Commonwealth

This paper considers the existence and use of disaster risk management laws across the Commonwealth. It commences by considering approaches to risk management and disaster response. It reviews international and regional disaster law, policy and tools. The paper examines national disaster risk management laws through the lens of a typology of laws, based on the complexity and scope of the disaster risk reduction and response system. It makes recommendations for Commonwealth countries relating to review of disaster laws, implementation of international frameworks, and the inclusion of disaster risk reduction, recovery, climate change, quality standards and the prevention of sexual and gender-based violence in disaster laws.

This paper discusses the extent to which Cyprus' Commonwealth membership has remained relevant following the country's accession to the EU in 2004. It is argued that, despite the predominant role of Cyprus' EU membership, the importance of the Commonwealth for the promotion of the country's political agenda and international cooperation has not diminished. There has been a steady Cypriot participation at high-level Commonwealth meetings post-EU accession. However, the importance of the Commonwealth to the everyday life of Cypriot citizens remains marginal, especially when compared to EU membership. The decision of the UK to exit the Union could precipitate an increased interest on the part of Cyprus in its Commonwealth membership, that could , eventually, even act as a bridge that might help establish a partnership cooperation mechanism between the EU and the Commonwealth.

The main goal of this paper is to present the transcription of the protocol of the witch-trial that took place in 1689 before the town court of Kleczew. Text is preceded by a short discussion of the issue, in which the most important information about the penal book, containing the protocol and circumstances that led to the case, are presented.

The report examines the performance and behaviour of all the Commonwealth countries that have been members of the Council over the past decade. The Commonwealth countries have been evaluated on the basis of their voting patterns on thematic issues and country-situation resolutions at the HRC. In addition, the report highlights the Commonwealth's ideology on diverse issues that are raised at the HRC and assesses whether these countries follow that ideology while voting, including the existence of bloc behaviour. The report also highlights the lack of representation of the Small States at the Council.

Nel 1945 la Gran Bretagna uscì da una guerra che l'aveva messa in ginocchio, ma ne uscì quale potenza vincitrice. Tale aspetto non solo le permise di rivendicare a sé il ruolo di grande potenza, ma le ha anche permesso di conservare un alto grado di continuità nella classe politica, sia in termini di membership, sia in termini di mentalità; una continuità che si traduceva nel mantenimento di una grande forza ed autorità agli occhi dell'opinione pubblica.
Un'immagine dell'inalterato modo in cui i britannici percepivano sé stessi ci viene offerta dallo stesso Winston Churchill, il quale, nel disegnare la posizione della Gran Bretagna all'interno del panorama internazionale post-bellico, la pone al centro dell'intersezione di tre cerchi: l'Europa, l'Impero e l'Atlantico.

L'immutata percezione del proprio ruolo di grande potenza ha giocato una parte molto importante nella storia britannica del dopoguerra. Tuttavia, tale immagine non è stata in grado di immunizzare il sistema politico dagli effetti destabilizzanti che, un processo complesso e multidimensionale come quello della decolonizzazione, ha generato.

The Commonwealth Caribbean have evolved their own legal systems and practices that were tried and tested legally, socially, politically and philosophically. Through independence, the yoke of British legal influence continued, as expressed by Sharma JA in Boodram v AG and other, to influence Caribbean jurisprudence. Nevertheless, there was cognition that the cultures and history of the Caribbean offer its unique propensity for which determinate legal attitudes contemplate concurrence with such local/cultural beliefs. A good example to this was the development of laws to recognize marriage by non-Christian religions per s55(b) of the Marriage Act Cap 45:01 of the laws of Guyana and its comparative contemplation in Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica.
The Constitutions specifically address concepts of fundamental rights and freedoms. These would be evidently connected to the common good, unique to Natural Law.  Finnis hypothesized seven basic goods that would be unfeasible without an officially permitted system: life, knowledge, play, aesthetic experience, sociability of friendship, practical reasonableness and religion .. Other analysts found that these basic goods shaped the core of the fundamental rights enshrined by various constitutions and legal systems.  It could therefore be successfully argued that Natural law theory have influenced the growth of the fundamental human rights explicitly articulated in the Commonwealth Caribbean countries.

