Counterhegemony

The essay focuses on the phenomenon of fashion blogging and influencing, and analyses how the work of digital influencers affects the production and circulation of fashion imaginary. The aim of the contribution is twofold. Firstly, to show the institutionalisation of fashion blogging and influencing through a "fight and rule" strategy: trying to maintain, at least rhetorically, the appeal of the outsider voice born from below, bloggers and influencers are now a structural component of the communicative processes that link brands and consumers. Secondly, to identify the contribution of fashion blogging and influencing to the construction/deconstruction of the contemporary fashion imaginary. The article develops a case study, that of the most successful Italian digital influencer: Chiara Ferragni, author of The Blonde Salad, who counts more than 24 million followers on Instagram (September 2021). The initial phase of Ferragni's "career" (2009-2016) is reconstructed. The categories of "fashion imaginary" and "alternative media" are used to understand to what extent the dominant fraction of bloggers, represented by the influencer Ferragni, was (and is) able to feed the contemporary fashion imaginary with alternative narratives.

University of Western Australia, BA (Hons) Dissertation, 2015.

Rosaleen Norton was an Australian artist, poet and Neopagan occultist who attracted outrage and acclaim in the 1940s and 1950s for her unorthodox creative practice and radical lifestyle. Eventually, she became known as “The Witch of King’s Cross” and is widely remembered as a scandalous bohemian figure. This dissertation will argue that Norton’s work can be considered a politically charged art of resistance, which challenged the dominant paradigms and political hegemonies of the time. This can be understood, in part, through Jacques Rancière’s notion of “dissensus” whereby a political subject intervenes in accepted distributions of sensible materials. In engaging with certain creative traditions, Norton embraced and reimagined existing art forms to political effect. Her interpretation of the gothic horror genre became a vehicle to redeem the image of the occult artist, while her use of Surrealist art tactics posed a challenge to a presiding rationalistic worldview. Norton’s artwork can also be seen to challenge the primacy of Christian and patriarchal social norms in mid-century Australia. Finally, Norton’s negotiation of her own public representation (through the media and social engagement) can be read as a radical political and aesthetic statement. Through this medium, the artist posed a resistance to cultural expectations and reclaimed the image of the “Witch” to assert her agency and equality in society. Ultimately, Norton’s practice espouses the values of knowledge and freedom, resisting repression both passively and actively, through modes of literature, visual art and lifestyle suffused with the occult.

In this dissertation, I explore the overlap between climate change and food production, focusing on the concept of food sovereignty and the potential for ecological farming to help mitigate greenhouse gas emissions. I unveil how the concepts of food sovereignty and agroecology are (and are not) being taken up by Canadian farmers, farmers’ organizations and others who have a stake in climate change debates. Based on two years of scholar-activist-oriented research, including interviews with farmers and ethnographic engagements on farms and at events focused on agricultural politics and practices, I describe the opportunities and constraints for agroecological approaches to contribute to mitigating climate change, as well as the significant political, geographical and socio-cultural challenges that are generally inhibiting the actualization of food sovereignty in Canada. Focusing on the work of La Vía Campesina’s two member organizations in this country, the National Farmers Union (NFU) and Union Paysanne, I am concerned with the basic problem of how tensions between systemic and pragmatic changes are articulated through agroecology initiatives and food sovereignty advocacy. My essential claim is that a broad counterhegemonic movement will be required in order for there to be a significant shift in climate and food politics in Canada. Food sovereignty and agroecology have the potential to be incorporated into a system change agenda, I argue, but any serious effort to move them forward, and tackle climate change, will require confronting capitalism itself. I do not suggest that this will necessarily require overt anticapitalist campaigns, but rather that farmers and other food sovereignty proponents will do well to grapple with the structural constraints within capitalism, while finding ways to talk about and pursue radical change through ostensibly more prosaic initiatives. As part of the counterhegemonic shift I am pointing to, I also argue that farmers’ organizations will need to prioritize both strategic alliance-building with various groups, as well as political education activities that can help both farmers and non-farmers make progress on these fronts, disrupting apolitical approaches to climate and food issues.

