Appendix IV: Potmarks

Trinity University Digital Commons @ Trinity Classical Studies Faculty Research Classical Studies Department 2012 Appendix IV: Potmarks Nicolle E. Hirschfeld Trinity University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/class_faculty Part of the Classics Commons Repository Citation Hirschfeld, N. (2012). Appendix IV: Potmarks. In V. Karageorghis & Y. Violaris (Eds.), Tombs of the Late Bronze Age in the Limassol Area, Cyprus (17th - 13th centuries BC) (pp. 289-299). Municipality of Limassol. This Contribution to Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Classical Studies Department at Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies Faculty Research by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. APPENDIX IV The potmarks Nicolle Hirschfeld I. Potmarks from the Limassol area tombs The excavation of any Late Cypriote site settlement, tomb, shipwreck usually yields pottery marked with incised, impressed, or painted signs. The collection of marked pottery presented here is significant especially because it fills in the heretofore geographic lacuna between the substantial assemblages of Late Cypriote potmarks discovered in the Kouris (Smith 2012) and Vasilikos (E. Masson 1989; Cadogan, Driessen, and Ferrara 2009, 145) River Valleys. Smith has demonstrated how much marked pottery, considered in the context of other indications of administrative control, can reveal about the administrative, economic, and political organization of a region. The Vasilikos Valley merits similar treatment. In between there are now these twenty-eight marked vases from the Limassol district too few to indicate clearly how this region fitted into or rubbed against the marking practices used by its neighbours, but a start and, it is hoped, a promise of more. The great majority of the marks are isolated and simple: crosses, I's, T's, X's, uncomplicated combinations of vertical and horizontal or oblique lines. Some of these shapes are also signs in the Cypro-Minoan syllabary but, absent from any other indication of literacy, it cannot be assumed that any of the simple potmarks from Limassol were made or understood as signs of the Late Cypriote script. Complex marks can be more confidently identified as Cypro-Minoan, if there is a match. But among the Limassol finds other than the signs incised on the shoulder of the jug from Erimi Tomb 2 only the mark painted on the base of the Late Helladic crater could be identified with a Cypro-Minoan sign. Unfortunately, its poor preservation makes the reading uncertain. The most elaborate mark (again, excepting the Erimi inscription) is the one incised on the handle of the Monochrome juglet from Kandou tomb 6. It has no parallel, in the script or among Late Cypriote potmarks. Most potmarks from Late Cypriote contexts are incised or impressed; the relatively few painted marks are found almost exclusively on Mycenaean IIIA-B vases, either open shapes or small closed shapes. The Limassol finds mirror that general pattern: the three vases with painted marks are a Late Helladic crater, a small piriform jar, and a small stirrup jar. The Big Question, of course, is what potmarks signify. Crucial to thinking about this is whether the marks were made before or after firing. Marks made before firing are most likely associated with producers or production processes whereas those made after firing have a much broader range of possible functions. With regard to the vases presented here, only in the case of Red Lustrous Wheelmade ware is the determination absolutely clear: they were impressed or drawn into wet clay. In all other instances, it is a matter of subjective judgment based on visual inspection and the descriptions in this catalogue should be understood as such. The difficulty is exacerbated by the fact that the majority of marks were applied to handles and bases, parts of a vase most exposed to wear. Objective means of discriminating between marks incised into leather-hard or fired clay, and of identifying whether a mark was painted before or after firing are urgently needed. One feature of the marks that must be highly relevant to the question of their function is their visibility. The Red Lustrous wheelmade marks, besides all sharing the characteristic of having been made before the vases were fired, also have in common that the marks were not intended