The Yoruba people of West Africa take great pride in our names: spilling over with riches, they are exalted with majesty and by the ties of ancestry. Oladimeji, Obayomi, Iyabo. Through our names we acquire divinity.
Omilara means “the family are like water” so it is no wonder that Omilara should be the spiritual child of the Da Costa family; the waking dreamer, the seer, since childhood, of the “Daddy people” That it should be Lara’s eyes that come to “rest on a woman whose fathomless gaze unravel such love in (her) she feels faint with it…” This woman is Zenobia – her paternal grandmother who speaks to her from eternity and takes her on a journey “into memory” so that damp musky earth, saccharine and vanilla scents, reach Lara from the Brazilian plantation on which her ancestor, Tolulope, toils as a slave, and on which she is raped by its owner.

Drawing on Mudrooroo's theory of fringe-writing, this paper argues that, as poverty criteria are relative to a country's GNP but also its culture and traditions, labelling materially disadvantaged characters in Aboriginal literature as 'poor' perpetuates a colonial gaze and risks imposing totalising classifications upon the Other. From descriptions of Angel Day, queen of the rubbish tip, to the mine saboteur Will Phantom, the language of wealth suffuses Alexis Wright's Carpentaria, story of the Pricklebush people and their relationship with Uptown, the white sector of the fictional town of Desperance in the Gulf of Carpentaria. Under the guise of a timeless narrative of mythic proportions, Carpentaria can also be read as a powerful indictment of the Australian mining industry controlled by international conglomerates ignorant of the cultural wealth of the land and its people. By writing of a small community on the outskirts of a country town, situated at the margins of the margins, Wright immerses the reader in a world where the relativity of poverty and riches symbolises the relativity of the capitalist ideology of Western neoliberalism and the absurdity of a modern obsession with owning over knowing and hoarding over honouring.

This Article analyzes the mainline Lutheran, Calvinist, and Anglican models of sex, marriage, and family and their gradual liberalization by Enlightenment liberalism. The theological differences between these models can be traced to their grounding in Lutheran two kingdoms doctrines, Calvinist covenantal theology, Anglican commonwealth theory, and Enlightenment contractarian logic. Lutherans consigned primary marital jurisdiction to the territorial prince or urban council. Calvinists assigned interlocking marital roles to local consistories and city councils. Anglicans left marital jurisdiction to church courts, subject to state oversight and legislation. The early Enlightenment philosophers, many of them Protestants, pressed for a sharper separation of church and state in the governance of marriage, and for stronger protections of the rights and equality of women and children within and beyond the marital household. But they maintained traditional Protestant prohibitions extramarital sex and no-fault divorce in an effort to protect especially women and children from exploitation.

MEMOIRS OF THE HUNGARIAN DIPLOMAT SÁNDOR KISS-NEMESKÉRI OF BULGARIA AND THE BULGARIANS

P. Peykovska

(Summary)

The Hungarian diplomat S. Kiss-Nemeskéri is one the forgotten personalities of the interwar period who had left a significant mark although he had not been able to play a decisive role in the international politics. He had worked in Bulgária for more than 10 years: with a short interruption from 1912 when he was appointed an economy expert in Sofia, to 1929 when he had already the Statute of a Hungárián royal diplomatic agent. From that time on till 1937 he had been a diplomatic agent first in Stockholm, then in Helsinki being accredited at the same time to the three Baltic countries of Estonia, Lithuania and Lat Via. Being unusually colourful and all-round man, S. Kiss published at the end of the 1930-es and at the beginning of the 1940-es his memoirs of his diplomatic service in several volumes where his impressions of Bulgária occupied a considerable place. His book of memoirs titled “In a hurry. From the Memoirs of a Hungárian Diplomat” and published in Budapest in 1940, is the most interesting one from a historical point of view. A part of those memoirs is published here, although in a concise form, with a view to its importance for the Bulgárián history. The memoirs reveal the history of Austro-Hungarian-Bulgarian diplomatic relations as well as the Hungarian-Bulgarian ones of the pe¬riod from 1912 to 1929. They reflect his impressions of the meetings with Alexander Stamboliiski and King Boris, of the public life in Bulgária in the 1920-es and particularly of the Reparations’ committees, of the assault at the „Sveta Nedelya” Cathedral, of the presence of the Russian emigrants in Bulgária, of some episodes of the Macedonian movement. The  memoirs are being published in Bulgárián for the first time.