This thesis is an exploratory study on how people of African descent in the UK use blogs as social, cultural and counterhegemonic practice and is positioned within the theoretical frameworks of alternative media and critical race theory (CRT).

The research questions at the centre of this study are what motivates African Caribbean people in the UK to become  bloggers; what gratification they experience through authoring blogs; how they use blogs to address issues of representation in the mainstream media and their perceptions of the social impact of their activities as bloggers.

The findings reveal that motivation for blogging is linked to voice, visibility and empowerment and gratification is linked to voice, knowledge sharing, knowledge acquisition and social interaction. While voice, as a motivational factor and gratification for some participants is linked to interests in creative writing and journalism, for many others motivation and gratification are driven by a complex set of factors linked to issues of race and representation. These stem from feelings of being voiceless, invisible and marginalised as African Caribbean people in British society and blogs function as an assertive strategy and medium for self-representation.

The constructed narratives of the  bloggers who participated in this study reveal their experience of subtle forms of prejudice and discrimination perpetuated through dominant discourses in the mainstream media and marginalisation in the wider society. The findings demonstrate that race and ethnicity are inextricably linked to motivation and gratification and influence blogging practice and content production. Prior research by OFCOM suggests that ethnic minorities are at the forefront of new media take-up in Britain. This thesis expands on current literature by documenting how African Caribbean people have appropriated blogs to harness social and cultural capital, to mediate against racism and marginalisation within British society and to empower themselves and their communities

Agroecological models have the potential to contribute to both the fight against climate change and a shift away from the dominant food system. In this article, I discuss the challenges that ecological farmers in Canada are facing in terms of scaling out agricultural systems that will help to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and sequester carbon. I draw on Gramscian theories to argue that alliance-building is required in order to advance a counter-hegemonic agroecology in Canada, with those alliances going beyond narrowly conceived class-based interests. I suggest that the challenges farmers are facing highlight the need for a just transition in agriculture, and that the social transformation that this would entail means that proponents of agroecology must consider the positionalities of environmentalists, scholars, farmers and farm workers, and Indigenous peoples across the country.

Türk Sosyal Bilimler Derneği'nin 2013'te ODTÜ'de düzenlediği 13. Ulusal Sosyal Bilimler Kongresi'nde sunulan bu metin, Paulo Freire'nin Eleştirel Pedagojisini temel alan bir takım kriterler belirleme denemesi ile bu kriterlerin işçi sendikalarının eğitimleri ile karşılaştırılması faaliyetini içermektedir. Bu karşılaştırmanın temel motivasyonu gerek eleştirel pedagojinin gerekse sendikal işçi eğitimlerinin karşı-hegemonik bir mücadelede önemli rollere sahip olabileceğine duyulan inançtır.  Bildiri, eleştirel pedagojik yaklaşımın önemi, nasıl olması gerektiği konusunda farklı bir bakış açısı sunmaktadır. Çalışmanın daha ayrıntılı hali Prof. Dr. Gamze Yücesan-Özdemir'in (2015) "Rüzgara Karşı" isimli kitabında yer almaktadır (Ankara: NotaBene).

ANGGALIA PUTRI PERMATASARI G1B040033 UNIVERSITAS PADJADJARAN FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK JURUSAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL JATINANGOR 2010 2 ABSTRAK Anggalia Putri Permatasari. Pengarusutamaan Hak Asasi Petani Sebagai Aksi Kontrahegemonik Melawan Tatanan Dunia Neoliberal: Studi Kasus Deklarasi Hak Asasi Petani La Via Campesina. Jurusan Hubungan Internasional. Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan lmu Politik. Universitas Padjadjaran. Bandung. Januari 2010.

