Journeys and Destinations
Journeys and Destinations:
Studies in Travel, Identity, and Meaning
Edited by
Alex Norman
Journeys and Destinations: Studies in Travel, Identity, and Meaning,
Edited by Alex Norman
This book first published 2013
Cambridge Scholars Publishing
12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Copyright © 2013 by Alex Norman and contributors
All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.
ISBN (10): 1-4438-4753-4, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-4753-7
For Finn and Teddy
One on his journey, one at his destination
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface ....................................................................................................... ix
Both Journeys and Destinations
Alex Norman
Chapter One ................................................................................................ 1
History, Authenticity, and Tourism: Encountering the Medieval While
Walking Saint Cuthbert’s Way
Carole M. Cusack
Chapter Two ............................................................................................. 23
Identity, Meaning and Tourism on the Kokoda Trail
Robert Saunders
Chapter Three ........................................................................................... 47
Seeking a Pagan Cathedral: The Pagan Trail in South-West England
Morandir Armson
Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 69
The Location of the Sacred: Methodological Reconsiderations
of the Sacredness of Place
Sarah K. Balstrup
Chapter Five ............................................................................................. 87
The Beginning that is Already an End: Finding the Significance
of Labyrinthine Travel
Renée Köhler-Ryan
Chapter Six ............................................................................................. 109
Journeys of Empowerment: Medieval Women and Pilgrimage
Joanna Kujawa
Chapter Seven ......................................................................................... 129
The Turn East: ‘New’ Religious Consciousness and Travel to India
after Blavatsky
Alex Norman
viii
Table of Contents
Chapter Eight .......................................................................................... 159
Reflexivity and Objectivity in the Study of a Modern Esoteric Teacher:
In the Footsteps of G. I. Gurdjieff
Johanna J. M. Petsche
Chapter Nine ........................................................................................... 177
The Kopan Experience as Transformative Experience: An Exploration
of Participant Responses to the Ten-Day Introduction to Buddhism
Course at Kopan Monastery, Nepal
Glenys Eddy
Chapter Ten ............................................................................................ 199
Crossing Boundaries: Travel and Muslim Women
Lisa Worthington
Chapter Eleven ....................................................................................... 217
To Stay or to Leave: The Dilemma of Ancient Chinese Literati
and Exilic Writing
Ping Wang
Chapter Twelve ...................................................................................... 243
The shluchim, the Rebbe, and the tiggun olam: The Two Pilgrimages
within the World of the Chabad Lubavitch
Simon Theobald
Chapter Thirteen ..................................................................................... 265
Out With the Tide: Colin McCahon and Imaginative Pilgrimage
Zoe Alderton
Contributors ............................................................................................. 287
Index ....................................................................................................... 293
PREFACE
BOTH JOURNEYS AND DESTINATIONS
ALEX NORMAN
The experience of travel intrigues us humans. To journey, to seek out a
destination, to look back from afar upon our homelands, upon our people,
and upon ourselves, these things have captivated the human imagination, it
seems, for as long as we have been able to record our thoughts materially.
Probably it is a phenomenon older still. The quickening of the pulse and
the catch of the breath as one sees for the first time some magnificent, new
vista does not seem a recent addition to the catalogue of human
experience. Wonder at something new is, at least for the moment,
something innately human. So too our seemingly insatiable quest for
knowledge; a quest that is intimately bound with the act of travel. The long
course of evolution has arranged that our survival is linked to
understanding and knowledge. Often we go places not just to see them, but
to know them in some sense, and to know more of the world in which we
find ourselves. In the annals of human history our moments of discovery,
enlightenment, and innovation have often occurred as a result of, or in
order to foster a travel act of one kind or another. Travel is thus one of the
key props and devices in the great drama that is humanity.
The journeys human beings undertake leave tracks, and the
destinations they seek out are inscribed by the cultures travellers bring
with them. These are traceable through the methods of the social sciences
and history. Travel, however, is a relative newcomer as a focus of study in
these fields. Indeed, traditionally, editors of volumes on the various
phenomena encompassed by the term ‘travel’ (tourism, pilgrimage,
backpacking, migration, movement, mobility, and many others) have
introduced their work with statements opining the lack of scholarly
research into the field. Thankfully this is no longer as necessary as it once
was. We have sufficient now to move forward with our analysis of the
minutiae of travel phenomena. The various fields of the academy have, in
recent decades, contributed a wealth of scholarship on all matters
x
Preface: Both Journeys and Destinations
pertaining to travel. Food, for example, can now provide an insight to the
importance of looking at both journeys and destinations. Recent research
into the interaction of foodways with travel habits illustrates the extent to
which food, religious identity, and travel function as markers of meaning.1
Travellers moving in such a mode seek out certain foods with which to
mark themselves – by way of consuming them – with the signifiers of their
social identity. Likewise, food itself can become a part of the identity of a
destination, and thereby used in marketing and promotion.2 For the
traveller, a particular food becomes the destination, where to arrive is to
consume the specific meal. There are many other such examples of
components of human lifeways that we might better understand through
studying travel habits.
The study of travel has therefore grown to be recognised as a field that
not only combines the interests of many areas of research, but has
significant implications for our understanding of the world around us.
Among those implications are finer understandings of the impacts travel
can have; on the host, on the traveller, on those left at home. Victor Turner
and Erik Cohen both have been influential in this regard. Turner, along
with his wife Edith, argued that the ritual dimension to the
pilgrimage/tourist experience could not be overlooked.3 While the notion
of tourism as a formal and ritualised practice in modern, secular Western
societies is certainly questionable, Turner's emphasis on the structural
unfamiliarity of travel, generally speaking, for most people. continues to
have value as a scholarly lens. Similarly, Cohen’s phenomenological
approach to analysing the mindset of tourists reminds us that humans are
prone to remarkable change amid a quest for relative stasis.4 That so many
of the early writers on tourism employed language that orbited the
religious – authenticity, sacrality, meaning, identity – points to the
importance of travel for the traveller and for the host. In the modern
1
Amos S. Ron and Dallen J. Timothy, “The Land of Milk and Honey: Biblical
Foods, Heritage and Holy Land Tourism,” Journal of Heritage Tourism (2013): 1–
14.
2
Yi-Chin Lin, Thomas E. Pearson, and Liping A. Cai, “Food as a Form of
Destination Identity: A Tourism Destination Brand Perspective,” Tourism and
Hospitality Research 11, no. 1 (January 2011): 30–48.
3
Victor Turner, “The Center Out There: Pilgrim’s Goal,” History of Religions 12,
no. 3 (1973): 191–230.