to be highly visible: they are small and, when possible, inscribed in the base, where they would be hidden from view (assuming that the spindle bottles stand when in use; flasks have no base). The painted marks, too, are hidden from view. The jugs, on the other hand, display their marks prominently, at the top of the handle or on the shoulder, and often in large-sized, deeply cut 289 NICOLL£ HIRSCHFELD incisions. This is true for jugs of all fabrics: Plain, Red- or Black-Slip, Monochrome, even Base-ring. It is perhaps significant that the shoulder-marks are all located in the vicinity of the handle. Maybe this, along with the preponderance of marks on the handle, are indications that (some of) these marks had relevance to the act of pouring? In contrast, the marks on bowls show no consistent orientation towards or away from visibility. None are marked internally, which would be the place of highest visibility for the howl-in-use but those marks incised high on the exterior bodies of the Plain White Wheelmade bowls (621-Vl/19, 621-Vll/8, and T.322/15) are visi­ ble when the bowl is at stance and at eye-level or higher (for example, on a shelf). These and the mark on the base of CS 1838/32 would all also have been visible on bowls stored upside down. Two jugs (T.8/31-17 and Kandou T.6/6) each have two marks that differ in form, location, and ductus (how they were cut). The simplest explanation is that they were incised by different people, perhaps at different times, perhaps for different purposes. Were their meanings complementary or had one lost irs valence? Incised marks cannot be easily 'erased'. In any case, surely these vases with different kinds of marks are evidence that a pormark conveyed irs meaning multi-dimensionally: by its form, its manner of application, irs location on the vase, and the kind of vase it marked. It is the challenge of modern interpreters to notice these many aspects of a potmark in seeking to understand its meaning(s). T.8/31-17 (Figs 2a-2b). Two different marks incised after firing in two separate locations on a Black Slip Wheelmade jug. Small cross incised into top of handle. Length of each stroke: 2.1em. The cross is as large as the handle size allows. It is neatly cut, even though each incision required several strokes. The vertical got the final cut. Large mark an X enclosed by a three-sided box incised across neck and shoulder, adjacent to handle. Height: 7.8cm; width: 1.7cm. The horizontal got the final stroke. This mark is much sloppier than the one on the handle, probably in part because of the uneven surface, especially across the shoulder. It may also have been cut by a different, more careless hand. The person cutting the mark either got frustrated or careless and the multiple re-cuttings jump all over the surface. The mark, so large and so obviously placed, was clearly intended to be immediately visible, but not to be admired for its execution. T.11/21 (Fig. 3). Three-pronged mark drawn before firing into the base of a Red Lustrous Wheelmade spindle bottle (Eriksson type VIA1a). Maximum dimensions of mark: 1.9 x l.Ocm. The three-pronged mark is one of the most common marks found on Red Lustrous Wheelmade vases. This one is unusual, however, in the length of its lines. Most Red Lustrous Wheelmade marks are compact, their short straight lines impressed or jabbed rather than drawn as, for example, the same mark impressed into the base of the spindle bottle 621-VI/ 12. It is also somewhat unusual for this specific type of spindle borde to be marked; the great majority of marked Red Lustrous Wheelmade spindle bottles (including all the others published here) are the taller, thin types (Ericksson's VIAlb and c). Ericksson 1993, 146 illustrates marks commonly found on Red Lustrous Wheelmade spindle bottles, including all those appearing on the spindles bottles listed in this catalogue. T.l27/14 (Fig. 4). Cross-shaped mark incised into upper surface of handle tip of a Base-ring I bowl. Lengths of strokes: 0.8 and 1.1cm. Cut by a thin edge. The incisions are extremely thin and shallow, uneven, wobbly. Probably incised after firing; if leather hard, when clay was very hard. In either case, it would have been difficult to incise the hard clay of the fragile handle without breaking the tip. Because of irs small size and the shallow and thin incisions, the mark is nor immediately