There is a popular West African proverb that states that ‘until the lion has his or her own storyteller, the hunter will always have the best part of the story’. Much literature on design practice and education focuses on the experience of designers in Western Europe and in North America, which we can name The Centre. The focus on the centre would make it appear that there is little to no noteworthy design practice and thinking outside of these regions. Even when literature about design draws attention to design practice from outside of The Centre, these stories are often still written from the perspective of the West, and not from the perspective of the people who are being written about. For this track, therefore, we made a specific call to designers and educators outside of the ‘centre’ of Western culture, designers from Eastern Europe, Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa and Asia. We intended to create a platform for these designers to tell their own stories, share their work a...

History is often written by victors. However, two Malaysian independent filmmakers, Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza are dedicated in retelling the other side of Malaysian history through their films. This paper focuses on the counter-hegemonic discourse in selected political documentary films in Malaysia. Hegemony is a concept introduced by Antonio Gramsci, which explains the power of dominant groups in persuading subordinate groups to accept its ideology. Hegemony is constantly readjusted and renegotiated and it is with this context where the aforementioned filmmakers present their dissident views and challenge the dominant authority ideology. The documentary films address issues pertaining racial or ethnic politics and highlights the struggle between the proletariat and the Malaysian bourgeois. Amir Muhammad and Fahmi Reza’s films aim to engage audiences by unfolding the other side of Malaysian history that is forgotten and suppressed by the authority.

This study examines the role of alternative media in the socio-environmental movement for justice for the Lumad, the indigenous peoples of the southern Philippines, and the fight to protect the environment in the Philippines from extractive companies and mono-crop plantations. Using thematic textual analysis and framing analysis, the study analysed selected news articles, press releases and advocacy articles from bulatlat.com and civil society group websites posted online from September to December 2015. Anchored on Downing's theory of alternative media as social movement media and Fuchs' theory of alternative media as critical media, the study reveals four categories of alternative media: (1) as giver of voice to the oppressed Lumad; (2) as social movement media used for social mobilisation; (3) as an alternative media outfit fulfilling a complementary role with the socio-environmental movement; and (4) as making social movements' offline activism visible. It concluded that alternative media play a vital role in socio-environmental movements and the continuing challenge to mitigate the climate crisis.

This study examines the role of alternative media in the socio-environmental movement for justice for the Lumad, the indigenous peoples of the southern Philippines, and the fight to protect the environment in the Philippines from extractive companies and mono-crop plantations. Using thematic textual analysis and framing analysis, the study analysed selected news articles, press releases and advocacy articles from bulatlat.com and civil society group websites posted online from September to December 2015. Anchored on Downing's theory of alternative media as social movement media and Fuchs' theory of alternative media as critical media, the study reveals four categories of alternative media: (1) as giver of voice to the oppressed Lumad; (2) as social movement media used for social mobilisation; (3) as an alternative media outfit fulfilling a complementary role with the socio-environmental movement; and (4) as making social movements' offline activism visible. It concluded that alternative media play a vital role in socio-environmental movements and the continuing challenge to mitigate the climate crisis.

Este trabajo pretende aproximarse a los aportes que Jorge Ricardo Masetti realizó a la construcción de experiencias periodísticas contrahegemónicas.

Masetti fue un periodista argentino que en 1958 ascendió a Sierra Maestra para cubrir el levantamiento del M 26-7. Allí obtuvo entrevistas exclusivas con Fidel Castro y Ernesto Guevara. Luego, ya como partícipe de la Revolución Cubana, fundó y fue el primer director de la agencia de noticias Prensa Latina.

Desde ese medio provocó rupturas con el modelo de comunicación mediática dominante en la época, y generó síntesis novedosas que dieron lugar a aportes a la reflexión y a la práctica periodística.

Sin embargo, Masetti está ausente del imaginario colectivo del Periodismo.

Esta investigación se instala en un encuentro entre los Estudios sobre Periodismo y la  Historia de las Ideas, y es atravesada en su enfoque teórico por la Teoría de la Hegemonía.