ВОСПОМИНАНИЯ ВЕНГЕРСКОГО ДИПЛОМАТА ШАНДОРА КИША-НЕМЕШКЕЙРИ О БОЛГАРИИ И О БОЛГАРАХ

П. Пейковска

(Резюме)

Венгерский дипломат Шандор Киш-Немешкейри является одной из забытых личностей межвоенного периода, которые хотя и не имевшие решающую роль в международной политике, оставили свой значительный след. Он работал в Болга¬рии более десятилетия: с 1912 г., когда был назначен экономическим экспертом в Софии, с небольшими перерывами до 1929 г., когда уже пользовался статутом вен¬герского королевского дипломатического агента. После этого, до 1937 г. работал дипломатическим агентом сначала в Стокгольме, потом в Хельзинки, где являлся одновременно аккредитованным при трех балтийских странах Естонин, Литвы и Латвии. Чрезвычайно колоритный и всесторонне развитый человек, в конце 30-х и начале 40-х годов века Шандор Киш издает в нескольких книгах свои мемуары о времени дипломатической работы, где значительное место находят его впечатле¬ния о Болгарии. С исторической точки зрения наибольший интерес представляет его мемуарная книга „Наспех. Из воспоминаний одного венгерского дипло-мата”, вышедшая в Будапеште в 1940 г.
В настоящей публикации предлагаем в сокращенном виде часть этих воспо¬минаний ввиду их исторической значимости дли болгарской истории. Они являются своеобразной историей австро-венгерско-болгарских и венгерско-болгарских диплома¬тических взаимоотношений за период 1912-1929 гг. В частности мемуары отражают впечатления Ш. Киша со встречи с Александром Стамболийским и царем Борисом, об общественной жизни у нас в 20-х годах века - комиссии по репарациям, поку¬шение в церкви Св. Недели, присутствие русских иммигрантов, моменты македон¬ского  движения. Мемуары выходят в свет впервые на болгарском языке.
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Landlord defames deaf disabled senior citizen after her disabled parking space is blocked three times in one month by three different drivers. Two of these incidents were planned but landlord gave no 24 written notice as required by law. Landlord then tries to evict her based on her "startled" reaction to strange men intruding into her private premises making noise.

This case note examines the Supreme Court of Canada's judgment in R. v. Barros, 2011 SCC 51, [2011] S.C.R. 368. It outlines the underlying conflict between the right to a fair trial and open justice, on the one hand, and the importance of protecting police sources, on the other. Analysing the approach taken by the Supreme Court of Canada, it argues that it correctly identified the purpose of defence investigations as the key issue in determining whether those investigations were unlawful; and that it struck the correct balance between protecting informers, whilst permitting the defence to undertake all reasonable enquiries in testing the prosecution's case and evidence.

In this contribution to the December 2015 debate during the High Level Meeting  at the United Nations General Assembly on the World Summit on the Information Society [WSIS] + 10 Review Process Alex Sceberras Trigona proposed that the logical layer or the public core of the Internet required systematic global protection as a "res comunis omnium" and not left any longer to the law of the jungle as a "res nullius". The analogy with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea [UNCLOS] was a compelling and inspiring model. Cyber-crime, cyber-hackers, Cyber-terrorism, Cyber-Attacks and Cyber-Security were additional arguments for the urgent need for global systematic protection. Relying on extra-territorial legislation was no longer sufficient or efficient. Transforming Internet Power into Law was now necessary. Even here globalization 'de facto' required the dependability of globalization 'de jure'.

