JAPANESE
FASHION
CULTURES
Dress and gender
in contemporary Japan
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. All rights reserved.
MASAFUMI MONDEN
Monden, Masafumi. Japanese Fashion Cultures : Dress and Gender in Contemporary Japan, Bloomsbury Publishing PLC, 2014.
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v
Bloomsbury Academic
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Bloomsbury is a registered trade mark of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
First published 2015
© Masafumi Monden, 2015
Masafumi Monden has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act,
1988, to be identified as Author of this work.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any
information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the
publishers.
No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining
from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or
the Author.
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. All rights reserved.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN: HB: 978-1-4725-3621-1
PB: 978-1-4725-3280-0
ePDF: 978-1-4725-8673-5
ePub: 978-1-4725-8672-8
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Monden, Masafumi.
Japanese fashion cultures : dress and gender in contemporary Japan / Masafumi Monden.
pages cm – (Dress, body, culture)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4725-3280-0 (paperback) — ISBN 978-1-4725-3621-1 (hardback) —
ISBN 978-1-4725-8673-5 (epdf) 1. Fashion–Japan–History. 2. Clothing and dress–
Japan–History. 3. Clothing and dress–Social aspects–Japan. I. Title.
GT1560.M63 2015
391.00952—dc23
2014010741
Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk
vi
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CONTENTS
List of illustrations viii
Acknowledgements x
1 Introducing Japanese fashion, past and present
1
2 Lost in a gaze: young men and fashion in contemporary
Japan 17
3 Boy’s elegance: a liminality of boyish charm and old-world
suavity 45
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4 Glacé wonderland: cuteness, sexuality and young
women 77
5 Ribbons and lace: girls, decorative femininity and
androgyny 107
6 An Ivy boy and a preppy girl: style import-export
135
7 Concluding Japanese fashion cultures, change and
continuity 149
Notes 153
References 183
Index 197
vii
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ILLUSTRATIONS
Figures
2.1
The cover of Men’s Club no. 31
22
3.1
High school student Musashi Rhodes wearing (a) Milkboy’s scarf
tee and (b) a shirt with studs
46
Teenage actor Ryutaro Akimoto looking cute in Milkboy’s
bow-tie shirt and a pair of sarouel trousers
63
Musashi Rhodes and Yota Tsurimoto wearing clothes from
Milkboy’s 2013–14 collection
66
Musashi Rhodes with a ‘Neo-Edwardian’ schoolboy look,
wearing a dolman jacket, check pocket trousers and a top hat
70
4.1
Jun’ichi Nakahara’s illustration of a chic and lovely shoˉ jo
82
4.2
Kashoˉ Takabatake’s beautiful girl with flowers
84
4.3
Alisa Mizuki in ‘Town of Eden’ (1991)
90
4.4
Tomoko Kawase/Tommy February in ‘Bloomin’!’ (2002)
91
4.5
Kaela Kimura in ‘Snowdome’ (2007)
92
5.1
Amateur model Misako Aoki dressed in Innocent World’s
Pompadour bustle dress
112
5.2
Momoko and Ichigo’s first encounter
119
5.3
Momoko and Ichigo at ‘Forest of the Aristocrats’
121
5.4
Clad in a white Lolita dress, Momoko drives a scooter with
a serious mien
129
Bankara boys of old higher schools (kyuˉ sei koˉ koˉ ) in school
uniform, c. 1930s
139
‘Miyuki Zoku’ in Tokyo, Japan
140
3.2
3.3
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3.4
6.1
6.2
viii
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
ix
Tables
1.1
Data from the Survey of The Lifestyles and Consciousness of
High School Students
10
2.1
Content analysis of the three men’s magazines
25
2.2
Three postures of male models
33
3.1
BMI of Japanese young men between the ages of twenty and
twenty-nine
52
Body size of male models in Men’s non-no and Choki Choki
54
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3.2
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5
RIBBONS AND LACE:
GIRLS, DECORATIVE
FEMININITY AND
ANDROGYNY
‘There’s one thing about you,’ Maudie said. ‘You always look ladylike.’
‘Oh God,’ I said, ‘who wants to look ladylike?’
—JEAN RHYS, Voyage in the Dark, 1934.1
. . . for the aesthetics of the rococo, the more delicate a girl becomes,
the higher her value.
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. All rights reserved.
—Shimotsuma Monogatari. 2
A girl of seventeen drives a scooter fast. In the blurred images, her white,
delicately flounced dress flutters on wind. She then collides with a greengrocer’s
truck and soars high in the beautiful sky, a bunch of cabbages waltzing and
whirling behind her. She falls gracefully in a fashion redolent of Alice falling
down into the rabbit hole in Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland.
This is what we encounter soon after the opening in the Japanese film
Shimotsuma Monogatari (Shimotsuma Story or Kamikaze Girls, abbreviated
as Shimotsuma 2004). Clair Hughes in her book Dressed in Fiction argues
that ‘[t]raditionally, aspects of dress have been used to portray aspects of
personality, particularly when a character first enters the story’.3 A girl attired in
a white, lace calf-length puff-sleeved dress, known as Japanese Lolita dress,
with a pair of Vivienne Westwood’s Rockin’ Horse shoes, rides a scooter fast
with a serious mien. If what Hughes argues is applicable to films, this sequence
alone is enough to hint that Shimotsuma offers a portrayal of teenage girls that is
full of juxtapositions and contradictory images. These are revolutionary and
striking.