This article centralizes the work of Central American US diasporic
writers and artists within memory studies while expanding on the emergent ways of seeing and being for US-born or raised Central Americans. I posit that the three cultural makers portrayed in this essay —William Archila (poet), Dalila Paola Mendez (artist), and Cristina Henrı´quez (novelist)—represent a tendency of writers and artists to embark on projects that signify directly onto Central America through a lens of the imagined from within the United States. Archila’s The Art of Exile (2009) explores the persistence of generational trauma and the deep ambivalence carried within migrant Salvadorans who arrived in the United States as youths during the Salvadoran Civil War. Mendez’s painting of Tayte Feliciano Ama, painted in the style of La Palma, reimagines Los Angeles to recuperate the indigenous leader of the 1930s and the Salvadoran folk art movement. Henrı´quez’ novel The World in Half (2009) focuses on Panama; the protagonist must work through erasures and denials to recuperate the memories of her North American mother and Panamanian father to reconcile with her own Panamanian American identity. The cultural memory work of these artists and writers contributes to diverse constructions of Latinidad in the United States through what I name and propose as counterpoetics, countervisuals, and counternarratives. Pages 476-497.

La necesidad de investigar los factores que influyen en el proceso de toma de decisiones en una traducción es recurrente en la literatura. En esta investigación abordamos uno de esos factores, la ideología presente en los textos, centrándonos en un estudio enmarcado en la traducción jurídica contrahegemónica. En este artículo demostramos que el análisis contrastivo crítico planteado puede ser una herramienta de reflexión útil para revelar la ideología que subyace al uso del léxico en los textos de esta especialidad, tanto del texto origen como de los textos paralelos consultados en búsqueda de equivalentes para la traducción. Centrándonos en el caso de los textos administrativos, abordamos un estudio de caso en el marco de un encargo de traducción real, y realizamos un análisis contrastivo crítico de dos solicitudes de extranjería análogas en España (texto origen) y en el Reino Unido (texto paralelo), empleando el modelo tridimensional de análisis crítico del discurso de Fairclough. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que, en nuestro estudio de caso, los datos provistos por el análisis no solo favorecen la reflexión sobre cómo el poder y la dominación se reproducen en los textos analizados, sino también sobre cómo la elección de ciertas unidades léxicas en la traducción puede contribuir a la legitimación de la ideología dominante que subyace a ellas. Palabras clave: análisis contrastivo crítico; ideología; léxico; solicitudes de extranjería; textos administrativos; traducción jurídica contrahegemónica.

Quando desenvolvido por Gramsci, o conceito de hegemonia referia-se ao binômio consenso-coerção
utilizado por uma classe social para moldar o Estado e a sociedade civil de acordo com seus interesses. Essa disputa de forças políticas e ideológicas travada no interior de cada Estado transborda para as relações internacionais, onde se constitui uma hegemonia mundial. Este artigo pretende estudar a forma como o poder hegemônico se traduz no sistema internacional, utilizando-se das estratégias de coerção e consenso, assim como a forma como as forças contra-hegemônicas atuam, em especial no período pós-11 de setembro de 2001. Para realizar este trabalho, será feita uma revisão bibliográfica da Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais, em especial dos escritos de Robert Cox, assim como uma análise da ampliação do poder relativo da China a partir de sua inserção internacional.

The conference addressed the theme of "Global Inequalities: Hegemonic Shifts and Regional Differentiations," drawing attention to how the longue durée shapes contemporary struggles for hegemony. More than 40 researchers from all five continents presented and discussed research on the conference theme. To help readers appreciate the context of the discussions that have shaped the following articles, we provide excerpts from the texts that provided the organizing framework for the conference:

La necesidad de investigar los factores que influyen en el proceso de toma de decisiones en una traducción es recurrente en la literatura. En esta investigación abordamos uno de esos factores, la ideología presente en los textos, centrándonos en un estudio enmarcado en la traducción jurídica con­trahegemónica. En este artículo demostramos que el análisis contrastivo crítico planteado puede ser una herramienta de reflexión útil para revelar la ideología que subyace al uso del léxico en los textos de esta especialidad, tanto del texto origen como de los textos paralelos consultados en búsqueda de equivalentes para la traducción. Centrándonos en el caso de los textos administrativos, abordamos un estudio de caso en el marco de un encargo de traducción real, y realizamos un análisis contrastivo crítico de dos solicitudes de extranjería análogas en España (texto origen) y en el Reino Unido (texto paralelo), empleando el modelo tridimensional de análisis crítico del discurso de Fairclough...