O presente trabalho se concentra em problematizar o conceito de multidão, dos filósofos Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt, focando a investigação na sua constituição enquanto conceito de classe social em um sentido marxista. Para tanto, visto que um pensamento de classe tem de se haver com a problemática do “sujeito”, tomamos como ponto de partida as críticas efetuadas, sobretudo por Althusser, ao Sujeito moderno e ao humanismo para uma empreitada que consiste em pensar o que seria uma classe social anti e pós-humanista. Negri afirma que sua obra utiliza o método marxiano, ainda que ele se coloque mais influenciado por Foucault e Deleuze & Guattari do que pela ortodoxia marxista enquanto tal, o que já nos indica suas precauções em relação ao Sujeito e ao humanismo, o que não o impede, entretanto, de insistir em um marxismo que preze pelo espaço da subjetividade. Dessa forma, ele propõe uma atualização do discurso de classe utilizando o que alega ser o método marxiano para a crítica do modo de produção capitalista e, diante das características de um capitalismo transformado, resgata ou cria novos conceitos para a mesma – como os de multidão, Império, trabalho imaterial, comum, biopolítica e subsunção real. A presente pesquisa, portanto, intenta analisar a obra de Negri a fim de verificar como os conceitos se articulam em um movimento de pensamento que difere do objeto de crítica do anti e do pós-humanismo, ainda que Negri ele mesmo se declare um humanista – um humanismo de outro tipo, por suposto.

Elinor Ostrom's share of the 2009 Nobel Prize in Economics is cause for celebration among supporters of the commonwealth and democracy alike. While her work provides powerful conceptual resources for sustaining shared resources, it also points toward a democratizing politics that has large implications for overcoming the bitter divisions in today's political landscape and making significant changes in contemporary societies as well. This essay from 2011 in The Good Society puts Ostrom's highly generative concept of polycentric governance of common pool resources into conversation with the public work theory of democracy as the work of publics creating a common world to highlight a renewed "commonwealth politics," different than the mass politics of much of the left which sees government as the central actor and the grievance politics of much of the right which sees government as the enemy of people's initiative. Written in the early years of the Obama administration, it highlights commonwealth themes in Obama's 2008 campaign and speeches as sources of hope. But it also argues that "we the people" -- not any politician - have to be the ones to make such politics come alive on a large scale. This has never been more true than in 2022.

This essay looks at the criminalisation in the South Asian Commonwealth, drawing upon application of human rights, also vigilant of issues beyond the law, and exploring the potential of decriminalisation. It is arranged in four parts: part 1 describes the nature and abuse of criminalisation. Part 2 gives an account of the application of human rights. Part 3 goes beyond legal issues, building upon perspectives of affected individuals and activists. Part 4 explores the potential of decriminalisation.

FULL CITATION:
Ochs, K., & Yonemura, A. (2012). Managing Teacher Migration: Implications for Policy and Practice in Africa. In A. Robertson, R. Jones-Perry, & R. Green (Eds). Commonwealth Education Partnerships 2012/2013. (pp.138-142). London: Commonwealth Secretariat.

ABSTRACT
Commonwealth Education Partnerships is the essential overview of education in the Commonwealth.

The 18th Conference of Commonwealth Education Ministers (CCEM) takes place in Mauritius, August 2012. Launched at that meeting, Commonwealth Education Partnerships 2012/13 addresses the theme of “Bridging Gaps” as we approach 2015. Anticipating the post-MDG/EFA landscape, this edition asks: what next for policy and resourcing; who decides the new goals; and what role will the “Commonwealth Factor” play in securing results?

The publication also contains:

* Research, good practice and opinion from around the  Commonwealth on the right to education, access and quality, and innovative financing
* Analysis of teacher training and leadership in times of rising demand, and demographic and language change
* International frameworks for Open Educational Resources, teacher migration and exchange, and sport for development and peace
* Updates from small states, Africa, Asia, the Pacific and the Caribbean
* 54 education profiles of member countries

Nigeria’s commitment to the anti-apartheid struggle had been made absolutely clear even before it attained its independence on October 1
st, 1960. Following the Sharpe -ville massacres of March 21
st, 1960, when South African police shot and killed 72 blacks and wounded 184, there was a general consensus among all Nigerian political
parties, as well as the regional and federal governments, that decisive actions should be taken against the Pretoria regime in order to force that regime to change its abominable apartheid policy. This event marked the beginning of Nigeria’s confron-tation against white South Africa. Nigeria demanded and spearheaded the forceful expulsion/withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth by mobilizing other black African countries in isolating South Africa in such a way that it would realize the absurdity of its racist policies. It is against this background that this paper
assesses Nigeria’s role in the expulsion or forceful withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth of Nations.