4
Erik Cohen, “A Phenomenology of Tourist Experiences,” Sociology 13, no. 2
(1979): 179–201.
Journeys and Destinations: Studies in Travel, Identity, and Meaning
xi
secular world, it seemed obvious, the religious needed to be replaced.5
This, however, also points most decidedly to the importance of travel to
scholars of humanity. In casting about for words that could communicate
the importance of this new field, the early researchers, like so many great
explorers, landed upon those with weight and gravitas as the only ones
suitable to describe the astounding view before them.
As an example, the scholarly use of the term pilgrimage is now close to
shedding its stigma as the veiled outlet of the great debate concerning
secularisation. Scholars are increasingly recognising that ‘pilgrimage’ is
an emic term employed to convey certain meanings and their journey’s
location “within a complex of socio-spatial processes that are historically,
culturally, and locally dependant.”6 Once scholars sought to prove the
religious could be conceptually separated,7 and thus annexed from the rest
of humanity’s social processes, by arguing for a sacred-profane
dichotomisation of, for example, all travel phenomena. We now
understand that the religious and the non-religious intermingle, overlap,
and coincide,8 especially on the road.
As but one example of the increased sophistication of scholarly
understanding of travel phenomena, the question of pilgrimage and
tourism is useful. However, scholars have also developed a much better
understanding of the arguments about the good of tourism, often made by
governments,9 but also sadly by organisations like the World Tourism
Organisation, that are in fact part of the rhetoric of vested interest and
hierarchy. Marxist theory and postcolonial studies, among others, have
helped to shed light on the injustices that tourism may bring to a place or a
5
Possibly the greatest of the early studies, in this respect, is Dean MacCannell, The
Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1999).
6
Noga Collins-Kreiner, “Researching Pilgrimage: Continuity and Transformations,”
Annals of Tourism Research 37, no. 2 (April 2010): 444.
7
Steve Bruce, God Is Dead: Secularization in the West (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002),
118–139.
8
See, for example, N. J. Demerath, “The Varieties of Sacred Experience: Finding
the Sacred in a Secular Grove,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 39, no.
1 (March 2000): 1–11; or Yves Lambert, “Religion in Modernity as a New Axial
Age: Secularization or New Religious Forms?,” Sociology of Religion 60, no. 3
(1999): 303–333.
9
For example, Bojan Pancevski, “Get Packing: Brussels Decrees Holidays Are a
Human Right,” The Times (UK), 18 April 2010, accessed February 20, 2012,
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article7100943.ece.
xii
Preface: Both Journeys and Destinations
people.10 Very importantly, the environmental impacts and outcomes of
the tourism industry have now been made clear through committed
research and scholarship.11 There can be little doubt that from the local to
the global, all forms of mechanised travel have what now appear to be
disproportionately negative impacts on environments compared to any
putative positive social, economic, and political ones. Hopefully further
research will help to stimulate investigation into sustainable travel
technologies and practices such that they may be promoted in the future.
These developments, and many more, highlight the importance of
understanding both destinations and the journeys that take people to them.
The project of editing this book was stimulated by the idea that
understanding the thinking behind travel acts and habits could enhance our
understanding of social facts and processes. It emerged out of a conference
co-hosted by the Sydney Society of Literature and Aesthetics and the
Department of Studies in Religion at the University of Sydney in
October, 2011, titled ‘The Philosophies of Travel’, convened to bring
together scholars working on the paradigms of travel and the various ways
travellers think about those same paradigms. These ‘philosophies of travel’
make vital revelations about the cultures from which travellers emerge.
Travel might be initiated for change or as Samuel Johnson argued, to
“regulate imagination by reality, and instead of thinking how things may
be, to see them as they are.” Equally, a journey may take place so as to
‘turn back’ on things reflectively, or, as Pliny wrote, “to see what we
disregard when it is under our own eyes.” As it seems many societies have
recognised through the millennia of human history, travel may function as
education, forging, exploration (both of the worlds of others and of the
self), as well as frivolity, hedonism, and colonialism. As such, this book
looks at the habits, traditions, and writings of travellers from the past and
the present in order to build a picture of what travel is and has been
understood to be, for the traveller.
This book uses a variety of methodological lenses. The scholarly
contributions herein take travel practices seriously as expressions of
culture and society, and of relevance as avenues for understanding the
lives of human beings. The examples in this volume also take the idea of
travel, and the thinking that surrounds the journeys and destinations
examined, as expressions of the meaning of travel. As such it forms a
10
For example, Brian King, Abraham Pizam, and Ady Milman, “Social Impacts of
Tourism: Host Perceptions,” Annals of Tourism Research 20, no. 4 (1993): 650–
665.
11
Graham Miller et al., “Public Understanding of Sustainable Tourism,” Annals of
Tourism Research 37, no. 3 (July 2010): 627–645.
Journeys and Destinations: Studies in Travel, Identity, and Meaning
xiii
unique contribution to the scholarship on tourism through its concentration
on the idea of journeying and of particular destinations, as opposed
analysis of specific types of movement, however they may be conceived.
Such methodological diversity is thanks largely to the authors who
volunteered their time to contribute to this book. The chapters included
herein cast light on topics as diverse as Emergent Church labyrinths, the
travel of Chinese literati, and medieval revivals, along with meditation
retreats and the notion of art works as travel portals. For this fascinating
range of topics I am deeply thankful to all the authors, and especially so
for their patience and perseverance in getting the volume ready for
publication. In addition to acknowledging the work of the authors, thanks
are also due to those who played their parts in the book’s creation. The
first and greatest of those thanks should go to Annabel Carr who, as coconvenor for the ‘Philosophies of Travel’ conference, was largely
responsible for its success. She has also been a constant source of
encouragement for this project and would also have been a co-editor of
this volume were it not for the tragic death of her newborn son, Theodore,
in 2012. I, like many friends and colleagues, am honoured to remember
Theodore and to bear witness to Annabel’s remarkable capacity for love,
selflessness, and resilience.
Thanks are also due for the ‘conference elves’ (as they are known in
these parts) who helped over the course of the conference event: George
Ioannides, Sarah Balstrup, Alexandra Dockrill, Wilna Fourie, Dominique
Bromfield (née Wilson), Yvette Debergue and Simon Theobald. A number
of my colleagues have also been invaluable for their help; Benjamin E.
