Comnenian Dynasty

"Il saggio traccia una sintesi della civiltà bizantina, dalla fondazione di Costantinopoli alla Quarta Crociata. A tutti gli effetti continuazione dell'impero romano, Bisanzio riuscì ad assimilare positivamente le Völkerwanderungen che determinano il crollo della prima Roma, facendo della multietnicità e del dinamismo verticale delle élites un punto di forza e una costante. Se nell'effimero progetto giustinianeo di riunificazione dell'impero universale prevalevano ancora una gravitazione occidentale e un’ottica vetero-romana, il superamento, a partire da Eraclio, della prospettiva italocentrica segnò il vero inizio dell'età bizantina. A Eraclio vanno ascritti due traguardi fondamentali: la creazione del sistema dei temi e il definitivo soggiogamento dell’impero persiano, nella gran parte dei cui ex-territori subentrerà ben presto, tuttavia, il nuovo interlocutore arabo. Tra il VII e l’VIII secolo, con l'accentuazione dei tratti aneuropei in campo economico, sociale, artistico, culturale, si assiste alla vera e propria nascita della concezione bizantina del potere. L’età dell'iconomachia, a lungo giudicata “buia”, coincide in realtà con una fase di prosperità economica: il compiersi del processo di deurbanizzazione e la trasformazione territoriale favoriscono l’accentuarsi della vocazione statalista e predispongono il grande “risorgimento culturale” del IX-X secolo. La sconfitta dell'iconoclasmo vede anche la sconfitta del platonismo e l'affermarsi dell'aristotelismo come filosofia ufficiale del cristianesimo medievale. Il regno di Basilio I e della dinastia macedone segna la cosiddetta "età d'oro" dell'impero bizantino. Il X e XI secolo conoscono più tormentati rapporti tra stato e chiesa, che culminano nello scisma del 1054 tra chiesa d’oriente e chiesa d’occidente (in definitiva sfida del patriarca Cerulario al basileus) e un incremento politico ed economico della nobiltà militare provinciale, che si affermerà definitivamente con la dinastia dei Comneni. Proprio con il regno comneno, in particolare con la concessione dei privilegi commerciali a Venezia da parte di Alessio I, deve farsi coincidere l’inizio della fase calante dell'economia bizantina, ininterrotta fino al XV secolo, simmetrica e inversa all'ascesa del protocapitalismo occidentale dei traffici, cui l’antica egemonia di Bisanzio sarà progressivamente sottomessa e la sopravvivenza stessa della basileia infine sacrificata. Al riaccendersi della prospettiva di restaurazione dell'impero universale corrisponderà – nelle forme del ripiegamento sociale e dell'indebolimento statale – maggiore vulnerabilità nella politica pratica. Con queste premesse Bisanzio subirà, nel 1204, la forza distruttiva della “deviazione” della Quarta Crociata: una catastrofe inaspettata e forse per questo ancora più traumatica della definitiva caduta del 1453 sotto i turchi osmani.

This essay outlines the history of Byzantine civilisation from the founding of Constantinople to the Fourth Crusade.  In every way a continuation of the Roman empire, Byzantium succeeded in assimilating to positive effect the Völkerwanderungen that determined the fall of the first Rome, creating a point of strength and allegiance out of the multi-ethnic, ascendant vertical dynamism of the élites.  If gravitation toward the West and an antiquated Roman perspective still prevailed in Justinian’s ephemeral project to reunify the universal empire, the shift beyond the Italo-centric perspective from Heraclius on marked the true beginning of the Byzantine era.  Two fundamental achievements are ascribed to Heraclius: the creation of the system of themes and the definitive subjugation of the Persian empire, to whose ex-territories, however, the new Arab interlocutor would soon succeed.  Between the 7th and 8th centuries, with the accentuation of non-European traits in economic, social, artistic, and cultural fields, we begin to see the emergence of the authentic Byzantine concept of power.  Long considered “dark,” the age of iconomachy coincided, in reality, with a phase of economic prosperity.  The culmination of the process of de-urbanisation and transformation of the territory favoured the accentuation of a state-centred vocation and set the stage for the great “cultural revival” of the 9th and 10th centuries.  The defeat of iconoclasm also saw the defeat of Platonism and the affirmation of Aristotelianism as the official philosophy of Medieval Christianity.  The reign of Basil I and the Macedonian dynasty marked the so-called “golden age” of the Byzantine empire.  The 10th and 11th centuries saw more tormented relations between church and state, culminating in the Schism of 1054 between the Eastern and Western churches (ultimately the patriarch Cerularius’ challenge to the basileus) and a political and economic increase in the provincial military nobility that would assert itself definitively with the Comnenian dynasty.  The beginning of the decline of the Byzantine economy - uninterrupted until the 15th century, symmetrical in nature and the inverse of the ascent of Western trade proto-capitalism to which the ancient hegemony of Byzantium would be gradually subjugated and the very survival of the basileia ultimately sacrificed - began precisely with the Comnenian dynasty, in particular, with the concession of commercial privileges to Venice by Alexius I.  To the reawakening of the prospect of a restoration of the universal empire would correspond – in the form of social withdrawal and weakening of the state – greater vulnerability in political practice. Under these conditions Byzantium would, in 1204, be subjected to the destructive force of the “detour” of the Fourth Crusade: an unforeseen catastrophe and perhaps for this reason even more traumatic than the definitive fall in 1453 at the hands of the Osmanli Turks. 
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The modelling and visualisation of networks is based on the material in: M. Mullett, Theophylact of Ochrid. Reading the Letters of a Byzantine Archbishop. Birmingham 1997.