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107
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108
JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
In the previous chapter, I argued that some Japanese female performers
manifest the possibility of a detachment from the eroticism often associated
with ‘infantile’ cute and apparently girlish appearances. In this chapter I pay
attention to the established idea that female sartorial ornamentation is a stable
signifier of dependency and subservience, the view made famous by architect
Adolf Loos and sociologist Thorstein Veblen at the turn of the last century. This
idea continues to the present day, most notably via feminist scholars. For them,
women’s concerns for appearance, including fashion, operates for the purpose
of attracting and serving the objectifying male gaze. These ideas substantiate
one facet of gender performative theory, articulated by Judith Butler, which
considers gender as a construction created and sustained by series of
performances including gestures and dress. The socially inscribed dress of
‘femininity’ creates, demarcates and distinguishes the gender category from
‘masculinity’, which is symbolically embodied by the austere, sober and
supposedly more functional men’s suit. To what extent does a ‘girlish’ and
emphatically ‘ornamental’ fashion-look as typified by Japanese Lolita style, then,
inevitably signify such unfavourable connotations? Is it instead a visual
embodiment of Valerie Steele’s view that ‘[h]istoricizing, glamorous fashion could
be subversive, not nostalgic’?4
The functionalist idea that construes decorative femininity as symbolic of
oppression has been both critiqued and challenged by scholars of dress,
particularly since the 1970s. Works by Bonnie G. Smith (1981), Elizabeth Wilson
(1985), Valerie Steele (1985) and Joanne Entwistle (2000) are but a few
examples. Following these works, what I hope to achieve with this chapter
is to offer an alternative to the somewhat monolithic idea that amalgamates
decorative girlish fashion and unfavourable feminine passivity. I employ
Shimotsuma and its predominantly positive depiction of Lolita fashion as an
exemplary case study of this aim. This in turn reinforces another facet of the
theory of gender performativity, that a young woman can ‘perform’ both
‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ acts alternately, while being clad in the same white
puff-sleeved dress adorned with flounces and ribbons (in the case of Shimotsuma).
Thus, the film demonstrates the idea of performative gender even more effectively
and credibly.
I begin the above operation with a general overview of Lolita fashion. I explain
how this concept is a manifestation of a complex cultural commingling between
European and Japanese cultures. The second section consists of a textual
analysis of Shimotsuma. In particular, by examining what roles clothes play in
the film, this section argues that fashion is much more than a mere embellishment
to the narrative, and that the film’s representation of Lolita fashion is therefore
eloquent. The subversive qualities of Shimotsuma that problematize traditional
negative views about decorative femininity are the focus of the third section.
In the final section I aim to explore the socio-psychological analysis of
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RIBBONS AND LACE
109
‘androgyny’, which the heroine’s fluent demonstration of both ‘masculine’ and
‘feminine’ attributes arguably endorses. I seek to establish the idea that
‘androgyny’ does not necessarily have to be manifested through ‘masculine’
clothes, and that the ornamental and ‘girlish’ sartorial style could be equally
effective in its performance.
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The dress of a bisque doll princess:
aspects of Lolita fashion
Japanese Lolita fashion, which was believed to emerge in the mid-to-late 1990s,
is characterized by its self-consciously girlish style, often with the extravagant
opulence of lace, flounces and ribbons. The style’s origins remain largely
undecided.5 Nor is there any clear definition of Lolita style; rather, it functions as
a general term for a number of subtly different trends.6 The orthodoxy of the
fashion style, however, consists of a highly elaborate, Victorian ‘little girl’ calflength dress hooped with layers of pannier, frilly knee-length socks, and ‘Mary
Jane’ or strap shoes including Westwood’s Rockin’ Horse ballerina. The
look is completed with intricate headdresses or bonnets. This fashion, when
practised in its ‘full-on’ form, is often associated with the physical restrictions
the style imposes on the wearer. Akinori Isobe, the owner of the renowned
Lolita fashion brand Baby, The Stars Shine Bright (hereafter abbreviated as
Baby), once admitted that the opulent use of lace and frills makes his garments
both heavy and impeding.7 Echoing this impression, the actress Kyoko Fukada,
who wears Lolita garments (including some actually designed by Baby) in
Shimotsuma, commented that they were not as physically impeding as she had
expected.8
For some who wear this style, Lolita is not merely a choice of clothing, but
also defines their identity and lifestyle.9 Their fashion and demure body language
is closely associated with their romantic views of privileged young women in the
idle, aristocratic elite social classes of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe
(Marie Antoinette of France and Alice in Lewis Carroll’s two Alice books are most
obvious and accessible examples). Yet to what extent does Lolita style embrace
and appropriate historic European dress styles? The style’s appropriation of
European dress forms of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries appears to be
more conceptual than stylistic, embroidered with certain aesthetic essences of
these periods. In this sense, it is a ‘transtexual’ style in which references to other
texts or sources are deployed, and definitely not a straightforwardly accurate and
monotonous replication of period dress.10 In addition to the aesthetic sensibilities
conceptualized and romanticized by Lolita, we shall also see how Japanese
understandings of historic European dresses have been influenced by Japanese
popular culture (e.g. girls’ manga).
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110
JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
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Embroidering the romantic past:
European dress aesthetics and
Japanese appropriations
Steele writes of Lolita fashion in her book Japan Fashion Now, noting ‘[t]he look
as a whole is often said to resemble a nineteenth-century French doll or jumeau’.11
Thus, the Japanese style has some historical references to period clothes.12 This
is despite the fact that the notable promulgation of European women’s clothing
forms in Japan did not occur until the early twentieth century, during the Taishō
period (1912–26), when the ‘modern girl’ and ‘garçonne’ look emerged, and
Western buildings and furniture styles also became prevalent in the country’s
urban centres.13 Close observation of Lolita style reveals that its incorporation of
European fashion aesthetics has not necessarily been concerned by historical or
stylistic authenticity. The manner in which historical accuracy gives way to
aesthetic preferences in Lolita style is representative of Walter Benjamin’s
philosophy of fashion. Ulrich Lehmann summarizes it thus: ‘a particular style or
stylistic element is taken from costume history and brought into present fashion
to create reference and friction simultaneously, along with new commodities’.14
Lolita incorporates the ideas of certain aesthetic elements from historical
European dresses, but its actual style is considerably contemporary. Lolita
fashion does, however, have a history.
As noted in the previous chapter, the intensive saturation of lace and frilly
aesthetic sensitivity through Japanese pop culture in the 1970s and 1980s
was a likely precursor to Lolita fashion. Japanese clothing brands such as
Milk, Pink House (est. 1972) and Megumi Murano’s Jane Marple (est. 1985)
were founded during this period. These brands are considered part
of the so-called Japanese DC (Designer and Character) brands, which
boomed during the bubble years in the 1980s. DC brands, such as Rei
Kawakubo’s Comme des Garçons as well as Milk, have wider consumer appeal
than Lolita style, and despite not identifying with fashion, their somewhat
romantic, girlish aesthetics are shared by later Lolita fashion brands, such as
Baby (est. 1988).
The link between shoˉ jo manga and Lolita aesthetics is quite clearly indicated.