visible; one needs to be looking for it ro see it. Marks on Base-ring wishbone handles are rare. Two published examples, both with a 290 THE POTMARK$ simple star mark, were found at Kouklia (Mirford 1971, 92 fig. 2:33) and Ugarit (Matoi" an 2012, 126). T.127/17 (Fig. 5). Mark painted in washy reddish-orange on the base of a Late Helladic IIIB stirrup jar (FS 180, Simple Style). Max. dimensions of mark: 3.2 x 2.0cm. Where the painted decoration has flaked off, the mark is also no longer extant. This indicates that the mark was painted on top of the painted decoration. The mark was probably applied after firing (Hirschfeld 2006, 87). T.I28/l 0 (Fig. 6). Mark incised into top of handle of a Red Slip Wheelmade jug, probably after firing. Length: 2.8cm. A short, diagonal slanting down from the top left of a long vertical. Each line shows evidence of multiple strokes made by the cutting tool. Bur the overall impression is of a neatly incised mark. The depth of irs incisions, the size of the mark, and its location make it readily visible, especially when picking up or pouring the jug. T.128/11 (Fig. 7). Rectilinear mark incised after firing into top of handle of a Black Slip Wheel made jug. Maxi­ mum dimensions of mark 1.9 x 1.9cm. Two horizontals frame and cross four verticals but do not touch the fifth vertical. None of the lines are exactly parallel (Dikaios 1969-71,627, 889, pis 153.20, 315.3) or perpendicular, and their lengths vary. The horizontal incisions are deeper than the verticals, and the bottom horiwntal is especially deep at the left hand­ le edge. It rook multiple strokes to cur the top horiwntal and at least two of the verticals (the third and fourth from the left). The mark,cut across the entire handle width and through the dark slip into the buffday core, is readily visible. T.l3011 (Fig. 8). T-shaped mark incised after firing into top of handle of a Black Slip Wheelmade jug. Length of each stroke ca. 1.3cm. This mark would have been readily visible because of its location, because it curs through the dark slip into the buff day, and because of the width of the incised grooves. They are thick because of the multiple recuttings needed to cur into the fired day; the incising edge was actually rather thin. The last cutting was made along the horiwntal incision. T.272/6 (Fig. 9). !-shaped mark incised after firing into top of handle of a Red Slip Wheelmade jug. Maximum length: 2.6cm. The strokes neatly cut through the clay and the inclusions. The horiwnrals were cut after the vertical. The size and location of this mark make it readily visible. T.322/3 (Fig. 10). Mark painted in washy dark orange on the base of a Late Helladic IIIA:2e large deep open crater (FS7, decorated with pendant scale pattern). Single vertical streak of washy dark orange paint on lower body. The mark is faintly and incompletely preserved but probably has the form ofCypro-Minoan sign no. 91. T.322/10 (Fig. ll). Mark painted in washy dark reddish-brown on the base of a Late Helladic IIIA:21 three­ handled jar (FS45). T.322112 (Fig. 12). Mark drawn into wet clay at the base of the handle of a Red Lustrous Wheelmade flask. Length of the vertical: 1.7; length of the oblique: 0.5cm. The short oblique may have been impressed rather than drawn; the vertical was drawn in a single stroke. T.322/15 (Fig. 13). Large !-shaped mark incised after firing into the exterior,just below the rim,of a Plain 291 NICOI.I.E HIRSCHFELD White Wheelmade I bowl. Max. dimensions of mark 2.0 x 2.2cm. Horizontals cut after the vertical. Because of its size and its location just below the rim, this mark is readily visible when the bowl is placed at stance and at eye-level. T.322/20 (Fig. 14). V -shaped mark drawn or impressed inro wet clay at the base of the handle of a Red Lustrous Wheelmade flask. Length of each stroke: 0.7cm. T.323/3 (Fig. 15). Mark incised after firing into exterior base of a Plain White Wheelmade I bowl. Length of the vertical: 1.9, length of horizontals 1.0. A thin, sharp edge was used ro cut deep into the hard clay, which fractured where the horizontals and vertical crossed. The mark is cenrred on the base. 621-IY /8 (Fig. 16). Star-shaped mark incised after firing at the base of the handle of a Base-ring I jug. Maximum dimensions: 1.8 x 2.5cm. The grooves are very thin, shallow, wavering. Variations of the 'star' potmark are found with some frequency, on many different shapes and wares. But this is a unique occurrence of this mark on a Base-ring vessel. 