This study examines the role of alternative media in the socio-environmental movement for justice for the Lumad, the indigenous peoples of the southern Philippines, and the fight to protect the environment in the Philippines from extractive companies and mono-crop plantations. Using thematic textual analysis and framing analysis, the study analysed selected news articles, press releases and advocacy articles from bulatlat.com and civil society group websites posted online from September to December 2015. Anchored on Downing's theory of alternative media as social movement media and Fuchs' theory of alternative media as critical media, the study reveals four categories of alternative media: (1) as giver of voice to the oppressed Lumad; (2) as social movement media used for social mobilisation; (3) as an alternative media outfit fulfilling a complementary role with the socio-environmental movement; and (4) as making social movements' offline activism visible. It concluded that alternative media play a vital role in socio-environmental movements and the continuing challenge to mitigate the climate crisis.

Despite great advances in “history from below”, the rural world still represents only a small part of studies of the anti-Francoist movement in Spain. This has led to ignorance of the wide range of social responses to the regime that occurred in rural Spain. This article proposes to explain the dynamics of the rural world in relation to the anti-Francoist movement based on a case study of southern Catalonia. We analyze the social struggles arising from the “collapse of the peasant’s moral economy” while paying attention to the political learning process that these confrontations provided for rural workers. Far from being apathetic and demobilized, rural areas experienced a process of opposition comparable in many ways to that of large urban centres.

~ English will follow ~ Résumé Le Lindy Hop et les danses Jazz africaines américaines du début du XXe siècle font aujourd’hui l’objet d’une sous-culture internationale. Leur popularité se nourrit en grande partie de la mise en valeur de leur joie et d’un cadre social hospitalier. Bien que cette culture soit aujourd’hui majoritairement investie par des danseurs non africains-américains, elle bénéficie d’une relation privilégiée avec plusieurs aînés, anciens habitués du Savoy Ballroom de Harlem, le lieu mythique où la danse s’est initialement développée. À leur côté, les processus de recréation, d’actualisation et de transmission de ces danses historiques présentent le terrain complexe d’une appropriation culturelle, celle d’un savoir situé afrocentrique et de la représentation de sa joie inhérente. À partir du paradigme épistémologique de la théorie critique, féministe et intersectionnelle du point de vue, cette recherche examine la démarche de traduction transculturelle, où le sens des récits des aînés et l’expression de leur affect en viennent à être substitués par des stratégies racialisées d’équivalence et d’identité et des rapports savoir/pouvoir non examinés. L’analyse s’est particulièrement centrée sur une lecture du cadre idéologique de la sous-culture, de sa « volonté de savoir » et du rapport « mythologique » (Roland Barthes) des danseurs à l’histoire et à l’authenticité. Le terrain s’est défini par une approche interdisciplinaire, multisite, ethnographique et phénoménologique située, représenté par trois études de cas localisées. Une observation participante a eu lieu dans le plus grand rassemblement international annuel de danseurs au Herräng Dance Camp suédois (1). Elle a mis en lumière un système de référence dominant et hégémonique qui perpétue les bases d’une marginalisation sociale et racialisée, malgré l’importance donnée à l’africanité de la danse et la promotion de valeurs d’ouverture, de participation, de communauté et de liberté proactive. Cette communauté culturelle, caractérisée par une volonté libérale de « bonne pratique » sociale, a aussi été le contexte d’émergence de figures « killjoy » (Sara Ahmed) (2) mettant en évidence l’homogénéité sociale structurelle de la sous-culture. L’affirmation féministe noire de ces dernières a également permis de contextualiser et de situer la dynamique politique, raciale, genrée et économique du récit des Anciens et de leur expérience du Harlem Renaissance qui a donné naissance à la danse. À partir d’une posture éthique et critique contre-hégémonique, soutenue par une articulation de la pensée d’Hannah Arendt et de la théorie postcoloniale, la conclusion de la recherche s’est réalisée autour d’une recherche-action participative dans l’école de danse Cat’s Corner à Montréal (3). Elle a été le terrain d’une remise en cause appliquée d’un système culturel et pédagogique stabilisé par un régime hégémonique de la blanchité. Les résultats se sont concrétisés dans une réforme pédagogique de l’enseignement des danses Jazz, fondée sur une approche plus holistique et non conformiste de leur tradition et sur l’intégration d’une éthique renouvelée de la relation. Abstract An international contemporary subculture has formed around the practice of Lindy Hop and the African-American Jazz dances of the beginning of the XXth century. It has gained popularity by its focus on the joy of dancing and a welcoming social environment. Although today this culture is predominantly represented by non African-American dancers, the scene has developed a close relationship with a few elders who used to be regulars at the Harlem Savoy Ballroom, the legendary place where the dance initially flourished. Informed by the lived experience of these elders, the process of reenactment, actualization and transmission of the historic dances is a complex one, involving the cultural appropriation of afrocentric situated knowledge as well as the representation of its joyful nature. Adopting the standpoint theory paradigm with an intersectional approach, this dissertation examines the processes of transcultural translation through which the elders’ narrative and their politics of emotion are substituted with an altered meaning. The cultural dynamic involves racialized strategies of equivalence and identity and an unexamined power/knowledge relation. The analysis focused on the ideological foundation of the subculture, the foucaldian “will to knowledge” and the dancers’ “mythological” (Roland Barthes) relationship with history and cultural authenticity. Drawing on an interdisciplinary approach and a situated phenomenology, three case studies were conducted through a multi-site ethnography. A participant observation was carried at the Swedish Herräng Dance Camp (1), the biggest international annual gathering of dancers. Despite the importance given to the Africanist origins of the dance and the promotion of liberal values like openness, participation, community and proactive freedom, the…

