Diplomatic Negotiations

Since the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), North Korea has tenaciously sought to develop nuclear capabilities despite harsh external pressure and sanctions, and thus it poses a serious threat to the international community. What has motivated North Korea to persistently develop nuclear weapons? Under what conditions has North Korea been able to obtain them? How should the US resolve the North Korean nuclear problem? In responding to these questions, this article first articulates the key external and internal reasons behind North Korea’s nuclear development, including US military threats, distrust toward the Soviet Union (later Russia) and China, lessons on regime survival deriving from the cases of Iraq, Libya, and Ukraine, weak conventional forces, and unstable domestic conditions. The article then looks into how systemic elements, such as a weak Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) system and the US-China rivalry have indirectly helped the economically fragile nation to manufacture nuclear weapons. The article concludes by delineating several policy implications for North Korea’s denuclearization.

Diplomacy is an extremely wide concept, therefore to specify its special relationship with the category of security, individual appointments were taken into account. Methodology was based on the analysis of literature. The following concept were characterized: preven-tive diplomacy, diplomatic asylum, extraterritoriality, security letter, conciliation, mediation, notification, diplomatic negotiations, peaceful coexistence, ultimatum, sanctions.  Their theoretical aspect and practical application in international politics were shown, both as "status quo" and "status quo ante".

Tra gli Stati dell’Italia spagnola della prima metà del Seicento, Genova e Lucca presentano una particolare affinità. La comune forma di governo repubblicana determina una vicinanza, alla quale concorrono rapporti di amicizia e parentela tra le famiglie dei rispettivi patriziati, e soprattutto la collocazione di entrambi gli Stati nell’orbita d’influenza spagnola. Tra le due Repubbliche s’instaura così un’alleanza che si rinnova e si consolida nei vari momenti di crisi e conflitto in cui si trovano impegnate nei primi decenni del XVII secolo. Il presente paper si propone di approfondire i rapporti tra Genova e Lucca, concentrandosi su due aspetti: le forme della rappresentanza diplomatica e i motivi della fortuna di questa alleanza. In primo luogo, l’analisi si concentrerà sulla prassi dei contatti diplomatici tra i due governi. In assenza di ambasciatori residenti, i rapporti sono gestiti principalmente attraverso due modalità: il diretto scambio epistolare tra i due governi, favorito dalla vicinanza geografica; l’utilizzo di «gentiluomini senza carattere», rappresentanti formalmente incaricati dal governo ma non ufficialmente accreditati. In secondo luogo, sarà possibile evidenziare le ragioni di questo sodalizio repubblicano, analizzando alcuni momenti in cui è chiamato in causa: le preoccupazioni di Lucca di fronte alle mire espansionistiche del Granducato di Toscana, le guerre di Modena (1603, 1613), le richieste di aiuto militare di Genova durante la guerra savoina (1625) e la successiva congiura di Vachero (1628). Ricostruire i processi decisionali dei due governi in tali frangenti consentirà di mostrare quali motivazioni – l’identità repubblicana, i contatti diretti, la devozione alla Monarchia cattolica – abbiano influito maggiormente nella decisione di Lucca di ricorrere alla protezione genovese, e di Genova nel richiedere l’aiuto militare lucchese.

Panel: Il Granducato di Toscana e le Repubbliche di Genova e Lucca: equilibri e rapporti di potere nella prima metà del Seicento
Coordinatore: Diego Pizzorno (Università di Genova)
Seminario SISEM «Attraverso la Storia - IV edizione» (Bologna, 24-26 novembre 2016)

Hilokuah,  Hafeni  Hangula.  The  training  of  officers  in  the  Namibian  Army  and  that  of  the Brazilian  Army:  analysis of the  possible benefits  to the  Namibia  Army  that may  be  gained  by the  training  of  the  Namibian  cadets  at  the  Military  Academy  of  Agulhas  Negras.  Resende: AMAN, 2018. Monograph. This  study  addresses  the  training  of  officers  in  the  Namibian  Army  and  in  the  Brazilian  Army with  a  main  objective  of  analyzing  the  potential  benefits  to  the  Namibian  from  the  training  of Namibian  cadets  at  AMAN,  and  to  compare  the  training  of  officers  in  the  two  friendly  nations, with  the  intention  of  exploring  the  skills  and  knowledge  that  these  Namibian  cadets  will acquire  upon  completing  the  course  at  AMAN  and  how  they  may  be  applied  for  benefit  of  the Namibian Army. The  study  uses  a  bibliographical  methodology  to present an overview of  how the  training  of  officers  in  each  of  the  countries  is  conducted  and  analyzes  the  main  objectives of  the  training  in  each  country,  as  well  as  the  competencies  that  combatants  officers  trained  at AMAN  are  posed  to  acquire  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  officers’  formation  course.  Finally,  it is  concluded  that  the  Namibian  Army  does  stand  to  benefit  from  the  training  of  its  cadets  at AMAN,  however  there  are  certain  aspects  that  can  to  be  improved  for  the  benefit  of  all  the involved parties.
Keywords: Officer Training,  Benefits, Skills/  Competencies, Namibian  Army,  Brazilian  Army, AMAN.

States attempt to achieve their national interests in peaceful manner through the diplomatic negotiation. Diplomatic negotiation is a process which was based on domestic and global politics. Effectiveness of the diplomatic negotiation process depended on two elements, namely:

During the 2019 and 2020 US-Russia debate on the New START extension, both countries raised again the issue of multilateralization of strategic offensive arms control. However, while the USA called for China’s participation, Russia once again reiterated the Soviet Union’s Cold-War position and invited France and the UK to join first. Having in mind China’s refusal to join these talks, out of various reasons, the purpose of this article is to explore the attitudes of France and the UK, two European states and NATO members with strategic arms, vis-a-vis the Russian invitation and the prospects and preconditions for strategic arms control multilateralization through their involvement. In this endeavour, the author employs the concept of strategic stability, and analyses a variety of primary and secondary sources, including chronologies of negotiations and contents of strategic arms control treaties, and other relevant treaties, as well as French and British strategic documents, and statements by officials from these and other relevant countries. The author concludes that the UK and France would be more likely to enter into formal strategic arms control if at least three sets of preconditions are met – the US and NATO “permission”, equality, and an improved strategic environment.

El hombre por su naturaleza gregaria, debe estar en permanente contacto con sus semejantes, dando y recibiendo, esto es negociando, a todo lo largo de su vida.

Basándose en las habilidades adquiridas por su experiencia el hombre negocia día con día, generalmente sin utilizar métodos o técnicas más elaboradas, que apenas alcanzan el nivel primitivo de “ganar o perder” en la negociación.