621-IV/18-2 (Fig. 17). X-shaped mark drawn into wet clay, inro the base of a Red Lustrous Wheelmade spind­ le bottle. Length of each stroke: I.Ocm. 621-Y/26 (Fig. 18). Semicircular mark drawn into wet clay, into the base of a Red Lustrous Wheel made spind­ le bottle. Maximum width of mark: 1.3cm. 621-YI/12 (Fig. 19). Three-pronged mark drawn into wet clay, into the base of a Red Lustrous Wheelmade spind­ le bottle. Maximum length of mark: 1.3cm. Three diverging, short lines, roughly equal in length; middle line drawn first. 621-Yl/13 (Fig. 20). Semicircular mark drawn into wet clay, into rhe base of a Red Lustrous Wheelmade spindle bottle. Maximum width: 1.4cm. 621-Vl/15 (Fig. 21 ). X-shaped mark drawn into wet clay, inm the base of a Red Lustrous Wheelmade spindle bonle. Maximum dimensions of mark: 0.9 x 1.6cm. 621-Yl/19 (Fig. 22). Complex mark incised after firing into the exterior lower body of a Plain White Wheelma­ de shallow bowl. Maximum dimensions 2.5 x I.Ocm. Thin, sharp incisions cut through the light surface into the dark pink core. This colour contrast, along with its size and placement make rhe mark immediately visible when the bowl is upside down. Bur when the bowl sits at stance the mark is hardly visible, and then only from limited viewpoints, and irs form is impossible ro discern. 621-Vl/41-1 (Fig. 23). Mark incised after firing at the base of the handle of a Base-ring I jug. Height: 2.1cm. Thin, shallow strokes, each recut several times. The long vertical recut last. 621-Yl/41-2 (Fig. 24). Mark incised after firing inro the handle of a Monochrome jug. Length of vertical: 2.2; horizonrals cross the entire width of the handle: 2.4cm. Thin, sharp grooves. Both horizontals are for the most parr single grooves, but have multiple cut-marks on their left edge; is this because the engraver began the stroke on the left? The rwo obliques below are so different from the vertical and horizonrals not aligned, blurred by multiple cuttings that they seem spurious, bur their size, depth, and multiple cuttings make it equally difficult ro designate them as 'accidental'. Could these be the engraver practising setting his edge? 292 THE POTMARK$ 621-VII/8 (Fig. 25). Triple-pronged mark incised after firing into lower body, below the handle, of a Plain White Wheelmade I bowl. Length of each line: 1.3cm. This mark is readily visible only when the bowl is upside down. 621-VIII/1 (Fig. 26). Large mark incised after firing into top of one handle of a Plain White Wheelmade I crater. Height 2.9; length of horizontal (crosses entire width of handle): 2.1cm. The deep and wide incisions, the large size of this mark, and its prominent location make it highly visible. LM 1328/2 (Fig. 27). T-shaped mark incised after firing into the body and below the handle of a White Slip IIA spouted bowl. Length of vertical stroke 1.8; length of horizontal stroke 1.5cm. A thin-edged tool was used to cut through the light slip and into the grey core.The edges of the grooves are jagged in close-up, but the overall impression of the mark is of straight, sharp incisions. The only other example of marked White Slip known to this author is a White Slip I bowl fragment found at Enkomi. The exact form of the mark is unclear but it was certainly more complex than the simpleT on this bowl. LM 1838/32 (Fig. 28).T-shaped mark incised after firing into the exterior base of a plain bowl with a burnished red slip interior. Length of the lines: 1.7, 2.4cm. This mark is definitely not an attention-grabber: located under the base, it is relatively small and not centred in its space. But the thin-edged incising tool cut deep and wide grooves and the mark is immediately visible when the bowl is turned upside down. KandouT.6/6 (Figs 29a-29b). Complex mark incised into the handle and a simpler mark incised on the shoulder of a Monochrome juglet, both cut after firing. Handle-mark, height: 3.3; length of horizontals (cross entire handle) 1.9 em. Shoulder-mark maximum dimension: l.lcm. The mark on the handle is comprised of two horizontals, each crossing the entire width of the handle; a long vertical bisecting the two horizontals; and a small rectilinear feature at each end of the vertical. Absent the recti­ linear features, this would be a mark commonly