The first graph is a visualisation of the connections between letters in localities between which these letters were exchanged (" 2mode network").

The second graph is a visualisation of the weighted network of localities on the basis of Theophylact´s correspondence; two localities are connected if letters of Theophylact were exchanged between them. Links are scaled according to the number of letters within Theophylact´s collection documenting exchanges between them.

The third graph visualises these connections between localities on a map. Links are again scaled according to the number of letters within Theophylact´s collection documenting exchanges between them. The size of nodes is scaled according to their number of connections within the network ("degree").

The fourth graph is a "zoom" into these geographical visualisation of the network for the Western Balkans; links are again scaled according to the number of letters within Theophylact´s collection documenting exchanges between them.

For the localisation of sites within the historical region of Macedonia cf. also the upcoming volumes on Macedonia (Southern Part) by Peter Soustal and on Macedonia (Northern Part) by Mihailo Popovic within the series "Tabula Imperii Byzantini" (http://www.oeaw.ac.at/imafo/die-abteilungen/byzanzforschung/communities-landscapes/historische-geographie/)

For any further questions, please contact [email protected].

The paper examines the turn towards the use of land and tax grants to remunerate imperial officials instead of salaries under Alexios I. To determine the timing, scope and motives of this reform, the article studies two measures of that emperor, namely the confiscations that took place after the census of 1088/89 and the concession of estates and fiscal rights to imperial relatives. It is argued that the confiscations were extensive, affecting most great ecclesiastical and lay landowners, and that the lands seized were usually ceded to imperial relatives and state servants. The analysis of the concessions to imperial relatives underlines their scale suggesting that they were as much payment for military and civil services as they were a way to secure the political support of the beneficiaries. It is finally suggested that, rather than being the result of pressure by the powerful, the concession of lands and taxes to imperial relatives and state servants was dictated by considerations of financial efficiency.

This paper deals with the origins of the despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Trebizond comparing them with the fate of other Byzantine splinter-states of the XIIth and XIIIth century and tries to draw some outlines of a future  comparison with the realities of Medieval Western Europe.

Αναλυτική μελέτη για τη σταδιακή παρακμή του βυζαντινού Ναυτικού από τον 11ο αιώνα και εξής και τις καταλυτικές της συνέπειες για την επιβίωση του βυζαντινού κράτους. Το κείμενο δημοσιεύτηκε αρχικά στο περιοδικό Στρατιωτική Ιστορία και υπό την παρούσα, βελτιωμένη μορφή του στο βιβλίο των Α.Γ.Κ. Σαββίδη-Ν. Νικολούδη, Ο Ύστερος Μεσαιωνικός Κόσμος (11ος-16ος αιώνες) , Εκδόσεις Ηρόδοτος, Αθήνα 2007, σελ. 71-82.
A study on the decline of the Byzantine Navy from the 11th century onwards and its long term consequences for the survival of the Byzantine state (published in pp. 71-82 of the book with collected studies by A.G.C. Savvides and N.G. Nicoloudis, The later Medieval world (11th-16th centuries). Byzantium, Medieval West, the Orient and Islam, the Balkans and the Slavs, Herodotos Publ., Athens 2007).

Επαναξιολόγηση των φιλολογικών και ιστορικών δεδομένων για τη χρονολόγηση της αυτομολίας του σεβαστοκράτορος Ισαακίου Κομνηνού στους Δανισμενδίδες Τούρκους, του θανάτου του αδελφού του Ανδρονίκου Κομνηνού και του θανάτου της μητέρας τους αυτοκράτειρας Ειρήνης Δούκαινας. Από τον συσχετισμό των γεγονότων προκύπτει με βεβαιότητα ότι η Ειρήνη Δούκαινα αποκλείεται να πέθανε στις 19 Φεβρουαρίου 1123 αλλά μετά το 1130 και πριν από το 1136. Πιθανόν απεβίωσε στις 19 Φεβρουαρίου 1133.