Fumiyo Isobe, a designer and co-founder of Baby, for example, acknowledges
the influences of Yumiko Oshima’s girls’ comic books such as Banana Bread
Pudding (Banana Bread no Pudding, 1977–8) on her designs.15 Such
appropriation and restylization displays a degree of creativity and hence authority
exercised by Japanese designers. Masuko Honda’s analysis of a girlish aesthetic
in Japan, typified by fluttering ribbons, or dresses of decorative lace and frills
(hirahira), which are associated with senses of romanticism and latitude, also
emphasizes a link between the concept of Japanese ‘girlhood’ and decorative
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RIBBONS AND LACE
111
sartorial items.16 This in turn supports the view that transcultural appropriation of
dress can be systematic and tactical.17 How, then, have Japanese fashion
designers sartorially translated and adopted such ideas?
Lolita dress often exudes an air of robe à la française style.18 This court dress
style was ‘an open robe with box-pleated panels falling from the shoulder to form
a train’, hooped with panniers, and was a popular dress for upper-class women
throughout the eighteenth century in Europe.19 To emphasize this aspect of
hooped petticoats, ‘the skirt was open in front to reveal a decorative petticoat’,
and even an ‘ordinary’ robe à la française ‘was highly decorated, made of
patterned silks covered in ribbons, ruffles, furbelows, and lace’.20 This is
explicated in a Lolita dress, designed by Innocent World (est. 1998) with the
name of ‘Pompadour bustle skirt (dress)’.21
Its name alone connotes the rococo reference. Pompadour refers to Jeanne
Poisson (1721–64), known as the Marquise de Pompadour, a famous mistress
of French King Louis XV; she had ‘come to be the personification of the rococo
in costume with its curving serpentine lines and riotous decoration’.22 Accordingly,
the échelle of three detachable ribbons placed vertically on the bodice of this
twilled cotton dress corresponds with ‘the three-dimensional ornamentation of
the dress that was an essential part of the rococo’.23 Combined with the classical
rose patterns and the robe à la française emulated skirt with a matching petticoat
on which pale yellow lace trims separate the skirts into three parts, as if the
petticoat were being in front, these qualities of the dress bear resemblances to
the dress the Marquise wears in the famous portraits by François Boucher
(1756). The back of the dress, however, is bustled. Although it was not an
invention of the Victorian period, the bustle became a fashionable part of
women’s dress between 1882 and 1889.24 According to Toby Slade, Japan’s
first attempt to incorporate European women’s dress in the 1880s was
unsuccessful largely due to the bustle style and its ‘extreme deviation’ from the
body’s natural shape.25 Therefore, it is deducible that the bustle has a connotation
of the late nineteenth-century European dress forms in Japan.
The bustle was often paired with a long skirt, and even influenced children’s
dress in the late Victorian period. From today’s perspective, young girls’ dress
styles in this period have an air of maturity. Elizabeth Ewing described the
dresses of young girls in Europe at the time as ‘tight, cramping and devoid of
youthfulness, down to the elaborate tight, buttoned boots or the even more
elaborate ones made of satin and laced up over open fronts’.26 As noted in the
previous chapter, until the 1920s, age and class hierarchies of female dress
style in Europe were largely maintained through the length of skirts. Only
very young girls or lower-class women would wear short skirts, and skirts
lengthened as the age of the wearer.27 Thus, the short ‘little girl’ skirt emphasizes
the ‘infantile’ qualities of this Lolita dress, and hence accentuates ‘youthfulness’
or ‘girlishness’. This elucidates the kawaii aesthetics notable in Japan. Further
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112
JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
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significance of the ‘Pompadour bustle dress’ is added by the way in which
amateur model Misako Aoki wears it in volume 13 of the magazine KERA MANIAX
(Figure 5.1).
She is pictured wearing the dress over a white, flounced blouse named
‘Ribbon Crown Tucked Blouse’ and an organdie pannier.28 Unlike the French
Figure 5.1 Amateur model Misako Aoki dressed in Innocent World’s Pompadour bustle
dress. KERA MANIAX 2009, 13, p. 16.
Photography: Tetsuji Shibasaki, Hair and make-up: Akio Namiki (Clara System), Text: Emi Uemura,
Design: Akiyoshi Akira Design, Model: Misako Aoki. Courtesy of Mariko Suzuki/Jacke Media Japan.
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RIBBONS AND LACE
113
court dress, this Lolita dress has no sleeves, and wearing it over a blouse might
avoid the exposure of cleavage.
For more Victorian references, Victorian Maiden’s ‘Rose Lace Blouse Dress’
offers a long-sleeved, bell-shaped, calf-length dress with tulle lace and a
tucked yoke made of cotton lawn cloth. The tucked yoke and long sleeves
of a blouse allude to the style of the Victorian era, particularly in the 1890s.
Yet the outfits suggested by the brand include wearing a puff-sleeved dress
over the very dress and layers of pannier under it in order to accentuate further
a bell-shaped effect, again highlighting the style’s ‘appropriated’ quality. Judging
from its appearance, a Lolita pannier can be described more precisely as
a hooped petticoat of the twentieth century rather than the authentic eighteenthcentury French garment. Further adding to this mix of appropriation and
‘trans-periodic’ quality, one might argue that these Lolita dresses’ silhouettes
are stylistically closer to a 1950s American formal gown – as immortalized by
the prom dress. While the American dress was popular at the same time in
Japan, and again briefly in the late 1970s, Lolita style has rarely been considered
in relation to American culture, either by Lolita brands or the community.