incised into the handles and bases of Cypriote vases; it is also one of the most frequently appearing Cypro-Minoan signs. The elaborated version here, however, is without parallel. The mark on the shoulder is not as deeply scratched into the surface. The 'vertical' stroke was the first cut; it is neither as deep nor as thick as the other two strokes. II. The Cypro-Minoan inscription from Erimi-Ka.fkallaT.2/22 (Fig. 1). A three-sign inscription incised into the shoulder, one em below the strap handle, of a Plain White Wheelmade jug. Aside from the inscription, there is nothing noteworthy about this jug. It is not especially carefully made: the height of its maximum diameter wavers, the surface was carelessly finished, drying dents were not smoothed. A sharp thin instrument cut deep (I millimetre), dean-edged grooves into hard clay. It is impossible to determine with certainry on the basis of visual inspection whether the incisions were cut at the leather-hard stage or after firing. The two authors of this report both favour after firing. Hirschfeld points to the inclusions, 2 Presentation of this inscription is co-authored with Joanna Smith who several years ago looked at this vase in conjunction with her study of writing, administration, and politics in the Kouris River Valley during the Late Cypriote period (Smith 2012, esp. n. 93). We have found it tremendously beneficial to look at inscriptions independently and then compare notes. Four eyes do see more. 293 NICOLLE HIRSCHfELD consistently cut through (rather than dragged or pushed into the clay) by the incising tool, as an indication that the clay must have been hard-fired when the cuts were made. This is especially clear for the left sign. Smith points to the distinct contrast berween the colours of the fired surface of the vessel and those at the bottom of the incised grooves. The three signs are irregularly spaced; the gap between t he left and middle signs is 3.2 em, measuring centre -ax is to centre-axis, and that berween the middle and right signs is 4.2 e m . The baseline of each sign is slightly askew relative to the other rwo. And the signs vary in height: 3.3 (left), 4.8 (middle), and 2.6 (right) em. In spite of these di ffere nce s, the general impression is that these three proximal, generally aligned, and si mi larly sized signs were intended as a single associated group. This is corroborated by the similarities in their ducrus (the tool and manner of incision, described above) and han dwriting (habit of forming the marks with a sequence of strokes). For all three signs, the last incision cut was the baseline. Furthermore, the rwo complex marks were cut from top to bottom and 'from the inside out' (rather than by starting with the large elements and then adding elaborations). Thus, in the case of the left sign, the rwo horizontal cross-bars were cut first; the diagonals were cut next; and the base-line last. The starting point for the middle sign was the rwo short inner strokes; then the ourward-pointing diagonals; next the vertical; and the base-line last. Although it is clear that the three signs are an associated group, the larger gap berween the middle and right sign may be a deliberate spacing, signalling an inscription intended to be read as a rwo-sign sequence and an isolated sign. The right sign is very simple; among many other parallels, it can also be identified with Cypro-Minoan no. 9:l In the extant corpus of Cypro-Minoan inscriptions, this sign appears with some frequency and in all positions initial, medial, and final4 and in all the three Cypro-Minoan writing systems defined by E. Masson5 • The left sign is much more complex and its clear identification as Cypro-Minoan no. 88 is the compelling factor in identifYing this inscription as Cypro-Minoan. Sign no. 88 appears with some frequency in the Cypro­ Minoan 1 corpus,6 though more usually with one horizontal short bar, rather than the double bars of the sign on the Erimi jug.l The sign on the jug may be an indication that this inscri ption should be read sinisrroverse, for, with one possible exception,8 sign no. 88 appears in the medial or final position. On the other hand, where the direction of incising can be determined, the lines seem to have been cur from left to right. The middle sign is somewhat problematic in that it is not attested in the Cypro-Minoan corpus in this exact form. Its closest parallel, Cypro-Minoan no. 84, lacks the base-line of the sign on the jug and is otherwise .I Sign numbers refer ro the Cypro-Minoan signary published in Olivier and Vandenabeele 2007,413,which is in turn fundamentally rhat presented in E. Masson 1974,11-17. 