Zeller, George Chryssides, Douglas Ezzy, Julian Droogan, Adam Possamai,
Mabel Lee, Paul Morris, Ulrike Gretzel, Mike Robinson, C. Michael Hall,
and Kiran Shinde. Carole M. Cusack and Christopher Hartney have been
sources of constant encouragement, and I am also indebted to Carol
Koulikourdi at Cambridge Scholars Press for her patience and her
invitation to publish this book. As ever, my partner in life, Abi Monaghan,
has helped with moral support and critical reading, and with much needed
encouragements to spend time on the couch watching The Office, and my
son Finn deserves thanks for his tactical cuteness.
As for the contents of the book itself; I leave that to you the reader to
discover for yourself. Suffice it to say that for those of us engaged in the
project of understanding the human condition, travel fascinates. As a
collection of human behaviours it demands investigation for the complex
of social processes, power relationships, and motivations that surround its
examples. Despite its increasing presence as part of the normal, everyday
life for millions of people around the world, travel retains the capacity to
xiv
Preface: Both Journeys and Destinations
delight, to inspire, and to transform. In this volume, I and the other authors
are proud to present our contributions, however small, to the
understanding of this voice in the human fugue.
Bibliography
Bruce, Steve. God Is Dead: Secularization in the West. Oxford: Blackwell,
2002.
Cohen, Erik. “A Phenomenology of Tourist Experiences.” Sociology 13,
no. 2 (1979): 179–201.
Collins-Kreiner, Noga. “Researching Pilgrimage: Continuity and
Transformations.” Annals of Tourism Research 37, no. 2 (April 2010):
440–456.
Demerath, N. J. “The Varieties of Sacred Experience: Finding the Sacred
in a Secular Grove.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 39, no.
1 (March 2000): 1–11.
King, Brian, Abraham Pizam, and Ady Milman. “Social Impacts of
Tourism: Host Perceptions.” Annals of Tourism Research 20, no. 4
(1993): 650–665.
Lambert, Yves. “Religion in Modernity as a New Axial Age: Secularization
or New Religious Forms?” Sociology of Religion 60, no. 3 (1999):
303–333.
Lin, Yi-Chin, Thomas E. Pearson, and Liping A. Cai. “Food as a Form of
Destination Identity: A Tourism Destination Brand Perspective.”
Tourism and Hospitality Research 11, no. 1 (January 2011): 30–48.
MacCannell, Dean. The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.
Miller, Graham, Kathryn Rathouse, Caroline Scarles, Kirsten Holmes, and
John Tribe. “Public Understanding of Sustainable Tourism.” Annals of
Tourism Research 37, no. 3 (July 2010): 627–645.
Pancevski, Bojan. “Get Packing: Brussels Decrees Holidays Are a Human
Right.” The Times (UK), 18 April 2010. Accessed February 20, 2013.
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article7100943.ece.
Ron, Amos S., and Dallen J. Timothy. “The Land of Milk and Honey:
Biblical Foods, Heritage and Holy Land Tourism.” Journal of Heritage
Tourism (2013): 1–14.
Turner, Victor. “The Center Out There: Pilgrim’s Goal.” History of
Religions 12, no. 3 (1973): 191–230.
CHAPTER ONE
HISTORY, AUTHENTICITY, AND TOURISM:
ENCOUNTERING THE MEDIEVAL WHILE
WALKING SAINT CUTHBERT’S WAY
CAROLE M. CUSACK
Introduction1
This chapter investigates three interlocking discourses that inform the
marketing of, and the experience of walking, St Cuthbert’s Way: history
(particularly the discourses of medievalism), tourism (evoking the
religious pilgrimage), and identity (focused on the transformative notion of
authenticity). Inaugurated in 1996, St Cuthbert’s Way is a sixty-two-mile
(one hundred kilometre) heritage trail that connects the picturesque town
of Melrose in the Scottish Borders to the ‘Holy Island’ of Lindisfarne (a
tidal island on the Northumbrian coast).2 The walk is named for Cuthbert,
Bishop of Lindisfarne (ca. 634-687CE), who in life and death was
peculiarly engaged with religious travel. He became a monk at Melrose in
651CE and throughout his life journeyed extensively in Scotland and the
north of England, allegedly founding churches in St Andrews and
Edinburgh, among other sites.3 He was buried on Lindisfarne, and after his
death a significant pilgrimage cult grew up around him and his relics. In
875 his body was exhumed by the monks who departed Holy Island due to
persistent Vikings raids, and carried to locations as far apart as Melrose,
1
My thanks are due to my research assistant, Zoe Alderton, who assisted me with
the initial library searches and note-taking for this chapter, and to Don Barrett,
whose tireless encouragement has contributed in no small way to my research over
the years.
2
Roger Noyce, The Complete Guide to St Cuthbert’s Way: Melrose to Holy Island
and Holy Island to Melrose (Wilmslow: Sigma Leisure, 1999), iii-iv.
3
Roger Smith and Ron Shaw, St Cuthbert’s Way: Official Trail Guide (Edinburgh:
The Stationery Office, 1997), xii-xv.
2
History, Authenticity, and Tourism
Whithorn, Ripon, and Chester-le-Street, before he was interred in a
splendid tomb in Durham’s Norman cathedral in 1104CE.4 His tomb was a
popular place of pilgrimage and devotion until the Reformation, when
Catholic shrines and sacred places in the landscape were disestablished or
destroyed by Protestants who viewed such phenomena as ‘pagan’.5
The discourse of medievalism (like other positions focused on an
‘other’ to Western modernity such as orientalism) posits that the appeal of
the medieval is linked to the notion that contemporary life is inauthentic
and unsatisfying when compared to the ‘authenticity’ of the past.6 This is
linked to the contemporary Western desire to be ‘spiritual’ while
remaining outside of formal religion, which has resulted in religious
practices such as pilgrimage being disembedded from traditional faith
institutions, and becoming intimately imbricated with secular practices
like travel, creating ‘fusion’ phenomena including spiritual tourism.7 Such
practices are part of the quest for an authentic self that is core to
contemporary Western spirituality, and which involves material
consumption and bricolage.8 This ‘spirituality’ shares with medievalism
the suspicion of Western modernity and secular culture and a yearning for
an authentic personal identity. St Cuthbert, a historically significant figure,
has been invoked in discussions of the development of English/British
‘identity’ in the early Middle Ages, and it has also been speculated that
through the experience of landscape, modern people can encounter the
past and encounter figures such as Cuthbert, and experience them
‘authentically’.9
This chapter emerged from the experience of walking St Cuthbert’s
Way with my partner Don Barrett in the early October of 2006. The
walking season finished on 30 September, which necessitated that we carry
4
John Crook, The Architectural Setting of the Cult of the Saints in the Early
Christian West, c. 300-1200 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 167-168.