Instead, the style is commonly correlated with historical Europe, reinforced
by descriptive terms such as princess, maiden and ballerina. Indeed, Isaac
Gagné notes in his study of Lolita style that ‘the meaning of the fashion is
to become a “princess”’.29 Arguably, what is important for the style is the
opulent feeling created through the emphatically hooped skirt, produced by
wearing layers of filmy undergarments à la Marie Antoinette. In this sense, while
the actual shape of the dress is considerably more contemporary, it aspires to
the quintessence of rococo aesthetic sensibilities, namely ‘frills, ribbons and
flounce’.30
The authenticity of historical European dresses has also been negotiated in
terms of practicability suited to our time. The calf-length dress, made of such
fabrics as cotton or nylon, hooped with the (petticoat-like) pannier, is lighter, less
restrictive and more affordable than a long, full-length velvet, silk or wool dress
with a heavier crinoline would be. The use of panniers can create a more opulent,
aristocratic feel, and for aesthetic reasons, the layers of cotton tulle or nylon
sheer bear a striking resemblance to a bell-shaped ballet skirt.31 Lolita style may
therefore be a negotiation between the fashion aesthetics of early/modern
Europe and the kind of functionality appreciated at the turn of the twenty-first
century. Rather than being unfamiliar with European sartorial history, some
Japanese designers have studied European dress history at university, and thus
are able to reference strategically certain aspects of historical European dress,
producing something new.32 It indicates the degrees to which Japanese
designers are able to make decisions and exercise creative control. Hence,
transnational appropriation, as Margaret Maynard has said, can be systematic
and tactical rather than ‘chaotic’.
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114
JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
Another notable characteristic of Lolita style is its emphatic display of sweet,
almost infantile, girlish aesthetics. Lolita adds a shade of girlish style favoured in
Japan – notably a kawaii (cute) aesthetic – to a frilly European aristocratic dress
form. Mixed with kawaii aesthetics, Lolita reinvents historical European dresses
as something novel and girlish. The projection of the kawaii aesthetic as embodied
by the shortened length of skirts, exemplifies a conscious, creative adoption of
foreign cultural forms. The demure aesthetics of the style can evoke a sense of
docility for those who are not familiar with this fashion. In that case, it is logical to
question whether or not this opulently ornate, girlish fashion endorses female
subservience and eroticization.
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Decorative femininity: praises and criticism
Women’s elaborate dresses in nineteenth-century Europe, by which Lolita style
is partially inspired, have been perceived as symbolic of feminine oppression.33
This is explicated in two ways: firstly, the economic dependency of bourgeoise
women rendered them a property, a living index of the pecuniary strength of
men, by being adorned in lavishly ornamental dresses. This has contributed
to the assumption that such sartorial ornamentation was a stable signifier of
female dependency and subservience.34 Secondly, in order to attract such
financially stable men, women were, it is believed, forced to rely on their physical
allure, and their clothes would serve that purpose to the maximum degree.35
As a result, the decorative woman was presumed to symbolize female
subservience as well as the source of the man’s erotic pleasure. We might
wonder, then, whether or not Lolita style’s opulent use of lace, ribbons and
flounces, which both imposes a degree of physical restraint and makes the
wearer an object of the spectator’s gaze, endorses similar preconceptions.
The question is made more pertinent by the dominantly girlish qualities of the
fashion. This is because not only feminine fashion but also ‘girlish femininity’ itself
has been perceived negatively, particularly but not exclusively in Anglophone
cultures.
Girls, and the connected concept of ‘girlhood’ are frequently perceived as
being associated with passivity and vulnerability.36 The adolescent female body
is both commodified and glorified as the ideal sexual body in popular culture at
the same time the institutional spheres such as schools and family perceive the
female body as ‘a tainted body need of control’.37 Media portrayal of adolescent
girls moreover, often arouses social concerns relating to the promotion of sexual
precocity in teenage girls, but such perspectives themselves are through the lens
of the voyeuristic gaze of adults.38 Consequently, the voices of girls with senses
of agency and positive attitudes are frequently disregarded.39 In order to claim a
position of power, some girls even adopt overtly ‘masculine and boyish’
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RIBBONS AND LACE
115
demeanours and ‘differentiate’ themselves from more ‘girlish’ or ‘normatively
feminine’ girls who are regarded as dull and unfavourable.40 It can be deduced
from these ideas that despite the largely constructed nature of both genders,
conventional ‘masculinity’, even if it is on the side of ‘hypermasculine’, tends
to be seen as a ‘natural’ quality of human beings. By contrast, conventional
‘femininity’ is seen as ‘gendered’, and hence is ‘crafted’. Indeed, the concept of
being ‘genderless’ is itself often adjusted to one particular image of white,
heterosexual and ‘masculine’. Blindly seeking and attempting to apply this
concept to any individuals who do not fit into that type can, therefore, result in
undermining their senses of freedom and individuality.41
Although this kind of political interpretation of women’s dress, particularly the
ornate kinds, has been challenged in recent times, it is nevertheless still prevalent.
Sheila Jeffreys, for instance, writes as recently as in 2005 that differences
inscribed in what men and women wear demarcate sexual differences between
the two genders, and women’s clothes turn their wearer ‘into toys to create
sexual excitement in’ men.42 From the perspective that sees ‘feminine’ clothes as
creating and recreating a conventional, negative image of ‘femininity’, Lolita style
is a reification of unfavourable female passivity and objectification. However,
most of those who indulge in this romantic sartorial aesthetics, regardless of their
nationality, strongly deny these assumptions.43 It is generally assumed that Lolita
style is largely ‘pre-sexual’ despite the possibility of the style veering into the
sexualized.44 One of the shop staff at Baby in Japan who dresses in the style
regularly, for instance, has said her initial motivation to dress in Lolita was a desire
to wear cute, doll-like clothes.45
Elsewhere, I have argued that Japanese Lolitas ‘tend to endorse the egoism
and cruelty associated with childhood rather than its innocence, naiveté or
submissiveness’.46 Moreover, ‘[a]bstinence, girlishness, and virginity’ – albeit
qualities often considered sexually desirable in various societies – have
characterized this style in late 1990s Japan, in contrast to the overt sexual
connotations ascribed to Nabokov’s novel, from which the name of the style was
drawn.47 My intention here is not to deny women’s desire to attract admirers via
fashion or appearance. It might, of course, appeal to certain fetishist tastes, and
it is also possible for some women to deploy Lolita style to attract sexual attention,
but this does not seem to be the aim for most Lolita wearers.48
Assuming these dresses merely endorsed feminine oppression is rather
simplistic. Wilson argues that ‘to understand all “uncomfortable” dress as merely
one aspect of the oppression of women is fatally to oversimplify, since dress is
not and never has been primarily functional and is certainly not natural’.49
Moreover, ‘what may be considered “functional” dress in one epoch or culture
may not be so in another’.50 Anne Hollander points out that ‘[c]omfort, which in
clothing is a mental rather than a physical condition, was no more likely to be a
matter of course in skimpy clothes than in voluminous ones’.51 This means that
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the length of a skirt or the decorativeness of a dress might not, at least significantly,
influence the utility of the clothing. Her view is rendered credible by what Entwistle
has noted. Although generally overlooked, she writes, there is a degree of
discomfort attached to ‘the tight, fitted male clothes’ as well.52 Similarly, while
voluminous, crinoline skirts and corsets of nineteenth-century Europe (by which
Lolita style has been influenced) have been perceived by some as a sartorial
incarnation of imposed female docility, women’s senses of agency, not their
passivity, are also evident even in women’s fashion in this era.53
Repudiating the idea that wearing an ornate dress simply implies Victorian
women’s consent to submission, Steele argues that neither upper-class men nor
women’s clothes at the time in Europe were practical, as they were not designed
for manual labour.54 More significantly, the silhouette of such florid, embellished
women’s dresses ‘might be interpreted as emphasizing the female presence in a
way that male clothing singularly failed to do’.55 Smith, in Ladies of the Leisure
Class (1981), has also suggested that voluminous decoration of women’s
dresses in the mid-to-late 1800s might have given the wearers some degree of
power and visibility.