In this dissertation, I explore the overlap between climate change and food production, focusing on the concept of food sovereignty and the potential for ecological farming to help mitigate greenhouse gas emissions. I unveil how the concepts of food sovereignty and agroecology are (and are not) being taken up by Canadian farmers, farmers’ organizations and others who have a stake in climate change debates. Based on two years of scholar-activist-oriented research, including interviews with farmers and ethnographic engagements on farms and at events focused on agricultural politics and practices, I describe the opportunities and constraints for agroecological approaches to contribute to mitigating climate change, as well as the significant political, geographical and socio-cultural challenges that are generally inhibiting the actualization of food sovereignty in Canada. Focusing on the work of La Vía Campesina’s two member organizations in this country, the National Farmers Union (NFU...

This essay considers the levels of support, the ideological-political spectrum and the electoral possibilities for European radical left parties, with reference to the social and political context of the 2019 European elections. At EU Parliament level this is mainly expressed through the United European Left/Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) group. Reviewing the contours of the elections, the aim is to invite reflection on the short-term conjuncture and its effects on the radical left (e.g. the effects of Brexit, the rise in importance of environmental issues, the defeat of Syriza), but also to historicise the dynamics internal to this political grouping. More long-term structural issues include both systemic mechanisms and the variation in national circumstances, both of which necessarily delimit socialist strategy. The overarching question concerns the prospects for establishing an EU- wide counter-hegemony from the left.

The Keady Farmer’s Market is an uneasy hybridity of flea market, livestock sale, and farmers’ market. A weekly occasion in the small Ontario hamlet, the Market is also a site of ethnography; offering up a rich field of study, with windows into the realities of collectivity, capitalism, and race relations. This paper, not so much a critique as an attempt at critical understanding of the event, seeks uncover what aspects of self, culture, and society can be understood through a critical assessment of the Keady Market. Interpreted through a marrying of the academic literature on Bakhtin's carnivalesque and the literature of farmers’ markets, vignettes of the author’s personal experiences of the Market serve as points of entry into a discussion of the politics at play in this festive occasion.