5
Alexandra Walsham, The Reformation of the Landscape (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2011), passim.
6
Hyounggon Kim and Tazim Jamal, “Touristic Quest for Existential Authenticity,”
Annals of Tourism Research 34, no. 1 (2007): 181-201.
7
Alex Norman, Spiritual Tourism: Travel and Religious Practice in Western
Society (London and New York: Continuum, 2011).
8
David Lyon, Jesus in Disneyland: Religion in Postmodern Times (Oxford: Polity,
2002), 118.
9
Clare A. Lees and Gillian R. Overing, “Anglo-Saxon Horizons: Places of the
Mind in the Northumbrian Landscape,” in A Place to Believe In: Locating
Medieval Landscapes, eds Clare A. Lees and Gillian R. Overing (Pennsylvania
State University Press, 2006), 1-26.
Carole M. Cusack
3
Image 1: The Square in Melrose (image courtesy of Don Barrett)
carry our luggage, rather than use a baggage transfer service. Victor and
Edith Turner claimed that “a tourist is half a pilgrim, if a pilgrim is half a
tourist.”10 St Cuthbert’s Way is marketed through strategies of history and
heritage, making it more than simply a hike in the countryside or a mode
of exercise. Walkers encounter the haunting Anglo-Saxon landscape (in a
region of Britain that is sparsely populated and scarcely industrialized, and
thus a convincingly medieval topography in the modern world); the trail is
bookended by major monastic sites of medieval Christianity, and many
smaller, less important churches are visited en route. Further, as Sean
Slavin has argued, the simple activity of walking along a pilgrimage trail
offers the possibility of self-transformation, albeit of a secular kind. He
observed that “[t]he practice of walking allowed us to understand and
explore a nexus between the body, self and the world.”11 While the lure of
the authentically medieval may prove a chimaera, in that the route offers a
10
Victor and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1978).
11
Sean Slavin, “Walking as Spiritual Practice: The Pilgrimage to Santiago de
Compostela,” Body and Society 9 (2003): 16.
4
History, Authenticity, and Tourism
sequence of carefully constructed sites and spectacles that are more akin to
what David Brown terms “genuine fakes,”12 the process of embodied
movement through the landscape may nevertheless provide an authentic
mode of self-transformation.
Cuthbert, Medieval Sanctity and Religious Travel
When Cuthbert became a monk at Old Melrose in 651, the Papallysponsored mission to the Anglo-Saxons led by Bishop Augustine who
arrived in 597CE was just passing from living memory. Paganism was in
decline and a struggle had developed between the Rome-oriented AngloSaxon Church and the Irish Church, which looked to its parent monastery
of Iona in the Hebrides and ultimately to Ireland for leadership. The
differences between the two Churches involved such matters as the
calculation of the date of Easter and the type of tonsure worn by monks.
At the 664CE Synod of Whitby, King Oswiu of Northumbria settled the
Easter dispute in favour of the Roman party. Cuthbert was educated in the
Irish tradition, but after the Synod of Whitby he served as Prior of
Lindisfarne under Abbot Eata, during which time Lindisfarne (founded by
the Irish Aidan in 635CE) adopted the Roman usage.13 Cuthbert’s sanctity
impressed his fellow Christians and around 700CE an anonymous monk of
Lindisfarne wrote a Life of Cuthbert after the saint had been disinterred in
698CE and found to be physically incorrupt. The Venerable Bede (ca.
672-735), a monk of Jarrow and historian of the Anglo-Saxon church,
composed a verse Life of Cuthbert in 716, wrote a prose Life about five
years later, and also wrote about Cuthbert in his Historia Ecclesiastica,
completed around 731.14 It is from Bede that Cuthbert’s travels during his
life are known. His postmortem journeys, as his corpse was carried around
the north of England and the south of Scotland by the monks of
Lindisfarne after Viking raids caused them to evacuate the monastery, are
chronicled in Symeon of Durham’s Libellus de Exordio atque Procursu
istius, hoc est Dunelmensis, Ecclesie (‘The Little Book on the Origins and
Progress of this Church, That Is Of Durham’), which was written between
1104 and 1107CE. Ælfric of Eynsham (ca. 955-1010) also wrote a life of
12
David Brown, “Genuine Fakes,” in The Tourist Image: Myths and Myth-Making
in Tourism, ed. Tom Selwyn (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1996), 33-47.
13
Frank M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 2nd edition (Oxford: The Clarendon
Press, 1967[1947]), 124-126.
14
D. H. Farmer, “Introduction,” in The Age of Bede, ed. D. H. Farmer, trans. J.F.
Webb, revised edition (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1988), 16.
Carole M. Cusack
5
Cuthbert, testifying to his emergence as a national, rather than a ‘regional’,
saint.15
Bede portrays Cuthbert as a pious child, though as a young man he
appears to have done military service before entering the monastery. Prior
to being tonsured he received a vision of St Aidan being taken into heaven,
and was miraculously given food for himself and his horse by God, when
journeying at the start of winter. He became a monk of Old Melrose, and a
few years later accompanied Abbot Eata to Ripon in North Yorkshire,
where a new monastery was founded.16 Bede’s vita paints a portrait of
Cuthbert as a man in harmony with nature who had a close bond with birds
and animals (the common eider ducks found in the Farne Islands are still
called ‘Cuddy ducks’ after Cuthbert). Bede also records an anecdote
concerning Cuthbert praying throughout the night, standing up to his neck
in the sea.
At daybreak he came out, knelt down on the sand, and prayed. Then two
otters bounded out of the water, stretched themselves out before him,
warmed his feet with their breath, and tried to dry him on their fur. They
finished, received his blessing, and slipped back to their watery home.17
Preaching, pastoral care, and evangelism took Cuthbert considerable
distances: he travelled to Coldingham and Lindisfarne on the east coast, to
Carlisle in the west, and is believed to have founded churches in Scotland
at Dull, St Andrews, and Edinburgh. In his last years as Bishop of
Lindisfarne he lived as a hermit on isolated Inner Farne. He died in 687CE
and was buried on Lindisfarne. Almost immediately, his tomb became the
site of miracle cures and other manifestations of his sanctity.18
Eleven years after Cuthbert’s death his tomb was opened and his body
discovered to be incorrupt. He was re-interred in an above ground
sarcophagus in the church on the island, which was tantamount to being
unofficially canonized. The see of Lindisfarne prospered through pilgrimage
15
Mechthild Gretsch, Ælfric and the Cult of the Saints in Late Anglo-Saxon
England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 65-66.