The article studies the activity of Gianantonio Lazier, alias Ioannes IX Antonius I Flavius, Angelus, Comnenus, (Ducas), Lascaris, Palaeologus in early 18th century Vienna when he take advantage of having declared himself the only legitime heir of the Sacred Military Constantinian Order of Saint George and granting titles and regions. Lazier, a very remarkable impostor, revived the idea of the Byzantine Empire and acted, remarkably supported by the Habsburg Emperor Charles VI as a quasi Byzantine emperor. A lot of his privilege documents with detailed prefaces reveal the gradual development of his idea of a virtual Byzantine emperor.
The article presents new documents issued by him and his successor (and opponent) Radu Cantacuzino.

Comnènes L'Orient néo-romain intégré (1159-1183) L'empire de Constantinople, celui que la langue courante de l'époque appelait la Romanie et la langue moderne Byzance, donnait une définition de lui-même, au moins jusqu'au XIII e siècle. Il était l'Empire romain, le premier si ce n'est seul Etat du monde au plein sens du terme, Res publica en latin puis politeia en grec. Il reposait sur un triptyque institutionnel. En premier lieu l'empereur, représentant de Dieu sur terre, loi vivante et juge suprême assurait la direction du monde y compris par l'usage légitime de la force armée. A la fois au-dessus à côté et en-dessous de lui, se trouvait l'Eglise, responsable, à travers ses institutions du salut des hommes, empereurs inclus. Enfin, sous ces deux structures, se trouvait l'institution assurant le fonctionnement effectif de l'Etat, son système fiscal, central dans la vie matérielle de l'Empire, le dèmosion. Pendant les deux siècles des Croisades, la présence en Orient de rivaux politiques et idéologiques, les Francs, fidèles de l'Eglise latine, fut un défi lancé aux capacités d'intégration et de direction de Constantinople sur un espace où elle avait exercé, si ce n'est le monopole du pouvoir politique suite aux invasions arabes et turques, du moins le monopole du pouvoir politique Chrétien.

Alexius I Comnenus issued coins with a cross-on-crescent design that has been described as symbolizing the First Crusade or, alternatively, having "no satisfactory explanation." This paper employs historical and numismatic information to interpret the design. The result highlights a dramatic turnabout in Christian-Islamic symbolism.

The Stained-Glass Windows from the Chora and the Pantocrator: a ‘Byzantine’ Mystery?, in H. Klein (ed.), in collaboration with R. Ousterhout, Restoring Byzantium: The Kariye Camii in Istanbul and the Byzantine Institute Restoration (exh. cat., New York City, Miriam and Ira Wallach Art Gallery, 2004), New York, Columbia University, 2004, 68–77.

The “Sacred Arsenal” composed by Andronikos Kamateros on the request of the emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143–1180) opens with a dialogue, which claims to be an exact record of a theological dispute organized in Constantinople between Manuel and the envoys of the Pope Alexander III (1158–1181) within the framework of Manuel’s unionist projects. Kamateros set a goal not only to refute the Filioque doctrine and put forward arguments against the primacy of Rome, but also to eulogize Manuel as a gifted logician able to develop solid argumentation based on sets of irrefutable syllogisms. Most assuredly, this peculiar focus could have been suggested by the commissioner, but, in my view, Kamateros did find a way to express his authorial self even within the strict limitations imposed by the commission. This resulted in two authorial choices, which allow the “Sacred Arsenal” to claim a place not only in the history of Byzantine theological thought, but in the history of Byzantine literature as well. Firstly, Kamateros contrasted Manuel’s self-characterization with the narrator’s view in the introductory section. If Kamateros holds Manuel’s syllogisms in greater esteem than patristic quotations, Manuel himself disregards his natural gift of a logician and distrusts syllogistic method in general. Secondly, Manuel’s interlocutors are shown in development. The cardinals enter the dialogue as Papal envoys without their own voice; then they get involved into the dispute and try to overpower Manuel in theoretical discussion. Soon enough, they realize that they are confused and ask Manuel for help in solving their perplexities thus making their way from staunch opponents to confused suppliants and disciples.