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Full skirts, bodices, huge sleeves gave substance to female claims to
importance by increasing their physical size to at least double that of men.
Women wearing hoop skirts, crinolines, bustles, or trains filled the social
space and made people aware of their presence.56
Steele and Smith highlight the view that senses of agency and autonomy were
thus involved when women wore ornate dresses.57
Steele also emphasizes that the significant meanings ascribed to women’s
dress in the nineteenth century were far more complex, saying: ‘Victorian fashion
expressed neither the social and sexual repression of women nor male
perceptions of them as primarily sexual beings.’58 She argues that the Victorian
woman’s emulation of an ideal of beauty, even if it came with limitations, should
be understood more ‘as a personal choice or an aspect of women’s selfdevelopment than as a part of their oppression as “sex objects”’.59 This is
because ‘women dressed not only for men or against other women, but also for
themselves’.60 This means that Victorian women likely dressed in such a way
because they believed the fashion would make them look and feel pretty. In other
words, they would feel pleasant, or even cosy via the sensation of being ‘welldressed’.61 The aesthetic value of clothing is one of the fundamental factors
ruling our selection of clothes. Thus the aesthetic importance of clothing should
not be underestimated. If comfort is seen as one of the functions of clothing,
wearing clothes that match our aesthetic sensibilities would surely and
significantly increase the functionality of the clothes. This preposition is quite
plausibly applicable to Lolita fashion.
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The sense of agency combined with a highly girlish fashion style has moreover
been a notable characteristic in Japanese popular culture. Anthropologist Anne
Allison points out that the assumption of a ‘masculine’ demeanour is required
not only for male heroes but also for female heroes in American popular culture.
According to her:
the preferred model of superheroism (in both fantasy and ‘real’ realms)
remains strongly masculine in the United States and strongly biased against a
female hero, particularly one who behaves in a feminine or girlie manner. There
is also an implicit message that even if a superhero is a girl, she is expected
to act, and even look, like a boy.62
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In contrast, ‘feminine’, ‘girlie’ or ‘cute’ appearances are not necessarily
incompatible with independent strong women in Japanese popular culture.63
Allison’s interpretation of the Japanese animated series Sailor Moon, for
example, illustrates that in contrast to the singular, masculine model of American
heroism, ‘there are two different hero models operating, one male and one
female’ in Japanese culture.64 It is my belief that Tetsuya Nakashima’s film
Shimotsuma Monogatari and its portrayal of a young woman who is almost
totally dressed in Lolita fashion offer a visual rendition of this point.65 Such a
representation, it is argued, can serve as a largely positive and favourable
alternative to the monolithic idea that perceives girlish/feminine appearances as
endorsing passive objectification. I examine this film in the next section in order
to substantiate this point.66
A Lolita girl in the countryside: dress and
Shimotsuma Monogatari
Shimotsuma Monogatari (2004) is a film adaptation of Novala Takemoto’s novel
of the same title (2002). The film was a success at the box office and has
established a somewhat cult status outside Japan. The story of the film can be
briefly summarized in the following way. Momoko Ryū gasaki (played by pop idol
and actress Fukada) is a seventeen-year-old schoolgirl, and a daughter of a
failed yakuza and bar hostess. Although she lives in the rural Ibaraki Prefecture
with her good-for-nothing father and his eccentric mother, Momoko dresses in
the clothing of Baby, The Stars Shine Bright.67 She identifies with French rococo
culture, and despite the curious eyes of the locals, lives according to her rococo
aesthetics (e.g. she refuses to ride a bicycle simply because it is against her
aesthetic principles, and she carries a parasol whenever she is outside in order
to avoid sunburn). One day, after falling into a financial crisis that prevents her
from purchasing expensive Baby garments, she decides to sell off the cheap and
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JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
illegal imitations of Versace goods her father had produced earlier. Her
advertisement attracts the attention of Ichigo Shirayuri (played by fashion model
and rock singer Anna Tsuchiya), a seventeen-year-old student and a member of
an all-girls bikie gang (yankee) ‘the Ponytails’.68 Seemingly situated almost at the
other end of Lolita fashion, yankee style is generally known for its brazen
gaudiness, combined with working-class clothes, modified school uniforms and
other styles.69 Despite the fact that these two girls seem to be the exact opposite
in character and in fashion taste, they somehow get closer as they spend time
together, and embark on a journey to find a legendary embroiderer in the posh
area of Daikanyama in Tokyo, in order to ask him to stitch a design on Ichigo’s
bikie garment (tokkōfaku).
From the very beginning, fashion propels the narrative in the film. Momoko’s
father produces and sells cheap, ‘knock-off’ merchandise, which bears the
misspelled name of Versach, thus incurring the family’s financial crisis and
subsequent retirement to rural Shimotsuma. We learn that Momoko was born
and raised in the industrial city of Amagasaki, which the film calls the ‘track suits
paradise’ (jā ji tengoku). The hideously made ‘Versach’ garments introduce Ichigo
and Momoko, who are initially, mutually surprised by the former’s démodé
sukeban (female delinquent) sartorial style and the latter’s frilly, ‘infantile’ fashion.