16
Bede, “Life of Cuthbert,” in Farmer and Webb, The Age of Bede, 50-51.
17
Bede, “Life of Cuthbert,” 56.
18
Rex Gardner notes that “[i]f we exclude the miraculous from his story [Bede’s
prose Life of Cuthbert], of the 46 chapters in his biography we are left with only
six (chapters 9, 16, 26, 37, 39, 40).” In R. Gardner, “Miracles of Healing in AngloCeltic Northumbria as Recorded by the Venerable Bede and His Contemporaries:
A Reappraisal in the Light of Twentieth Century Experience,” British Medical
Journal 287, no. 6409 (1983): 1927.
6
History, Authenticity, and Tourism
to the saint’s tomb, but on 7 June 793CE the invading Vikings sacked
Lindisfarne. Symeon of Durham states:
They came like stinging hornets, like ravening wolves, they made raids on
all sides, slaying not only cattle but priests and monks. They came to the
church at Lindisfarne, and laid all waste, trampled the holy places with
polluted feet, dug down the altars and bore away the treasure of the church.
Some of the brethren they slew, some they carried away captive, some they
drove out naked after mocking and vexing them. Some they drowned in the
sea.19
After this traumatic experience, the first recorded attack by Scandinavian
pirates on a Christian site, Viking raids become increasingly frequent and
the coastal monasteries of Christendom, including Iona, Wearmouth,
Jarrow and Noirmoutier, were the sites of further attacks. At Lindisfarne
the monks were relieved to discover that the tomb of their saint had not
been violated by the invaders. The damaged buildings were repaired and
the community continued, precariously, to occupy the island.20
In 875, desperate and vulnerable as Viking dominance of the sea and
coastal regions grew, the monks of Lindisfarne exhumed Cuthbert’s body
and departed the island, beginning a pilgrimage that lasted more than a
century. This ended in the re-burial of the saint behind the high altar of
Durham Cathedral, approximately seventy miles to the north of Holy
Island, in 1070CE. During this period of exile, the monks carried with
them major cult items, including the Lindisfarne Gospels manuscript.21
Sites at which the saint’s body rested included Whithorn in Dumfriesshire,
Chester-le-Street in County Durham, Crayke in North Yorkshire, and
Ripon, Cuthbert’s residence during his early years as a monk.22 The
importance of Durham as his final resting place emerged in 995CE, after
the coffin became bogged and it was intuited that Cuthbert wished to be
interred at nearby ‘Dunholm’. In 1070 a wattle church was erected and the
saint’s body ceased its perambulations. Three years later a stone building,
the White Church, replaced the temporary church, and in 1104 Cuthbert’s
19
Symeon of Durham, quoted in M. Scott Weightman, Holy Island (Seahouses:
Weightman, 1987), 6.
20
D. J. Hall, English Medieval Pilgrimage (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1967), 84.
21
Rupert Bruce-Mitford, “The Lindisfarne Gospels in the Middle Ages and After,”
The British Museum Quarterly 29, nos 3-4 (1965): 98-100.
22
Hall, English Medieval Pilgrimage, 88.
Carole M. Cusack
7
body was translated to the new, but as yet uncompleted, cathedral of Christ
and the Blessed Virgin Mary, to lie behind the high altar.23
Medievalism and Heritage in the Cult of St Cuthbert
The cult of Cuthbert was, from the beginning, peculiarly rich in material
objects connected to the saint. Alan Thacker notes that he was buried in a
precious cloth ‘given to him by Abbess Verca … [and] interred in a stone
sarcophagus given by another high ecclesiastic, Abbot Cudda … A golden
fillet adorned the brow of the saint and at his breast hung the famous gold
and garnet cross’.24 Cuthbert’s corpse was gorgeously clad in luxurious
ecclesiastical attire, and the exhumation and translation of the saint’s relics
in 698CE was accompanied by the manufacture of a multitude of further
cult objects, the most celebrated being the magnificent insular illuminated
manuscript, the Lindisfarne Gospels. Michelle Brown comments that the
colophon added by Aldred, the provost of Chester-le-Street, in 970CE
which names “himself, Eadfrith and Aethelwold (both bishops of
Lindisfarne) and Billfrith the anchorite as those responsible for constructing
the Gospels ‘for God and for St Cuthbert’ … embodies a well-preserved
piece of community folklore” linking the text directly to the saint.25 Other
cult objects, like the small Stonyhurst Gospel of St John that was placed in
Cuthbert’s coffin in 698, were probably gifts to the community on the
important occasion of the translation of the relics. Bede states that the
monks placed Cuthbert’s incorrupt body in a “light chest” (levis theca) in
698. John Higgett argues that the oak casket, decorated with incised halflength apostles, which was one of up to four coffins from which fragments
were identified in 1827 when the tomb of St Cuthbert in Durham
Cathedral was opened, is certainly the original coffin, the “light chest.”26
23
Hall, English Medieval Pilgrimage, 89-91.
Alan Thacker, “Lindisfarne and the Origins of the Cult of St Cuthbert,” in St
Cuthbert, His Cult and His Community to AD 1200, eds Gerald Bonner, David
Rollason and Clare Stancliffe (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1989), 105.
25
Michelle P. Brown, “The Lindisfarne Scriptorium from the Late Seventh to the
Early Ninth Centuries,” in St Cuthbert, His Cult and His Community to AD 1200,
eds Gerald Bonner, David Rollason and Clare Stancliffe (Woodbridge: The
Boydell Press, 1989), 152.
26
John Higgett, “The Iconography of St Peter in Anglo-Saxon England and St
Cuthbert’s Coffin,” in St Cuthbert, His Cult and His Community to AD 1200, eds
Gerald Bonner, David Rollason and Clare Stancliffe (Woodbridge: The Boydell
Press, 1989), 268-270.
24
8
History, Authenticity, and Tourism
In 934 King Athelstan “presented rich gifts to St Cuthbert, among
which a stole and maniple are expressly inventoried.”27 These beautiful
and rare medieval embroideries have survived to the twenty-first century,
as have Cuthbert’s pectoral cross, portable altar, the Stonyhurst Gospels,
the Lindisfarne Gospels, and finally the carved coffin, which John Crook
interpreted as a British adaptation of “fashions in Merovingian Francia”
regarding the veneration of saints.28 Until Henry VIII instigated the
English Reformation in the 1530s the shrine of St Cuthbert attracted a
constant stream of pilgrims. Between the sixteenth and nineteenth
centuries the medieval Catholic pilgrimage to Durham was interrupted.