Eius uxor matrona singularis, Helena dicta est, quam perhibent neptem ex sorore fuisse Constantinapolitaneo Imperatori – as can be read in Epithoma rerum Hungaricarum by Petrus Ransanus. The Italian author provides unique information about the maternal descent of Béla II. King of Hungary’s wife, Queen Helena. This information cannot be found in the other medieval Hungarian chronicles, only in Ransanus’ Epithoma. Every source mentions the name of Helena’s father, who was Uros, the grandzupan of Serbia, but the mother’s identity is unknown. Queen Helena's kinship with the Comneni is yet unclear in historiography. In our thesis we try to examine the authenticity of the Epithome, after this we attempt to revise the genealogy of the Byzantine emperors (Alexios I and Ioannes II) and try to place Queen consort Helena on the Comneni’s genealogical tree. In the last decades historiography has identified Helena’s mother to be Anna Diogenissa, who was the niece of emperor Alexios I, but with the source, on which this theory is based on, we could not identify her. In our thesis we try to search for answers about Anna Diogenissa’s identity. There are many unanswered questions regarding Anna Diogenissa that can cause problems if we want to examine the kinship between the Hungarian Queen consort and the Comneni Dinasty. We try to define the time of the marriage of prince Béla and Helena of Serbia and how it influenced Helena’s kinship with the Comneni. The problem with Helena’s maternal descent is an unanswered question in medieval Hungarian history. First of all, the only source, the Epithoma was composed in the end of the 15th century, secondly there are genealogical antagonisms in the family tree of the Arpads and Comneni. Moreover, we experienced that the 18-19th century literature seems to avoid this topic.

The evolution of the title of 'despot' in the Byzantine Empire, from its beginning with Manuel I Komnenos as an instrument of the court, to its latest employment as a way to spread imperial authority beyond the narrow borders of the Palaiologan basileia.

Cronistica venetiana a reprezentat adeseori un element de atractie, nascand intrebari §i propunand variante de lucru dintre cele mai diverse. Cu toate acestea, imensitatea cronicilor venetiene a facut ca aceasta atractie O. fie dublata de un sentiment de neputinta. Aceasta fie i numai prin numarul impresionant al codicelor i prin vastitatea problematicilor abordate. Completate de existenta numeroaselor copii efectuate in decursul timpului 0 mai cu seama a compilatiilor care intotdeauna au ingreunat accesul catre original, aceste elemente au condus inevitabil pe cercetator catre restrangerea perimetrului de cercetare.

The article develops the position expressed by the author in the monograph The Time of Anna Komnena , which is that the unsuccessful coup undertaken by Anna Komnena against her younger brother, the Emperor John II Komnenos (1118-1143), was due to the desire of Anna Komnena to protect the Ancient Roman legal tradition of electing the Emperor, which continued to exist in Byzantium. The author explores the motives of Anna Komnena, based on the text of the Alexiad , on the story of Nicetas Choniates about the unsuccessful coup of 1118, and on the Roman-Byzantine monuments of law. The author’s conclusion is that the unsuccessful coup of 1118 was an attempt by Anna Komnena to repeat the actions of her father - Emperor Alexios I (1081-1118) and his uncle - Emperor Isaac I (1057-1059), who conquered the imperial porphyry with a sword in their hands, and did not inherit it.

Una ricerca storica di Haris Koudounas sulla Santa Casa e gli Angelo Comneno di Epiro e di Tessaglia. L'articolo scritto da P. Giuseppe Santarelli direttore responsabile ed editoriale del mensile "Il messaggio della SANTA CASA - LORETO (Delegazione Pontificia - Congregazione Universale della Santa Casa di Loreto) Pubblicato  sul n. 8 settembre / Ottobre 2014

This speech dealt with the origins of the despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Trebizond comparing them with the fate of other Byzantine splinter-states of the XIIth and XIIIth century and tried to draw some outlines of a future comparison with the realities of Medieval Western Europe.

The article traces the main directions along which the ideological self-identification of the Byzantine emperor as a full heir to the Roman universalist idea embodied in the image of Constantine the Great took place in the era of Manuel I Comnenus (1143–1180). The attitude of the Byzantine authors to the «Donation of Constantine» and their successful attempts to adapt this falsification to strengthen their own political ideology is analyzed. The message of Frederick I Barbarossa to Emperor Manuel (1177) is given, for the first time in a Russian translation, as an example showing the inadequate attitude of Western European correspondents to the ideological and political filling of the official Byzantine title. A fundamental discrepancy is postulated in the basic principles, terms, ideological principles and the cultural and religious foundation of Greek and Latin Christianity, which contributed to widening the gap between Byzantium and the West, with fatal affect to the fate of the Eastern Roman Empire.

The article attempts to examine the use of holy relics during military campaigns of Byzantium in the end of 11th and 12th century, based on various byzantine literary sources, but also on some epigraphic evidence. The examined issues in this study were less affected in the historiography. The emergence of holy relics on the battlefield implies an immense impact on the Christian military forces.The presented article center on a complex phenomenon, which combine on the battlefield both psychological and religious matters.

The epithet isapostolos (whose various meanings are investigated here), traditionally attributed to Constantine I the Great, begins to be associated with the name of the emperor in rather late age (sporadically in literary and hymnographic texts of XI century), but then only in the Comnenian age this association will become stable and widespread. This phenomenon is put by the author of the essay in relation to the «Constantinian ideology» established in the imperial Comnenian dynasty since the time of Alexios I and his daughter Anna.