4 Ferrara tabulates 67 total occurrences of sign no. 99: 3 in the initial position, 46 medial, and 18 final (Ferrara 2012,Appendices 5-7). The sign appears most frequently (42 occurrences) in CM2. s Masson's identification of three separate Cypro-Minoan writing systems has been questioned by most of rhe scholars currently studying Cypriot Late Bronze Age writing (most extensively, Ferrara 2012; also the two authors of this report). 1' Olivier lists 17 occurrences of no. 88 (Olivier and Vandenabeele 2007,419-426) but Ferrara lists only I 0 (Ferrara 2012,Appendix 5). Until the second volume of Ferrara's study is published, in which she will present her readings and transcriptions of the texts she identifies as Cypro-Minoan, it is impossible to evaluate this discrepancy. Olivier's identifications arc based on published images and transcriptions rather than independent examination. Both authors agree that this sign appears only in the texts traditionally identified as Cypro-Minoan I. 7 The double-barred variant appears 4 or 5 rimes (lines 2, 9, 13, 26 and probably 23) on rhe clay cylinder from Enkomi (Olivier and Vandenabeele 2007, 122-132 no. 97), on a bronze bowl from Palacpaphos (Olivier and Vandcnabecle 2007,259 no. 186}, and on the ivory 'pipe' from Kition (Olivier and Vandenabeele 2007,231 no. 161) . 294 THE POTMARKS attested only on three clay boules (Ferrara 2012, Appendix 5). Another possibility is that the sign on the jug is a less rectilinear version of Cypro-Minoan no. 99, attested thirteen times, most often in the final position or as an isolated sign (Ferrara 2012, Appendix 5). Due to the paucity of texts, the corpus of Cypro-Minoan signs and their variants is not yet completely and firmly established; the middle sign on the Erimi jug should now be added to the signary, though its exact position within the corpus cannot yet be firmly placed. This sequence of signs, 88-84-9, is unattested among extant Cypro-Minoan inscriptions. This is true also if the inscription is read right-to-left 9-84-88. The jug's features are characteristic of Late Cypriote IJ;9 the authors of this volume date its context, the tomb, to Late Cypriote IB:2 - IIA:1. By virtue of its context, then, the jug, dates to early Late Cypriote II, after the first appearance of Cypro-Minoan (Late Cypriote IA) (Ferrara 2012, 52-57), but before itsjloruit(Late Cypriote IIC-IIIA). However, it should be noted, first, that the jug, assessed apart from its context, dates broadly to Late Cypriote II. Second, the tomb was disturbed by modern construction (which prompted the salvage excavation)10 and it may well have been disturbed in antiquity, also. Third, if the inscription was cut after firing, it could have been done at any point during the use of the Late Cypriote II jug. Thus this inscription is not neces­ sarily an early example of Cypro-Minoan writing. Within the Kouris River Valley, the Erimi inscription finds few parallels among signs already documented. The five marked vessel fragments found at Erimi-Pitharka are all single marks except one lightly scratched pair of possible marks. Only a mark on a jug handle from Pitharka bears any similarity to the Erimi inscription; if this handle is held upside down, its mark can be compared to the right-hand sign on the Erimi jug (Vassiliou and Stylianou 2004, 189-190, fig. 13, no. P 6). Most inscriptions from the Kouris River Valley have been found at Episkopi-Bamboula (most recently see Smith 2012 for a list and discussion of these inscriptions that builds on the earlier work of Daniel (1941) and Benson and Masson (1960)). A bowl found here is inscribed, on its exterior, with the same sign as that on the right in the Erimi inscription, similarly oriented (Smith 2012, 57, 88, fig. 9.h6, Appendix I, cat. no. 48). The mark is post-firing and the bowl was found in a Late Cypriote IliA silt or flood deposit. The middle sign of the Erimi jug might be compared to a more rectilinear mark on a Plain White Ware jug handle from Episkopi-Bamboula (Smith 2012, 57, 92, fig. 9.o2, Appendix I, cat. no. 86). That mark was made when the vessel