This paper not only describes a confusing network of terms (including “political society”,
“commonwealth”, and “community”), thus defining a problem of interpretation,
but also partially solves the problem. One result is that Locke turns out to differ in at
least one important way from those theorists of social contract supposedly belonging
to the same tradition, especially Hobbes, Rousseau, and Rawls. The Two Treatises lacks
any social contract, that is, a contract constituting society in the inclusive sense usually
given “society” in discussions of “social contract”. Locke’s concept of “political society”
deserves a closer look, since it has largely been overlooked until now.

In this article, I discuss the fact that doing “anthropology at home” involves the same core anthropological methodology as undertaking research abroad. This implies that while doing anthropology at home may have some advantages concerning field practicalities but is equally challenging. There are certain ethical and methodological essentials involved in every anthropological research undertaking. Through my personal experiences of conducting ethnography in Pakistan, I explain that doing anthropology at home does not make exceptions for the researcher in terms of these ethical and methodological aspects.

La littérature, monde large voire quasi-infini, se fragmente en de multiples catégories, selon des caractéristiques encore plus nombreuses. Deux articles écrits par deux auteurs de notoriété s'attardent à deux pans de cette vaste planète que sont les lettres modernes: la littérature du Commonwealth et celle de la francophonie. Dans le premier cas, il s'agit de Salman Rushdie avec «La littérature du Commonwealth n'existe pas» et, dans le deuxième cas, de Pierre Halen «"Le système littéraire francophone" : quelques réflexions complémentaires». Sont donc mis en lumière deux langues : l'anglais et le français. Le rapport langue / littérature n'est pas le même, suivant les différents articles. Les deux systèmes fonctionnent selon une logique qui leur est propre. Les deux auteurs ont en tous cas le mérite de souligner les lacunes des deux ensembles, ce qui permet certainement de faire avancer les choses dans leur domaine. Salman Rushdie, «La littérature du Commonwealth n'existe pas» Dans son ouvrage Patries imaginaires, l'auteur Salman Rushdie s'interroge sur plusieurs sujets, interrogations qu'il expose sous la forme d'articles publiés dans des journaux anglais, de 1980 à 1990. Rushdie est un Indo-pakistanais vivant en Grande-Bretagne. Ses origines et sa double nationalité alimentent largement les articles. Un de ceux-ci, «La littérature du Commonwealth n'existe pas», écrit et publié pour la première fois en 1983, retient l'attention par son intérêt pour les littératures des pays disparates que forment le Commonwealth. Il faut ici rappeler que le Commonwealth est le résultat de la colonisation de la Grande-Bretagne au fil des siècles, ce qui poussa l'état à dominer pas moins du quart du globe, à son paroxysme. Les pays concernés ont en commun la langue anglaise et parfois certains aspects traditionnels. Un rassemblement de cinquante-trois états créent le Commonwealth et ce, depuis plus de soixante ans 1 : par exemple, le Nigéria, le

Tom Wolf’s first year as governor was dominated by the challenges of reaching a budget compromise with the Republican-­dominated General Assembly. This article provides an overview of the difficulties and accomplishments of the first year of the Wolf administration. The article draws a historical comparison with seven other governors—Leader, Scranton, Shafer, Shapp, Thornburg, Rendell, and Corbett—four Republicans and three Democrats, and it concludes with some observations drawn from these previous governors’ experiences that may inform the Wolf administration as it navigates its remaining years.

This article revisits the early history of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) which emerged at a critical juncture of globalisation in the 1960s. Four broad topics are discussed: (1) the political aims of the organisation, (2) the continental body's role in global politics and the way independent African states have impacted on the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Commonwealth, (3) the development of intra-African relations, and (4) possible reasons for the general underperformance of the OAU's in particular with regard to violent conflict on the continent in those years.