However, in the early nineteenth century a combination of factors,
including the Romantic movement’s interest in both picturesque medieval
ruins (whether genuine or reconstructed) and the exotic Catholicism they
evoked, and the Enlightenment values of freedom that facilitated the
removal of religious discrimination in the form of legislation such as the
Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, resulted in a revival of Catholic
devotional practices in both the high Church of England and the Roman
Catholic Church.29
The second half of the nineteenth century in England was a time of
accelerated change, which was characterised by the retreat of institutional
Christianity, the development of new religious options (such as
Spiritualism, founded by the Fox sisters in America in the 1850s and the
Theosophical Society, founded in New York in 1875 by Madame
Blavatsky and Colonel Olcott), and the growth of individualism and
consumer capitalism as factors in the formation of the modern lifestyle.
Increased affluence also manifested a Romantic dimension, considered in
the light of consumer culture. Colin Campbell has argued that the origins
of modern consumerism lie in Romanticism, in that the imagination fuels a
cycle of desire and acquisition that “never actually closes.”30 This cycle of
desire and acquisition applies equally to experiences (of the past, of
nature, of exotic cultures, of culinary or sensual treats) as it does to objects
pure and simple. The emergent secularity of the nineteenth century West
also facilitated the complex ways in which travel could be used to
construct personal meaning and identity. In the Victorian era, historical
27
G. Baldwin Brown and Mrs Archibald Christie, “S. Cuthbert’s Stole and
Maniple in Durham,” The Burlington Magazine 23, no. 121 (1913): 3.
28
Crook, The Architectural Setting of the Cult of the Saints, 169.
29
Mary Heimann, Catholic Devotion in Victorian England (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1995), 1-37.
30
Colin Campbell, The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Modern Consumerism
(York: Alcuin Academic, 2005), 38.
Carole M. Cusack
9
pilgrimage routes in the United Kingdom in addition to landscapes of great
beauty, were enthusiastically appreciated by both those sharing a Romantic
sensibility such as that evidenced by the poet William Wordsworth and his
circle in the Lake District, and by prominent Christians like the clergyman,
social reformer and novelist Charles Kingsley, who coined the term
‘Muscular Christianity’. Kingsley was a prodigious hiker, horseman and
rower, and advocated a manly and physically robust image of Jesus. He
argued that physical activity contributed “not merely to physical, but to
moral health.”31
Mass tourism emerged around the same time, with Thomas Cook’s
invention of the package tour in the 1840s, which was dependent on what
Sharma terms the “growth of leisure time but also on the structure of free
time and the economics of the tourism industry.”32 Traditional views of
travel posited tourists as ‘secular’ and pilgrims as ‘religious’; this position
depended upon research by scholars like Victor Turner and Edith Turner,
who viewed pilgrim behaviour within a highly structured social sphere,
and whose theories posited a basic dichotomy between ‘sacred’ pilgrimage
and ‘profane’ tourism.33 Religious pilgrimage thus was a journey from the
profane to the sacred, which necessitated a collectively recognised location
of the sacred. However, the nineteenth century innovated new modes for
people to interact with history, the landscape, and their own identityformation, and these ways included travel and the touristic appreciation of
heritage sites. Within the secular context, meaning for individual traveller
took on dynamic forms, which were not fixed with reference to traditional
institutional markers. This phenomenon was intensified in the twentieth
century to incorporate what David Lyon’s terms the melange of freefloating symbols and ‘brands’ from which contemporary individuals
choose to construct identity.34 Lyon notes that both pilgrimage and tourism
can be informed by similar conditions. Pilgrims and tourists are not easily
separable; indeed, it is possible that tourists might utilise religious
traditions and sites for multiple religious and secular purposes.35 This
enables touristic phenomena to be read through a religious studies lens and
31
Charles Kingsley, quoted in William J. Baker, Playing With God: Religion and
Modern Sport (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 32.
32
K. K. Sharma, Tourism and Socio-Cultural Development (New Delhi: Sarup &
Sons, 1994), 181.
33
Turner and Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, 1-39.
34
Lyon, Jesus in Disneyland, 74-76.
35
Gisbert Rinschede, “Forms of Religious Tourism,” Annals of Tourism Research
19, no. 1 (1992): 51-67.
10
History, Authenticity, and Tourism
vice versa. Justine Digance’s redefinition of ‘pilgrimages’ as “journeys
redolent with meaning” is of particular significance for this chapter.36
Heritage and Pilgrimage in Walking St Cuthbert’s Way
The cult of St Cuthbert encountered the modern world in 1827 when “Dr
James Raine, librarian of Durham Cathedral and rector of Meldon, opened
St Cuthbert’s tomb in the feretory on 17 May,” an event reported in local
print media as having “occasioned a great sensation in the town.”37 This
exhumation took place against a backdrop of sectarian tensions between
Catholics and members of the Church of England, which constituted a
prologue to the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act two years later.
The Catholic tradition of pilgrimage had been interrupted by the
Reformation and was revived at selected sites throughout the United
Kingdom after the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act. The Marian
shrine at Walsingham, originally founded in 1061CE by Richeldis de
Faverches as a site of devotion to the Holy House of Nazareth, is a useful
comparative example because, apart from its being almost contemporary
with the foundation of Durham Cathedral, as Simon Coleman writes,
“Walsingham’s picturesque, folly-like ruins proved appealing to a
romanticising form of late Victorian spirituality.”38 Charlotte Boyd, a
convert to Catholicism, purchased the fourteenth century Slipper Chapel in
the late nineteenth century, and in the first half of the twentieth century
both Roman Catholic and High Anglican pilgrimages were instituted.
Protestant Christians were deeply suspicious, and in 1926 the Bishop of
Durham, Herbert Hensley Henson, published an opinion piece,
‘Pilgrimage’, in the Evening Standard of 1 September, arguing that the
Walsingham pilgrimage (in its High Anglican form led by the charismatic
Father Hope Patten) had revived “mere ‘pageants’ rather than truly
‘religious acts’.”39
Coleman’s fascinating ethnography of Walsingham at the turn of the
third Christian millennium exemplifies the changes in both religious
36
Justine Digance, “Religious and Secular Pilgrimage: Journeys Redolent with
Meaning,” in Tourism, Religion and Spiritual Journeys, eds Dallen J. Timothy and
Daniel H. Olsen (London: Routledge, 2006), 36-48.
37
Richard N. Bailey, “St Cuthbert’s Relics: Some Neglected Evidence,” in St
Cuthbert, His Cult and His Community to AD 1200, eds Gerald Bonner, David
Rollason and Clare Stancliffe (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1989), 231.