was leather hard; the handle was found in an unstratified context. No parallels for the left-most sign on the Erimi jug have been documented among the inscriptions known to date from the Kouris River Valley. In a study of marking at Episkopi-Bamboula Smith concluded that a syllabic system of writing was used there not earlier than Late Cypriote liB and that it was not until Late Cypriote IliA that complex writing serving a longer-term bureaucratic purpose was characteristic of the settlement (Smith 2012, 58-59). The inscription from Erimi is the sole possible challenge to that statement. So it is particularly unfortunate that the circumstances of discovery and the difficulty of more closely dating plain wares leave the precise date of the jug and its inscription open to question (see above). If the inscription is as early as Late Cypriote I lA and if it can be assumed to have had meaning at its place of deposit, 11 it would push the presence of complex marking in the Kouris River Valley back in time. Olivier listS no. 88 as appearing in the initial position on a clay cylinder from Kalavassos-Ayios Dhimitrios (Olivier and Vandenabeele 2007, 423, illustrated on 157 no. I 00) but this object is broken at the left and the sign is from somewhere near the right edge of the 8 cylinder, which is preserved. 9 The authors are very grateful to Lindy Crewe for sharing her expertise and ascertaining the date of this jug, and to Ellen Herscher for sharing her thoughts about this vase, irs chronology and significance. 10 The authors are gratefUl to Ellen Herscher for this information, which she learned while smdying the material in this tomb in connection with her research at Phaneromeni. 295 NICOLLE HIRSCHI'ELD Whatever its date, this inscription is remarkable in the context of the Kouris River Valley for being both lon­ ger than two signs and for having a sequence of highly complex signs. Only two longer inscriptions have been discovered in the region, neither of which share any signs with the Erimi inscription and neither of which has a firm contextual date. The longest, a five-sign inscription, appears on a cylinder seal found by Luigi Palma di Cesnola and said to be from Kourion (Masson (0.) 1957, 10-11, no. 4, fig. 4.) If the seal was found there, it is likely to be from the area of Agios Ermogenis close to the coast (Masson (0.) 1984a; 1984b; 1984c, 77-83). A four­ sign inscription appears on a handle at Alassa (Olivier and Vandenabeele 2007, 171, no. 104). Whether the pie­ ce is from Palaiotaverna in the vicinity of the monumental ashlar buildings or from Pano Mandilaris is unknown. There are reportedly other inscriptions found at Alassa Qasink 2010, 4). but they have not yet been fully published. At Episkopi-Bamboula nearly all marks are single signs or two-sign inscriptions. Only three vessels preserve three-sign sequences and none of these share signs with the Erimi inscription (Smith 2012, 57, 87, fig. 9, Appendix I, cat nos 36-38). All three pieces come from a disturbed context in Area D that dates to the Late Cypriote IIC and possibly also the Late Cypriote IliA period. One is a Plain White handmade crater or amphora rim inscribed before firing. The marks are simple and may not be related to the Cypro-Minoan script: two cross-shaped marks flank a triangle. The second is a pithos rim, inscribed after firing. One complex mark to the left is clearly separate from the two simpler, closely spaced marks to the right. Only a Plain White ware (jug?) handle has three complex signs in sequence, incised after firing at the top of the handle, evenly spaced and similarly sized. The position on the vase of the inscription on the Erimi jug is also notable. Placed as it is on the widest part of the body just below the handle, when this jug from Erimi was lifted, its inscription would have become increasingly visible to the pourer. The usual locations for marks at Episkopi-Bamboula are jug handles or, less often, the rims of vessels, usually pithos rims. Only one marked fragment from Episkopi-Bamboula might be a body sherd of a Plain White ware vessel, bur the precise part of the body is unclear as is its date of use and marking (Smith 2012, 57, 90, fig. 9.k4, Appendix I, cat. no. 64). Outside the Kouris River Valley, too, the shoulder is an unusual location for an inscription. In his compilation of Cypro-Minoan inscriptions, Olivier