφυκεν πλεονεκτεῖν? Plato and the Sophists on Greed and Savage Humanity. Author: Chloe Balla

The Law in Plato’s Laws: A Reading of the ‘Classical Thesis’. Author: Luke William Hunt

Polybius’ Interpretation of Plato’s Arcadian Tale: Platonic Influences on Polybius’ Histories. Author: William Devon Burghart

Plato’s Minos and the Euthyphro. Author: Alex Priou

Philosophical Genesis: The Three Waves and the City-Soul Analogy in Republic V. Authors: Charlotte C.S. Thomas and Kevin S. Honeycutt

Political Implications of Ancient Platonism in Rabelais’s Tiers Livre. Author: Timothy Haglund

The fight of Aeneas and his family from Troy does not seem to have attracted
the attention of African mosaicists nor that of their colleges from the entire
Roman Empire. Today we only recognize a single artwork, more specifcally, an
emblema from Karthago. Except a brief description made by the inventor, J. W.
Salomonson in 1965, the scene seems to have escaped the attention of researchers
and archeologists.

Keywords: Karthago, mosaic, Aeneas iconography, scenic composition, semantic reading.

En el presente artículo se pretende analizar la !gura de la nodriza, las características que debían tener y las causas que motivaban su contratación. Para ello, nos centraremos fundamentalmente en el mundo romano, aunque también intentaremos compararlo con la sociedad contemporánea, en especial con la del siglo XIX. Observaremos cómo, pese al cambio temporal, algunos estereotipos, prejuicios y debates se han mantenido prácticamente hasta nuestros días.

This paper aims to provide insight into the troubled history of the editio princeps of Macrobius’ Saturnalia, which was planned for publication in Rome in the 1460s at Konrad Sweynheym and Arnold Pannartz’ typography. As is known, this edition never appeared, and some scholars even went so far as to doubt the existence of preliminary works on the text. The discovery of autograph annotations added by the editors, Theodoros Gazes and Giovanni Andrea Bussi, in the manuscript Vat. lat. 1542 firstly makes it possible to demonstrate that the project was launched and developed to a certain extent. Furhermore, the analysis of Gazes and Bussi’s contributions gives us the opportunity to look at the methodology applied to prepare the printed edition. Some remarks on the reasons of the interruption of the work are given in the last part of the article.

This essay explores the relationship between Hollywood cinema and Chinese Wuxia through scrutiny of the 2015 movie Dragon Blade. This essay was written as part of my undergraduate degree module, Classics and Cinema, and was selected for presentation at the inaugural 2017 Roehampton Classics Conference.

A Pedro Barceló Lehre tut viel, aber Aufmunterung tut alles 3 1. Introducción: Las relaciones de Severo (y Plauciano) con los cristianos En 2001, A. Daguet-Gagey publicaba un trabajo titulado Septime Sévère, un empereur persécuteur des chrétiens ? 4 , en el que, entre otras cosas, plantea la mala reputación que envuelve a este emperador entre los historiadores. Es bastante habitual considerarlo un líder enérgico y un general capaz y victorioso, pero a la vez suele ser tachado de ambicioso, falto de escrúpulos y cruel. Sin embargo, de la misma forma, fue habitual entre las fuentes tardías acusar a Severo de haber desencadenado una persecución que habría conducido al martirio a un gran número de cristianos. Dicha atribución surgió a partir del siglo iv d.C., casi dos siglos después de su reinado, cuando le achacan formalmente haber sido el causante de una persecución anticristiana que afectó sobre todo a Egipto y la zona de Siria-Palestina. El período de la dinastía de los Severos fue una época crucial en la historia de las relaciones entre paganos y cristianos, aunque hubo intentos para encajar 1 Clüver 1668, p. 261.

There is a prolific production of books on strategy and leadership comparing Ancient China thinkers, such as Sunzi and Laozi (among others), with their Western counterparts, from the Greeks and Romans Aelianus, Voegelius, and Frontinus to Machiavelli and Clausewitz.

However, these comparisons usually based on superficial similarities between the two worlds tend to end up in a cold and empty juxtaposition of opinions and sentences, or, even worse, they project onto these authors and their ideas a way of thinking that does not belong to either one.

This panel is therefore open to any contribution that presents an accurate and productive comparison among Ancient China and the West. Each contribution can address the thought of two or more authors or a specific concept in different authors, and it can focus on any literary genre, e.g., political treatises, poetry, etc.

Potential presenters must submit by June 1st, 2020 abstract proposals using the online submission form https://pamla.ballastacademic.com

For any questions, please contact Andrea Polegato at [email protected]

Materiali per una raccolta dei senatusconsulta (753 a.C. -312 d.C.) Edizione a cura di Alessia terrinoni e Pierangelo Buongiorno Lungo l'arco di mezzo secolo, e sino agli ultimi giorni di vita, Edoardo Volterra lavorò a una raccolta delle deliberazioni senatorie romane di cui vi fosse traccia nelle fonti, accumulando numerosi materiali. Di essi solo una minima parte fu adoperata per le voci Senatus consulta, apparse nel 1940 e nel 1969. L'archivio dell'École française de Rome custodisce tali preziosi materiali, e fra essi una raccolta -già allestita e ritenuta dallo studioso pronta per la stampa -dei senatus consulta noti per il periodo dal 753 a.C. al 396 a.C., come anche un repertorio di fonti schedate e impostate in ordine cronologico, sino al 312 d.C., talvolta con non trascurabili annotazioni a commento. Dopo una consultazione con gli eredi e con altri specialisti del settore è sembrato opportuno avviare la pubblicazione di tali materiali inediti. Si tratta infatti non già di un 'fossile' di un percorso di studio interrottosi per la morte dell'autore, ma di un legato scientifico di alto valore, che non solo permette di avere un quadro chiaro del tema, pur con la consapevolezza di essere di fronte a un lavoro in fieri, ma anche di comprendere il metodo di Edoardo Volterra e la percezione che lo studioso aveva delle fonti oggetto di questa sua indagine, oltre che, in molti casi, i convincimenti da lui maturati sulle singole deliberazioni o su problemi di natura generale.