The second edition of Jean-François Vernay's book A Brief Take on the Australian Novel (Adelaide: Wakefield Press) was released in 2016. This incisive history of Australian fiction is remarkable for a relatively young scholar, both for its ambitious scope and its innovative approach, employing structural techniques derived from the world and language of cinema. It is designed to appeal to the general reader seeking to test their views against Vernay's, to those new to the area of Australian fiction who might use it as a guide to their reading, and to those engaged in academic study. As has often been noted, Jean-François Vernay's French-Australian parentage and background give him an unusual and distinctive perspective on Australian Christopher Ringrose: Which other books have tried to do what you did in A Brief Take on the Australian Novel – produce an accessible but broad-ranging account of the whole of Australian fiction? And did you take account of them? Jean-François Vernay: There is a long tradition of historiography in Australian Studies which dates back to 1856 with the publication in the Journal of Australasia of an essay entitled 'The Fiction Fields of Australia' written by Frederick Sinnett. Since then, over a dozen literary histories have been published in book form, most of which were collaborative ventures. The edited companions by Laurie Hergenhan, Elizabeth Webby or Peter Pierce, for instance, are the work of multiple contributors who have been restricted to one particular aspect (period, genre, literary culture, etc.) of Australian fiction. These edited volumes have the merit of covering wider grounds than A Brief Take on the Australian Novel, but also end up being far more synthetic. Besides, they are academia-oriented in their format and approach (with

Against the backdrop of the Great War a seemingly unlikely transatlantic romance blossomed between the deeply imperialist Round Table journal founded by “Milner’s Kindergarten,” a cadre of young former colonial administrators in Great Britain, and the American progressive standard bearer The New Republic. The rhetoric of The New Republic in these years was deeply influenced by political Anglo-Saxon thought, as exemplified in The Round Table. Political Anglo-Saxonism was the belief that Anglo-Saxons were uniquely prepared for both self-governance and colonial governance. Adherents judged others’ capacity to self-govern against idealized Anglo norms. Both The Round Table (1910) and The New Republic (1914), from their inaugural issues on, sought national solutions for national problems utilizing a shared rhetoric of national efficiency. During the Great War this shared nationalist-progressivism drew the two groups together facilitating The New Republic’s founders’ early (1915) embrace of American intervention in the war. These connections are illuminated here through the interactions of The New Republic founders: Herbert Croly, Walter Lippmann, and Walter Weyl with key members of the British Round Table set, including: Lionel Curtis, Philip Henry Kerr, Alfred Zimmern, and the prominent American “imperial school” historian George Louis Beer.

This thesis explores Matthew's career at Oxford and Durham, it demonstrates that an early, influential, group of `moderate Calvinists' was in existence at Oxford and that Matthew was at the heart of this circle. From the mid-1560s, Matthew was engaged in developing a unique vision of the reformation in England. That vision promoted conformity without compromising the evangelical commitment to `edification', and resolved the tensions between the need for further reform and a duty to the Queen. This work has drawn heavily on Matthew's extensive library, and through a study of Matthew's reading and his sermons, offers a new explanation of the relationship between theology and ecclesiastical government. Matthew's vision of creating a godly commonwealth in England was a unifying image in the Elizabethan church, which was promoted by Matthew and his prominent political and clerical allies. This research demonstrates how the intellectual foundations of `conforming Calvinism' shaped pastoral and political activity. Through an investigation of Matthew's pastoral work in Durham, this thesis explores how Matthew's commitment to the godly commonwealth shaped his churchmanship and how the demands of the north modified his vision of reform. In doing so archival evidence has been examined in the context of Matthew's intellectual engagements, and the cultural and political aspects of religious reform have been stressed.

The paper examines elections in Trinidad and Tobago, showing how they are organised around communal appeals in an environment where inter-ethnic suspicion is widespread and communal identity is interwoven and institutionalised in organised party politics. The 1995 general elections witnessed the defeat of the predominantly Africanbased ruling PNM by the predominantly Indian-based UNC, the first time an Indian acceded to the prime ministership. Local elections almost a year later reaffirmed the victory of the UNC over the PNM. The Indian ascendance to power seemed to constitute not just a change of government, but an event that threated the fragile stability of the multi-ethnic order.

Vidiadhar Surajprasad (VS) Naipaul was a Commonwealth citizen extraordinaire. But from the unofficial side. He showed all of us what we can be on the world stage, even if we were born in its periphery. His advice to us was what his father gave to him when he left Trinidad: ‘Find your centre’. It is only then that we can find our way in the world.