lists fifty-six vases (Olivier and Vandenabeele 2007, 171-229 nos 104-160) thirty-eight of which are jugs, jars, and amphoras with inscribed handles. Only three have inscriptions on their shoulders: a Plain White jug found at Katydhata with a four-sign inscription (and also a single mark incised into the top of the handle), a Plain White jug found at Myrrou-Pigadhes also with a four-sign inscription, and a pithoid jar from Maroni- Vournes with seven signs and two dividers (Olivier and Vandenabeele 2007, 195 no. 128, 224 no. 157, now fully published in Cadogan, Driessen, and Ferrara 2009, 155-160, 225 no. 158). All are dated within the Late Cypriote TIC- lilA, the jar from Maroni more specifically to II C. 11 Of course both the vessel and the inscription might have been created outside the Kouris River Valley and imports to the area with or without meaning associated with the precise contenrs of the inscription it would push the presence of complex marking in the Kouris River Valley back in rime. 296 THE POTMARKS BIBLIOGRAPHY Benson, J .L. and Masson. 0. 1960: 'Cypro-Minoan inscriptions from Bamboula, Kourion: general remarks and new documents', Americanjournal ofArchaeology 64, 14 5-151. Cadogan, G., Driessen, I. and Ferrara, S. 2009: 'Four Cypro-Minoan inscriptions from Maroni-Vournes', Studi micenei ed Egeo-anatolici 52, 463-481. Daniel, J .F. 1941: 'Prolegomena to the Cypro-Minoan script', American journal ofArachaeology 45, 249-282. Dikaios, P. 1969-71. Enkomi: Excavations 1948-1958. Mainz am Rhein. Ericksson, K. 1993: Red Lustrous Wheel-made Ware. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 103. Jonsered. Ferrara, S. 2012: Cypro-Minoan Imcriptiom. Volume L Analysis. Oxford. Hirschfeld, N. 2006: 'Vases marked for exchange: the not-so-special case of piccorial pottery', 83-96 in E. Rystedt and B. Wells (eds), Pictorial Pursuits: Figurative Painting on Mycenaean and Geometric Pottery. Stockholm. Jasink, A.M. 2010: 'The Kouris River Valley Project: an introduction', 1-8 in A. M. Jasink and L. Bombardieri (eds), Researches in Cypriote History and Archaeology: Proceedings ofthe Meeting Held in Florence Apri/29-30th 2009. Florence. Masson, E. 1974: Cyprominoica: repertoires, documentsde Ras Shamra, essais d'interpretation. Studies in Mediteranean Archaeology 31:2. Goreborg. - 1989: 'Vestiges ecrirs rrouves sur le sire de Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimirrios', 38-40 in A. South, P. Russell, and P. Schuster Keswani, Vasiiikos Valley Project 3: Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios Il Ceramics, Objects, Tombs, Specialist Studies. SIMA 71:3. Goreborg. Masson, 0. 1957: 'Cylindres et cachets chypriotes porranr des caracteres chypro-minoens', Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique 81, 6-37. - 1984a: 'Cesnola et le tresor de Curium (I)', Centre d'Etud.es Chypriotes, Cahier 1, 16-25. - 1984b: 'Cesnola et le tresor de Curium (II)', Centre d'i!tudes Chypriotes, Cahier 2, 3-14. - 1984c: 'Kypriaka, XV - XVIII', Bulletin de Correspondance He/Unique 108, 71-89. Mato"ian, V. 2012: 'Donnees recentes sur les ceramiques avec 'marques' d'Ougarit,' 'Etudes ougaritiques II, Ras Shamra-Ougarit XX, 123-57. Leuven. Mitford, T.B. 1971: 'The Cypro-Minoan inscriptions of Old Paphos', Kadmos 10,87-96. Olivier, J.-P. and Vandenabeele, F. 2007: Edition holistique des textes chypro-minoens. Biblioteca di "Pasiphae" 6. Pisa and Rome. Smith, J.S. 2012: 'Seals, scripts, and policies at Late Bronze Age Kourion', American journal ofArchaeology 116, 39-103. Vassiliou, E. and Srylianou, E. 2004: 'Dropping in on Late Bronze Age Erimi: Erimi-Pirharka, preliminary excavation report', Report ofthe Department ofAntiquities, Cyprus, 181-200. 297 NICOLLE HIRSCHFELD Erimi T.2/2 Fig.l. Erimi T.2/2 A� + c:::::=-. -=::J Fig. 3. T.ll/21 Fig. 2b. T.8/31-17 Fig. 2a. T.8/31-17 Fig. 4. T.127/14 �� Fig. 5. T.l27/147 Fig. 6. T.l28/10 I Fig. 7. T.128/11 Fig. 11. T.322/IO 298 Fig. 8. T.130/1 Fig. 12. T.322/ 12 Fig. 9. T.272/6 Fig. 13. T.322/15 ) Fig. 10. T.322/3 Fig. 14. T.322/20 THE POTMARKS Fig. 15. T.323/3 Fig. 19. 621/VI-12 Fig. 16. 621/IV-8 Fig. 20. 621/VI-13 Fig. 29a. Kandou T.6/6 Fig. 26. 621/VIll-1 Fig. 18. 621N-26 Fig.21. 621/VI-15 Fig. 23. 621/VI-41-1 Fig. 22. 621/VI-19 Fig. 25. 621/VII-8 Fig. 17. 621/IV-18-2 Fig. 27. LM132812 Fig. 24. 621/VI-41-2 Fig. 28. CS1838/32 Fig. 29b. Kandou T.6/6 299