Embroidery brings the two heroines closer; Ichigo’s determination to find a
legendary embroiderer in Daikanyama forces Momoko to spend time with her,
while their friendship seriously develops when Ichigo requests Momoko to
embroider the design on Ichigo’s garment instead.70 Momoko becomes anxious
after being asked by the owner of Baby to embroider a design on a white lace
Lolita dress. She reveals her vulnerability, only to be encouraged by Ichigo in a
strong, loud voice. Clearly, clothing functions as an essential driving force of the
narrative in Shimotsuma. In order to examine the significant meanings of Lolita
fashion in this film, it is useful first to observe what roles dress in general plays in
it, and how it is connected to the identity and ideology of the wearer.
Appearance says everything: dress and
identity in Shimotsuma Monogatari
Do the clothes that Momoko and Ichigo don represent their ‘true identities’ or do
they instead offer the two protagonists a means to play with their identities? In
the era of postmodern thinking, we tend to assume that identity is a masquerade
and has an essentially instable and fragmented nature. This means that rather
than being inherent, ‘one’s identity is defined in terms of the image that one
creates through one’s consumption of goods, including the clothes one wears’.71
Llewellyn Negrin argues that this is not an entirely accurate reading because
‘[r]ather than just being about the creation of a “look”, the way one adorns
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RIBBONS AND LACE
119
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. All rights reserved.
oneself should reflect one’s values and beliefs’.72 In other words, one’s style of
appearance refers to ‘the ideology of the wearer’.73 Somewhat more cautiously,
Wilson suggests that dress and demeanours may allow us to assume a false or
disguised identity.74 However, even our intention to don particular garments in
order to disguise or adopt a false identity itself is a part of our identity. This is
because it reflects and is intertwined with our desires and wills. Thus I argue that
ultimately, dress is inextricable from our inner ‘self’. Likewise, Shimotsuma
predominantly endorses the idea of fashion/appearance as carrying ‘the ideology
of the wearer’. For example, in a sequence during their first encounter, Momoko
is dressed up for a meeting with a new person, Ichigo. Beginning with a red
velvet headdress trimmed with white lace, roses and red ribbons, she is attired
in Baby’s red velvet ‘Elizabeth’ dress with white flounce sleeves. As can be seen
in Figure 5.2, its stomacher-like bodice has a lace and flounced yoke with the
échelle of a red ribbon and white lace roses, while the bell-shaped, calf-length
skirt has five tiers of white lace, revealing a pair of frilly high socks.
Ichigo surprises Momoko with her school uniform worn in a 1980s’ sukeban
style. With a short black jacket, which has rolled-up sleeves revealing a leopardpatterned lining, Ichigo’s sukeban look consists of a white shirt with a looselyknotted black tie, a very long black pleated skirt reaching to ankle level, kitsch
Figure 5.2 Momoko and Ichigo’s first encounter.
From Shimotsuma Monogatari (2004), directed by Tetsuya Nakashima, produced by Yuji Ishida,
Takashi Hirano and Satoru Ogura. Toho Co., Ltd, Japan.
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120
JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
red sunglasses and heavy make-up with particular attention to her drawn
eyebrows, a typical characteristic of yankee style for women.75 Ichigo is in turn
surprised by learning that a girl who glitters with lace and ribbons is in fact
seventeen years old, the same age as herself, saying: ‘I figured only a child would
wear that kind of frilly dress. But I shouldn’t judge by appearance.’ Momoko
gently yet decidedly replies: ‘But appearance says everything’, reinforcing the
idea that she conceives fashion/dress as reflective of identity.
Momoko does almost anything to continue to purchase her favourite Baby
items, even after falling into financial crisis. This alone indicates her perception of
Lolita fashion (and more precisely Baby garments) as something much more
than merely inessential, consumable pieces of cloth detached from her identity
or the self. As for Ichigo, her purple tokkō fuku) is represented as almost
synonymous with her soul. In the sequence where Momoko offers to embroider
a design on Ichigo’s bikie garment after they had a quarrel, Ichigo accepts the
offer, giving Momoko her garment. When Momoko asks Ichigo: ‘Can you really
trust me?’, Ichigo, sitting astride her scooter in the rain, seriously replies: ‘To
entrust your bikie garment to someone means to entrust your soul to that
person’.
Unlike their school peers, and despite their visible sartorial differences, Baby
and yankee garments might also function as signifiers of the similarities between
Momoko and Ichigo in Shimotsuma. Ichigo, like Momoko, has light-brown hair
with rather embellished make-up, and rides a pink scooter, all of which
undoubtedly renders her comparable to Momoko despite their clearly different
sartorial preferences. Their commonalities are most evident in a sequence where
the two girls are sitting face to face in the ‘Forest of the Aristocrats’ (kizoku no
mori), a local tearoom. As Figure 5.3 indicates, Momoko’s demure posture,
illuminated by her pale pink classical dress with frilled yoke and machinebrocaded ribbon-type textile, her matching straw hat adorned with a gauzy
ribbon and rose corsages are strikingly juxtaposed with Ichigo’s casual posture.
Ichigo’s deportment corresponds well with her hip-hop-meets-yankee fashion
consisting of a loose red track suit, a matching hooded sweatshirt and a black
singlet. Despite these sartorial differences, the two girls are equally shown in a
medium shot, which, significantly, implies their equality, making a clear contrast
to the scene where Momoko is seen with her classmates, to which I shall return
later.
This point endorses what Georg Simmel stated in The Philosophy of Fashion,
that their fashion ‘establishes uniformity within itself, as well as differentiation
from outsiders’.76
Momoko’s strong sense of independence impresses Ichigo, while Momoko
begins to understand and respect Ichigo as an individual who strictly follows her
own ‘principles’. Both heroines express their stringent loyalty to their philosophies,
and hence their individuality through (rather) minor clothing styles. This very
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RIBBONS AND LACE
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Figure 5.3 Momoko and Ichigo at ‘Forest of the Aristocrats’.
Copyright © 2014. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. All rights reserved.
From Shimotsuma Monogatari (2004), directed by Tetsuya Nakashima, produced by Yuji Ishida,
Takashi Hirano and Satoru Ogura. Toho Co., Ltd, Japan.
practice, however, provides a sense of commonality, which draws the two girls
visibly (if moderately) closer.