This article examines the economic impact of trade facilitation between Commonwealth country members, using a global computable general equilibrium framework. We document enormous economic impact, much higher than a complete tariff liberalisation amongst these countries. The economic impact is quite visible in terms of welfare, gross domestic product, employment and trade in several sectors. We abstract from the costs involved in such trade facilitation-accounting for them is beyond the scope of this study.

All recent findings by international bodies concerned with youth affairs confirm that the number of youth is increasing tremendously. The most worrying issue on these findings is that the majority of these youth fail to get their basic human rights/needs hence being rendered vulnerable and unproductive. The situation has become even worse for the youth with disabilities. This paper presents the current status of youth in higher education, with focus on the youth with disability. It highlights how inclusive education has helped in formulation of educational materials that considers their differences. This paper then proposes a formal model based on the current rampant innovations in ICT, media and telecommunications that can answer the education problem among the youth, most especially, those with disabilities.

This is a draft of chapter one, "Citizen Politics," the first chapter of Pedagogy of the Empowered, forthcoming in 2018 from Vanderbilt University Press. It describes the difference between a citizen politics of public work and the highly polarized citizen activism common today.

It is usefully connected to the idea of "a new nonviolence," since public work politics from the outset has been informed by nonviolent philosophy from the American civil rights movement which in my view cultivates an epistemology and an ontology of civic respect for the potential of one's enemies, as well as one's friends.

The stories in Pedagogy of the Empowered can all be seen as building blocks for a new nonviolence movement, moving from nonviolence as meaning simply "civil resistance" to nonviolence as civic construction. Here is a Huffington Post blog which makes this point - "The New Nonviolence -- Stories of Civic Creation"
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/the-new-nonviolence_us_59cfa66ee4b034ae778d4ad7

The present paper aims to present the status of the military cemeteries of the First World War in Macedonia region, in the Balkans, as a sample of common cultural heritage in this very area. In the introduction, there are certain points raised concerning mainly: the historical knowledge and report on the present condition of military cemeteries (as far as spatial organization, architecture and sculpture are concerned), the status of their contemporary function, as well as the relation between these monuments and both the local communities and the greater area. In addition, the framework of a corporate planning for the launching of the cemeteries in the countries of this area is also presented along with their incorporation in the contemporary urban environment, the promotion of scenarios and actions towards the cooperation of the two countries – where the monuments are traced– in order to facilitate and methodize the visitors' transportation there. Sommario

En este artículo, escrito con un estilo que trasciende lo académico, se trabaja la relación entre ciudad y producción de subjetividad, planteando la hipótesis de que el espacio urbano desgarra la subjetividad de quienes lo habitan sin ser sus propietarios, y constituye así un factor determinante en la configuración de sus vidas.
A partir de la idea de que las ciudades contemporáneas se han vuelto medios de acumulación y de valorización capitalista, en el texto hacemos emerger que una de las maneras en que el capital se valoriza, es decir a través de la renta inmobiliaria, tiene efectos sobre la producción de subjetividad (entendida en sentido objetivo) de una masa enorme de ciudadanos.
Las líneas teóricas -críticas- que se cruzan en este trabajo proceden de distintas tradiciones. Por un lado usamos elementos del trabajo de geógrafos marxistas, como David Harvey, que plantean la centralidad de la lucha por el ?derecho a la ciudad?, donde la metrópolis es en sí misma un espacio en disputa y no la simple superficie de inscripción de las luchas políticas. En segundo lugar, siguiendo el trabajo de autores postoperaístas; a través de el de Michael Hardt y Antonio Negri sobre lo común, planteamos la exterioridad del capital respecto de la producción de valor y su naturaleza extractiva. Paralelamente, a partir de los textos de Maurizio Lazzarato sobre la producción y el gobierno del hombre endeudado, hipotetizamos que lo que el capital hace al expropiar lo común es producir y controlar una figura subjetiva que es, sí, libre, pero que tiene que configurar su existencia de una manera compatible con el pago de la deuda, quedando así neutralizado cualquier riesgo de una ruptura revolucionaria.

The bell rings, but you hear the sound before it rings. The mind that is aware of the bell before it rings is the Buddha-mind. If however you hear the bell and then say it is a bell, you are merely naming what's been born, a thing of minor importance.