38
Simon Coleman, “Meanings of Movement, Place and Home at Walsingham,”
Culture and Religion 1, no. 2 (2000): 157.
39
Coleman, “Meanings of Movement,” 158.
Carole M. Cusack
11
adherence and the functions of religion since the 1950s. He remarks of
Walsingham that the town has moved:
towards an almost exclusive focus on its key selling points for external
consumption. Local shops selling food and agricultural equipment have
been replaced by souvenir boutiques as well as a number of cafés and
restaurants. Many of the houses in the middle of the village are also now
owned or hired by pious incomers who are attracted to Walsingham for its
sacred associations. The centre caters to the expectations of pilgrims who
expect to find an ‘authentic’ mediaeval village … In contrast, the
backstage of the village is made up of the distinctly non-mediaeval
residential estates, located behind the Anglican shrine, which might never
be seen by the visitor.40
In the early twenty-first century, sectarian concerns have largely ceased to
matter, and many who are not Christian at all may journey to Walsingham,
to sightsee and relish the historical setting, or even to participate in
religious ceremonies, whether as part of a spiritual quest or merely as
recreation or diversionary entertainment.41
The opening of the St Cuthbert’s Way trail exemplifies the modern
approach to both the medieval past and the Christian religion. Roger Smith
and Ron Shaw, who both worked in the tourism industry in the Scottish
Borders region, mapped the route of the Way in 1995 and were directly
engaged in building the physical infrastructure of the walk.42 They wrote
of the opening ceremonies:
the Way was inaugurated at two equally pleasant but distinctively different
ceremonies in late July 1996. At the magnificent ruin of Melrose Abbey, St
Cuthbert himself made a reappearance after 1,300 years to give the new
walk his blessing, hoping it would become a modern pilgrimage in his
memory. Three days later in Wooler, a large group of people walked part
of the route to ‘first foot’ it in style.43
40
Coleman, “Meanings of Movement,” 159.
Erik Cohen’s influential five-stage typology of tourists posits motivations along
a continuum, in which Recreational is the most secular mode, with Diversionary,
Experiential, Experimental and Existential gradually progressing to more spiritual
modes. See Erik Cohen, “A Phenomenology of Tourist Experiences,” Sociology 13
(1979): 179-201.
42
St Cuthbert’s Way has an official website, accessed November 20, 2012,
http://www.stcuthbertsway.net/index.html. This site has a ‘Walkers’ Comments’
page that was added in November 2011. In November 2012 there were still no
comments posted.
43
Smith and Shaw, St Cuthbert’s Way: Official Trail Guide, vii.
41
12
History, Authenticity, and Tourism
These two events focus on the twin components of medieval Christian
pilgrimage, a saint whose residence in life, burial in death, or miraculous
relic hallows the site to which the route leads, and the group of pious
pilgrims who journey along it. Yet there is more than a touch of Bishop
Henson’s ‘mere pageants’ with an actor portraying St Cuthbert (a humble
hermit who would certainly not have desired a pilgrimage in his honour),
and David Brown’s ‘genuine fakes’ are a crucial part of the mix, in that
the monastery which Cuthbert entered was Old Melrose, not Melrose
where the beautiful ruined abbey is a twelfth century Cistercian
foundation.44
The St Cuthbert’s Way trail provides the walker with both real and
manufactured encounters with the saint. As with all major trails in Britain
it is clearly waymarked, and the symbol chosen was the saint’s famous
gold and garnet pectoral cross.45 The official guide to the walk
acknowledges sights and attractions, some more and some less connected
to the historical Cuthbert. After a steep climb from Melrose up into the
Eildon Hills (stronghold of the Celtic Votadini, which now afford
excellent views of Dere Street, the Roman road), walkers then reach the
town of St Boswells, named for the Prior of Old Melrose, Cuthbert’s
mentor Boisil. Further along the trail the village of Maxton “claims to be
the birthplace of the medieval scholar John Duns Scotus, more often
associated with the Berwickshire town of Duns which has become part of
his name.”46 Yet, as Mary Low notes, genuine traces of the saint are often
ignored; the medieval church of Maxton, a village near Newtown St
Boswells, was first recorded as “St Cuthbert’s Church of Mackistun,” a
fact that the guidebooks fail to mention.47 Given equal billing with the
landscape and genuinely medieval sites are a multitude of other
attractions. Upon reaching the Dryburgh footbridge across the River
Tweed, Smith and Shaw offer the following suggestions:
a short diversion from here across the river would enable you to visit
Dryburgh Abbey … which dates back to 1150 … The abbey holds the
grave of Sir Walter Scott and other members of his family, and also of
Field Marshal Earl Haig, the army commander from World War I …
through the village from the abbey [is] the large sandstone statue of
William Wallace … 8 metres (25 feet) high with shield and huge sword
44
Brown, “Genuine Fakes,” 33-47.
Noyce, The Complete Guide to St Cuthbert’s Way, 8.
46
Smith and Shaw, St Cuthbert’s Way: Official Trail Guide, 17.
47
Mary Low, St Cuthbert’s Way: A Pilgrims’ Companion (Glasgow: Wild Goose
Publications, 2000), 86.
45
Carole M. Cusack
13
[which] was carved in 1814 by John Smith … Since the release of the film
Braveheart about Wallace’s life, the statue has become much better-known
and more popular with visitors.48
It is important to note the authors’ acknowledgement that sites with
connections to contemporary popular culture will be more popular with
tourists. Another site worthy of attention is the nearby folly known as the
Temple of the Muses, a circular structure of Classical design that
originally housed a statue of Apollo, but now contains a statue of three
nude females, representing the Muses. This structure was erected in
honour of the Border poet James Thompson (1700-1748) in 1817. The
now little-read Thompson wrote The Seasons (1730), which is regarded as
one of the finest nature poems in English, and also the patriotic lyrics of
‘Rule Britannia’.49 As with Christianity, the age of passionate interest in
poetry is past, but modern people can still engage with poets – as with
saints – through the touristic lens.