If clothes are interrelated with identities in Shimotsuma, what is the significance
of the frilly and lace Lolita dress by which Momoko is so fervently captivated?
Considering the functionalist analysis of dress, the emphasized girlishness and
the frilly and lace ornamentation of Lolita fashion might suggest it endorses a
passive, restricted girlish femininity. Ichigo’s comparatively aggressive demeanour
and rather unisex, loose-fitted silhouette of the yankee garments further
accentuate the sweetness and girlish femininity of the style Momoko wears. Is
Momoko a passive heroine who lacks a sense of autonomy/agency? Earlier in
the film, Momoko claims: ‘I’ve got a puny grip, I can’t run fast or swim. But for
the aesthetics of the rococo, the more delicate a girl becomes, the higher her
value increases’. This principle echoes Veblen’s perception of the ‘Leisure Class’
in which ‘[t]he more the style and construction of a person’s clothes indicates a
complete unsuitability for work. . . the greater would be [the] “reputability” of their
wearer’.77 Michael Carter in Fashion Classics notes that for Veblen, women’s
dress ‘goes even farther in the way of demonstrating the wearer’s abstinence
from productive employment’.78 On one level, Lolita fashion, in which Momoko is
thoroughly attired, is a tailor-made embodiment of Veblen’s philosophy of
women’s dress. What makes the film and its portrayal of Momoko subversive of
such a political interpretation can be explained in two ways. Notably, Momoko’s
perception of rococo principles is largely a romanticized version of aristocratic
aesthetics, and these do not pose any serious restriction of her sense of agency.
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JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
Sweet reveries of the rococo: the rococo
dreams of Momoko
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According to Momoko’s narrating voiceover, her rococo aesthetics teach one
that life is like candy, and that one should immerse oneself in a world of sweet
dreams. For instance, Momoko explains that aristocratic ladies of the rococo
period in eighteenth-century France had their waists laced as tightly as possible
solely for aesthetic purposes. This would be regarded as a virtue even when they
fainted due to dyspnea or suffocation. This almost ‘idiotic’ prioritization of
aesthetics and apparent lack of functionality accords with Lolita fashion, although
the latter displays some practical reinvention of period costumes. In fairness, we
need to acknowledge that Momoko’s understanding of rococo culture is a
romanticized version of the cultural movement. The rococo movement became
notable in France in the 1730s, fully bloomed in the 1740s and began to wilt with
the flowering of the neo-classical movement in the late 1760s. Fashion and art
historian Aileen Ribeiro remarks that the rococo is the ‘most “feminine” period in
the history of dress’79 and ‘was a princely and urban art form, which demonstrated
a kind of opulence in taste sympathetic to absolute rule’.80 According to Ribeiro:
It was a style characterised by wit and fantasy, by playful ornamentation,
asymmetry and three-dimensional decoration. . .In terms of costume, the
new style exemplified every fantasy about the essence of the feminine;
everything undulates and curves, from the tightly curled hairstyles (a popular
style was named tête de mouton, like a sheep’s fleece) decorated with a tiny,
frivolous headdress called pompon (a few flowers, a scrap of lace, a glittering
tremblant jewelled ornament which shivered as the wearer moved) to the
dress itself, usually a sacque or a robe à la française with floating back drapery,
and trimmed with ribbons and flowers in serpentine curves. With the aid of
small hoops or hip pads, the silhouette formed a graceful pyramid.81
Thus, the qualities of the rococo movement can be summarized more or less as
‘feminine’, artificial and elegant, all of which correspond well with Momoko’s
understanding of rococo aesthetics. Unquestionably, however, the rococo is far
more complex than that, for not only the aristocrats in eighteenth-century France
enjoyed the blessing of the rococo movement. Although the movement was
most strongly identified with the court (particularly with the mistresses of Louis
XV, Madame de Pompadour and Madame Du Barry, to be followed in the next
reign by the iconic Marie Antoinette), Steele has demonstrated that the influences
and presence of urban society were also notable in the rococo movement.82
Indeed, according to historian Stephen Jones, ‘not only the aristocracy, but the
prosperity of the upper middle classes also made them ideal patrons of the arts’
during this period.83 Moreover, Madame de Pompadour, a paragon of the rococo
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sensibilities, was a self-made aristocrat and patron of the arts, and both her
tastes and life trajectory signified the subversion of hierarchal distinctions in class
and gender.84
How did the rococo dresses differ from the dresses of peasant women?
Social and cultural historian Daniel Roche’s study of popular dress in eighteenthcentury Paris gives a picture of what the labouring-class or peasant women in
1770 would have worn. According to him, women in this class were dressed in
a fairly uniform way; many of them:
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wore petticoats (or skirts, for the distinction between jupon and jupe is not
always clear) loose smock and shirt; a corset indicated the superior ways of
servants, girls working in the world of fashion, or the wives of good artisants.
There were camisoles, some slightly superior low-cut dresses, a few mantlets,
not many cloaks, but they all wore stockings, a good number of checked
aprons, and the pairs of pockets essential to good housewives.85
Momoko’s idea of France of the rococo period as an opulently romantic,
aristocratic aesthetic therefore comes only from the limited and idealized space
of the aristocracy of the period. Further, superficiality at least, it seems that
Momoko’s own version of rococo aesthetics both enhances and reinforces the
assumed correlation between women’s ornate dress and their imposed
subservience.
What is significant about Shimotsuma Monogatari is, however, that Momoko’s
dress does not operate to render her submissive or the object of the male gaze.
I argue that three main factors contribute to this significance: the independence
in the characterization of the heroine, the almost absence of romance in the
narrative and the subsequent lack of objectifying male gaze, and Momoko’s
abilities to travel between both established ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ activities
effortlessly without undergoing any sartorial metamorphosis. I examine these
factors below, beginning with the independent personality of Momoko. As we
have seen, one of the points that assigns a negative attribute to elaborate
‘feminine’ fashion is that such a fashion signifies female restriction. Yet despite
Lolita fashion’s signified impracticability and demure girlishness, Momoko’s
activities are neither fully restricted nor impeded. On the contrary, she
demonstrates a considerably independent personality.