L’Impero – o, per meglio dire, il sistema imperiale – britannico è stato un conglomerato straordinariamente eterogeneo sia per estensione geografica che per ampiezza culturale. Nella periodizzazione dell’Impero, la storiografia tende a concordare nel considerare la guerra d’indipendenza americana come lo spartiacque tra una prima fase atlantica e mercantilista, e una seconda più globale e libero-scambista. La terza fase, ancora dibattuta soprattutto nell’estensione temporale, vide Londra riconfigurare il sistema intorno alla costruzione di un blocco di potere dei Dominion, cioè sulle relazioni tra Gran Bretagna e Australia, Canada, Nuova Zelanda e Sud Africa. Al fianco di queste self-governing colony, naturalmente, l’India continuò a giocare un ruolo fondamentale.
La Prima guerra mondiale innescò un processo di riforma della struttura imperiale, rivelandosi infine un evento cruciale per la transizione dalla seconda alla terza fase. Non un caso che nel 1917, per la prima volta in un documento ufficiale, comparve l’espressione Imperial Commonwealth di «nazioni autonome» a marcare la nuova natura del sistema in evoluzione. Quando la guerra scoppiò nell’estate 1914, d’altronde, l’India e le self-governing colony risposero unite all’invasione tedesca del Belgio, seguendo la Madrepatria sui campi di battaglia europei ed extra-europei. Il contributo dei Dominion e dell’India fu da subito determinante nell’arginare l’onda d’urto propagata dagli Imperi centrali.
Tuttavia, una notevole profusione di uomini e risorse da parte delle diramazioni coloniali britanniche non comportò a Londra un loro coinvolgimento o una loro consultazione nella gestione della condotta di guerra. Una tale situazione perdurò fino al dicembre 1916, quando uno dei primi provvedimenti del nuovo Primo Ministro David Lloyd George, succeduto ad Asquith, fu di convocare una Imperial War Conference e, in simultanea, istituire un nuovo gabinetto di guerra, quello appunto imperiale, che fosse complementare al War Cabinet e i cui lavori si sarebbero svolti in parallelo a quelli della conferenza. Se, insomma, fino alla conclusione del 1916 Londra era in guerra assistita dal suo Impero, dal 1917, invece, l’Impero intero fu in guerra, orchestrato da una Gran Bretagna molto più nel ruolo di primus inter pares.
L’Imperial War Cabinet si rivelò un organo di concertazione importante nel breve e medio termine per il coordinamento dello sforzo bellico. Tuttavia, fu la Conference del 1917 – la quale si riunì poi anche nel 1918 al pari del Gabinetto imperiale – ad avere un ruolo centrale nel delineare la futura costituzione dell’Impero. Già pienamente autonomi negli affari interni, i Dominion, proprio grazie al loro impegno nel conflitto, ottennero una «voce adeguata» e una «consultazione continua» su questioni internazionali riguardanti gli interessi imperiali. Fu discusso anche il nodo dell’eventuale equiparazione dell’India ai Dominion, riconoscendole infine il diritto ad avere il medesimo trattamento diplomatico, benché ciò non implicasse per i locali ottenere l’autogoverno.
Concluse le ostilità nel 1918, l’Imperial War Cabinet si tramutò nella delegazione imperiale, altrimenti conosciuta come British Empire Delegation, che prese parte alle trattative di pace alla conferenza di Parigi del 1919. La nuova costituzione dell’Impero preannunciata alla War Conference del 1917 trovò la sua definitiva formalizzazione in tempo di pace, tra il 1926 e il 1931, anni in cui furono redatti il Rapporto Balfour e lo Statuto di Westminster, che diedero vita al British Commonwealth of Nations.

This is a re-write of the complaint I filed in Washington County Circuit Court against my landlord. I again sue the Sheriff because of an unsolicited MHRT report created 6/30/15 which is kept for 10 years. I want it destroyed as it was created based on prejudice and hearsay.

This conversation between Deborah Meier and Harry Boyte, taken from Bridging Differences, an ongoing blog about democracy and education at "Education Week," involves an exchange of views about what educators can learn from organizers, what organizers can learn from educators, and what concepts like "democracy," "relationships," "public" and "politics" mean.