The essay focuses on the phenomenon of fashion blogging and influencing, and analyses how the work of digital influencers affects the production and circulation of fashion imaginary. The aim of the contribution is twofold. Firstly, to show the institutionalisation of fashion blogging and influencing through a "fight and rule" strategy: trying to maintain, at least rhetorically, the appeal of the outsider voice born from below, bloggers and influencers are now a structural component of the communicative processes that link brands and consumers. Secondly, to identify the contribution of fashion blogging and influencing to the construction/deconstruction of the contemporary fashion imaginary. The article develops a case study, that of the most successful Italian digital influencer: Chiara Ferragni, author of The Blonde Salad, who counts more than 24 million followers on Instagram (September 2021). The initial phase of Ferragni's "career" (2009-2016) is reconstru...

ABSTRACT THE QUEST FOR POLITICAL (IL)LITERACY Responding to, and Attempting to Counter, the Neoliberal Agenda Neoliberalism is a concept, philosophy, and operating system which serves as a template for the world's political-economy (Tabb, 2001; Treanor, 2005). In some quarters, globalization has been reduced to a series of inexpensive "midnight-madness" sales at Walmart without any meaningful socio-cultural inter-change. Economics, within the energized neoliberal era that makes little attempt to mask the rawness of the capitalist under-belly, rules the day, at least that is the way politics is presented in the current quest for democracy in the West and around the world (Hoffman, 2006). McLaren (2007) defines this neo-liberal economic quagmire as a corporate domination of society that supports state enforcement of the unregulated market, (which) engages in the oppression of nonmarket forces and antimarket policies, guts free public services, eliminates social subsidies, offers limitless concessions to transnational corporations, enthrones a neomercantilist public policy agenda, establishes the market as the patron of educational reform, and permits private interests to control most of social life in the pursuit of profits for the few (i.e., through lowering taxes on the wealthy, scrapping environmental regulations, and dismantling public education and social welfare programs). (p. 27) There is an implicit underlying residue to the neoliberal agenda stressing that the collective is much less important than the individual, which poses an obvious and not so delicate problem of how we are to consider social justice, especially within the educational context (Hill, 2003). If we are all individuals, can we then bear collective responsibility for such realities as racism, sexism, classism, homophobia, xenophobia, etc. (Dei, Karumanchery, & Karumanchery-Luik, 2004)? An important backdrop to this chapter is an obvious and viscerally entrenched socio-economic system that blends inequities, marginalization and vastly differential experiences (i.e., employment, housing, education, wealth accumulation, crime rates, travel, etc.) alongside a pervasive belief that there is hope, freedom and fairness in our society (see Smiley, 2006, and McLaren, 2007, for summaries of the numerous ways that race and class, in particular, are important predictors of marginalization). Critical, political literacy can become an indispensable tool for citizens outside of elite circles to counter hegemonic oppression.

این پژوهش به دنبال شناخت مضامین کانترهژمونیک به کار رفته در رپ فارسی-ایرانی (یکی از فعال­ترین و پرطرفدارترین گونه ­های موسیقی کشور) است. همچنین این پژوهش سعی دارد تا حوزه نظری «موسیقی به مثابه مقاومت» را بسط دهد و گامی کوچک برای توسعه نظری آن بردارد. برای این منظور با ارائه چارچوب مفهومی از رپ فارسی-ایرانی، موسیقی به مثابه مقاومت و هژمونی/ کانترهژمونی، مضامین مطرح شده در اشعار چهار خواننده برجسته رپ فارسی-ایرانی (یاس، هیچ­کس، حمید صفت و رضا پیشرو) بررسی شده است؛ مجموعا 141  آهنگ از این خواننده­ ها با استفاده از روش تحلیل مضمون ارزیابی شد. برخی نتایج به دست آمده عبارتست از: تاکید بیش از پیش رپ فارسی-ایرانی بر مضامین اجتماعی-فرهنگی در مقایسه با مضامین سیاسی و اقتصادی؛ برجسته شدن ابعاد اعتقادی و رفتاری دین در اشعار بررسی شده؛ ارائه تصویری افراطی از مسائل اجتماعی؛ استفاده از مضامین ناسیونالیسم افراطی؛ برجسته کردن تعارض­ های اجتماعی و اختلافات طبقاتی و تاکید بر فقر و گرانی و بی ­کفایتی مسئولان. یافته ­های پژوهش نشان می­دهد «رپ فارسی-ایرانی به مثابه مقاومت» با تاثیر حداکثری بر مخاطبان فاصله دارد.