St Cuthbert’s Way usually takes four days, and the landscape becomes
significantly more medieval and charged with the presence of the saint
after leaving Kirk Yetholm, the mid-point of the walk. The two days from
Kirk Yetholm to Holy Island involve walking through remote and largely
uninhabited country, dotted with prehistoric monuments. The border
crossing from Scotland into England is a short distance from Kirk
Yetholm, and the walker now encounters major sites of the Anglo-Saxon
kingdom of Northumbria. Clare Lees and Gillian Overing, two scholars
who work on the medieval landscape, have mused that, “positing a
Northumbrian horizon or a sense of Northumbria as a region, we … ask
questions about place and time, about places in time.”50 Following Edward
Casey, they distinguish between ‘empty’ space and ‘full’ place by positing
that places ‘gather’ through human interactions with sites. They argue that,
“the ‘gathering’ that constitutes place in this view also engages spatial and
temporal dimensions, and clears, in one sense, a continuous space where
we can think within and across centuries via the concept of place.”51
48
Smith and Shaw, St Cuthbert’s Way: Official Trail Guide, 11-12.
David Orkin, “The Tweed: Take a Trip on a River Flowing With History,” The
Independent, April 21 2007, accessed June 16, 2012,
http://www.independent.co.uk/travel/uk/the-tweed-take-a-trip-on-a-river-flowingwith-history-445500.html.
50
Lees and Overing, “Anglo-Saxon Horizons: Places of the Mind in the
Northumbrian Landscape,” 4.
51
Lees and Overing, “Anglo-Saxon Horizons: Places of the Mind in the
Northumbrian Landscape,” 5.
49
14
History, Authenticity, and Tourism
Walking past the vast Iron Age hillfort of Yeavering Bell, in the
shadow of which stood the expansive Northumbrian royal settlement of
Yeavering (Ad Gefrin), the site of the baptism of King Edwin of
Northumbria by the missionary Paulinus in 627CE, I was momentarily
nonplussed to realise that nothing of the Anglo-Saxon occupation of the
site was visible to the walker. Where was the great hall in which the oftquoted ‘anonymous thegn’ compared the human life to a sparrow flitting
through the king’s guest hall, briefly in the warmth and comfort, but
returning to the cold and storm from whence it flew? Where was the
temple, so shockingly profaned by the pagan high priest Coifi, when he
declared for Christianity, saying to King Edwin:
None of your followers has devoted himself more earnestly than I have to
the worship of our gods, but nevertheless there are many who receive
greater benefits and greater honour from you than I do and are more
successful in all their undertakings. If the gods had any power they would
have helped me more readily, seeing that I have always served them with
greater zeal. So it follows that if, on examination, these new doctrines
which have now been explained to us are found to be better and more
effectual, let us accept them at once without any delay.52
As these topics formed part of my doctoral thesis, perhaps significantly
awarded in 1996, the year St Cuthbert’s Way opened for walkers, I knew
that archaeologists habitually backfill sites, and that the palace was still
there, although hidden.53 With Lees and Overing, I was sure that although
Yeavering lay buried, I had nevertheless “developed a pervasive
awareness of the presence” of that particular place.54
52
Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, eds and trans. Bertram
Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Blackwell, 1969), 183.
53
Brian Hope-Taylor, Yeavering An Anglo-British Centre of Early Northumbria
(London: Department of the Environment Archaeological Reports No. 7, 1977).
54
Lees and Overing, “Anglo-Saxon Horizons: Places of the Mind in the
Northumbrian Landscape,” 12.
Carole M. Cusack
15
Image 2: The Pilgrim’s Path (image courtesy of Don Barrett)
Spiritual Tourism, Secular Pilgrimage?
Heritage Walks and Personal Identity
Throughout the second half of the Way I was drawn further into an
emotional reverie concerning the landscape and the trail. During that time
it seemed we were almost entirely removed from modern life. On the third
and fourth days there are no villages on the trail, the only substantial
settlement being Wooler, the overnight stop on the third day. This sense of
isolation from contemporary society plunged me deeper into my
remembered doctoral studies, which focused on the conversion to
Christianity of the Pagan Germanic peoples of the early Middle Ages.55
On the final day of walking, from Wooler to Holy Island, the most
evocative site was St Cuthbert’s Cave, a large natural cave located in a
dense wood, at which the monks of Lindisfarne stopped on their journey
bearing the exhumed body of Cuthbert in 875CE. Smith and Shaw
describe it as “a wonderfully evocative place … you can imagine the
55
Carole M. Cusack, Conversion Among the Germanic Peoples (London: Cassell,
1998).
16
History, Authenticity, and Tourism
monks laying down their precious burden to shelter there after the
traumatic events of the previous days.”56 Imagination is key to the
experience of many of the sites along St Cuthbert’s Way; Yeavering has
already been mentioned, but neighbouring Tom Tallon’s Grave, a huge
Bronze Age cairn that was destroyed by farmers in 1859 (so that they
could use the stone to build drystone walls) is another place where
presence is more profoundly signalled by absence. Lees and Overing view
such sites as filled with opportunity; offering “new possibilities for
storytelling, of continuing the story of the past into the present.”57
In his groundbreaking analysis, Dean MacCannell posited that what
tourists sought, above all else, was to experience authenticity. He argued
that the post-industrial West resulted in alienation for individuals from
everyday life. The leisure activity of travel allows alienated individuals “to
… quest for authentic experiences, perceptions and insights” that are
unavailable in his or her profane life.58 Travel and the ‘otherness’
experienced as a tourist are coded as sacred, as ritual and practice that may
afford self-transformation. Lees and Overing argue that Lindisfarne is a
“visual paradox. It remains both center and margin … [It] is regularly
packed with tourists ... Many of these modern visitors make the journey to
Lindisfarne, as we did, in order to understand its isolation, to experience
what it’s like to be there.”59 Arriving at Lindisfarne both sharpens and
dulls the sense of engagement with Anglo-Saxon England. The walk has
been lonely and silent, and the island monastery, connected to the
mainland by a tidal causeway, should strike the walker as the holy
destination of the pilgrimage, as it is a site of sanctity specifically
connected with Saint Cuthbert. Thus, Bede tells how a young boy who
was possessed by demons was healed by the application of “soil that was
mixed with water once used to bathe Cuthbert’s body.”60 Yet walkers pass
by World War II concrete defences (pillboxes and tank traps) and have to
cross a major railway line in order to reach the causeway, and the majority
of people walk across on the roadway alongside the cars, because the
sands of the old Pilgrims’ Path “are covered by water for a much longer
56
Smith and Shaw, St Cuthbert’s Way: Official Trail Guide, 48.
Lees and Overing, “Anglo-Saxon Horizons: Places of the Mind in the
Northumbrian Landscape,” 2.
58
Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (Berkeley,
Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1999), 105.
59
Lees and Overing, “Anglo-Saxon Horizons: Places of the Mind in the
Northumbrian Landscape,” 17-18.
60
Nicholas Howe, Writing the Map of Anglo-Saxon England: Essays in Cultural
Geography (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2008), 181.
57