Peripheralizing Europe (“an east/south encounter of translocal politics and practices”) is the title of a meeting that has taken place between July 30th and August 2nd 2015 near Kaunas/Lithuania. Activists,researchers, and cultural workers from Europe’s Eastern and Southern peripheries gathered to share knowledges, tell of experiences and map out the current situations at the margins of a continent in crisis. Peripheralizing Europe aimed at re-considering the value of the periphery, not just for the reproduction of the centre but also a key site for the articulation of struggles and counterhegemonic practices. The meeting has been organised by LeftEast (a section of the Romanian group “CriticAtac”), Murmurae (Barcelona-based platform for research and participatory methodologies), Egzilis (Kaunas Anarchist Collective); it has been supported by the Fundación de los Comunes (Spanish network of collectives) and the manor house of Žeimiai. In the wake of the meeting, the Peripheralizing Europe organizing group and some participants drafted a statement that Security Praxis is happy to re-post below.

Neoliberalism is a concept, philosophy, and operating system which serves as atemplate for the world's political-economy (Tabb, 2001; Treanor, 2005). In somequarters, globalization has been reduced to a series of inexpensive "midnight-madness" sales at Walmart without any meaningful socio-cultural inter-change. Economics, within the energized neoliberal era that makes little attempt to mask the rawness of the capitalist under-belly, rules the day, at least that is the way politics is presented in the current quest for democracy in the West and around the world (Hoffman, 2006). McLaren (2007) defines this neo-liberal economic quagmire as a corporate domination of society that supports state enforcement of the un-regulated market, (which) engages in the oppression of nonmarket forcesand antimarket policies, guts free public services, eliminates social subsidies,offers limitless concessions to transnational corporations, enthrones a neo-mercantilist public policy agenda, establishes the market as the patron of educational reform, and permits private interests to control most of social lifein the pursuit of profits for the few (i.e., through lowering taxes on thewealthy, scrapping environmental regulations, and dismantling public educationand social welfare programs) (p. 27). There is an implicit underlying residue to the neoliberal agenda stressing that the collective is much less important than the individual, which poses an obvious andnot so delicate problem of how we are to consider social justice, especially withinthe educational context (Hill, 2003). If we are all individuals, can we then bear collective responsibility for such realities as racism, sexism, classism, homophobia, xenophobia, etc. (Dei, Karumanchery, & Karumanchery-Luik, 2004)? An important backdrop to this chapter is an obvious and viscerally entrenched socio-economic system that blends inequities, marginalization and vastly differential experiences(i.e., employment, housing, education, wealth accumulation, crime rates, travel,etc.) alongside a pervasive belief that there is hope, freedom and fairness in our society (see Smiley, 2006, and McLaren, 2007, for summaries of the numerous ways that race and class, in particular, are important predictors of marginalization). Critical, political literacy can become an indispensable tool for citizens outside of elite circles to counter hegemonic oppression.

"Ulldecona and the political change: dictatorship, counterhegemony and democracy (1964-1983)"

This paper proposes to analyse the dictatorship end and the conquest of democracy by common people. Ulldecona is not different than any other catalan village, reason why its study allow us to comprehend the political change complexity «from below». Given the impossibility of a direct confrontation with local authorities, against-dictatorship agents struggled by cultural activism helping to conform a counterhegemonic bloc able to dispute the power to francoism on the ideas world. After Franco's death, local opposition started a new kind of activism destined to dispute public space to dictatorship and break the supposed public order. Then, with local elections on 1979, opposition succeed take the first democratic council and they started the village's defascistization. However, the right-wing reactions required reaching a political agreement in the name of the new democratic era.