Frills for independence
As the director Tetsuya Nakashima himself comments, Momoko has achieved a
status of ‘independence’.86 As described by Ichigo, ‘Momoko always stands up
for herself. She follows only her own rules.’ According to this proclamation, her
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124
JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
sense of independence is well observed in the school lunch sequence, where we
see Momoko having her lunch alone in the classroom. First and foremost,
Momoko is visually distinct from her peers. In the medium-close shot, she faces
the window, whereas her classmates are having their lunch in groups, portrayed
in the long shot behind Momoko. Her blondish ringlets, delicate make-up and
even her pink heart-shaped lunchbox filled with colourful sweets mark her
‘difference’ from the uniformly black-haired, simple-looking and thus more
conservative classmates. Since Momoko is presented in contrast to her
classmates, the film’s intention is clearly to affirm her alienation. This also
positively highlights her independent mentality, as she is able to stand alone if
necessary, in order to live by her own values and judgements.
Momoko’s sense of independence and individuality does not originate from
her actual rejection of conformity, but predominantly from her aesthetic principles.
When Ichigo attempts to persuade Momoko to join her bikie gang, Momoko,
refusing decidedly, states, ‘I won’t be a yankee, ride a bike, get in a fight or be in
a group, and I won’t be shedding this [Lolita] dress’ because ‘it [the yankee] just
looks tasteless’. This implies that her activities, including her sense of individuality
and independence, are largely predicated on her own aesthetic principles.
Momoko’s independence is, however, not as flawless as it appears. Towards
the climax of the film, she reveals her weakness and vulnerability, seeking
encouragement from others (notably Ichigo) rather than handling her anxieties by
herself. As director Nakashima notes, she might immerse herself in Lolita style
and strictly follow her romanticized rococo principles in order to avoid being hurt
by interacting with other individuals.87 In this interpretation, Momoko’s adherence
to the fashion style, and hence her ‘conformity’ to a (minority) fashion trend,
symbolizes both her independence and her vulnerability. This intricacy manifested
through the character of Momoko gainsays the one-dimensional image of
dependent women who are opulent trophies of their male breadwinners while
pointing to the ‘power’ such decorative girlish fashion holds. Her independent
status is further highlighted by the almost entire absence of romantic narrative in
the film. This is significant because the lack of romantic narrative alludes to the
conclusion that Momoko’s immaculately crafted ‘look’ does not operate primarily
for the male gaze.
Valiant be the sweet maidens: girls
propelling the narrative
Shimotsuma Monogatari challenges a common conception that romance is an
essential aspect of culture concerning adolescent girls, let alone film.88 Romantic
heterosexual elements in Shimotsuma are, in contrast, largely absent. The only
romantic element that involves the two protagonists is the episode of Ichigo’s
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RIBBONS AND LACE
125
first love.89 The comical visual elements of Ryū ji (Sadao Abe), Ichigo’s romantic
interest, prevent him from being perceived as an attractive male character in a
traditional sense by the audience. Those elements instead trivialize the romantic
aspect in the film, with the exception of the sequence where Ichigo cries after
learning that he is in fact the fiancé of Akimi (played by Eiko Koike), the respected
leader of Ichigo’s bikie gang. This sequence in turn highlights the bond between
Momoko and Ichigo. From this moment, Momoko begins to understand and
respect Ichigo as an individual who strictly follows her own principles, such as
‘girls shouldn’t cry in front of anybody’.
Like Ridley Scott’s renowned film Thelma and Louise (1991), the activities of
the two protagonists are predicated almost entirely on their mutual friendship
and personal desires in Shimotsuma. This seemingly endorses the idea that at
any age, people in Japan tend to find emotional stability in a range of more
‘permanent’ relationships than sexual relationships, such as friendships and
group memberships, than Americans are believed to do.90 In contrast to the
portrayal of Ryū ji, Ichigo frequently engages her status as a ‘romantic hero’.
Although neither intelligent nor clever, Ichigo is portrayed as violent, rough,
ardent, straightforward, masculine and loyal. Her habits of spitting and head
butting are unquestionably associated with men and conventional ‘masculinity’.
Ichigo also comes to Momoko’s rescue when she is in trouble, first when she
faints with bliss after meeting her ‘god’ Isobe (Yoshinori Okada), and more
significantly, when Momoko is troubled by Isobe’s request to stitch a rose pattern
on his latest product sample.
The film’s celebration of female camaraderie might carry different connotations
for certain groups of lesbian, heterosexual female or heterosexual male audiences.
Although such a reading is not completely absent, an analysis of the film as a
lesbian romance does not seem to be mainstream. I believe this is predicated
largely on the film’s rather unsentimental portrayal of the female friendship,
combined with its avoidance of (Momoko’s) misandrist attitudes, which are
present in the original novel, and the integrated nature of ‘female friendship’ in
Japanese popular culture. It may be argued that the relative absence of
heterosexual romance in Shimotsuma, just like the Japanese music videos
analysed in Chapter 4, exonerates the two protagonists from obvious eroticization.
Momoko and Ichigo are the ones who are in charge of controlling and
propelling the narrative, and they are the ones with whom the audience is most
likely to identify. Applying Laura Mulvey’s famous theory of the gaze, this enables
the (female) audience to engage with Momoko and Ichigo in the ego-libido way
– taking pleasures by empathizing with the protagonists in the film. In addition,
since the two protagonists are young women, the female audience is not likely to
be required to be involved in the process of ‘masculinization’ in order to derive
pleasures from empathizing with the protagonists. According to this reading,
Shimotsuma Monogatari refuses to allow Momoko and Ichigo to become objects
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126
JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
of the camera’s traditionally male gaze. In contrast to Simone de Beauvoir’s
contention that women’s preoccupation with fashion and appearance symbolized
their enslavement by the objectifying male gaze, Momoko is moreover portrayed
as not preoccupied with attracting the gaze of men.91
Importantly, Momoko’s Lolita fashion itself may be operating against
eroticization. This is because ornaments such as frills and ribbons can
simultaneously emphasize girlishness and draw attention away from the body of
the wearer by concealing its shape.92 This idea that ornate feminine dress
diminishes eroticism is also applicable to films. As film studies scholar Stella
Bruzzi argues of Jean Paul Gaultier’s costumes in Pedro Almodóvar’s Kika
(1993), elaborate feminine fashion in cinema can ‘diminish’ heterosexual allure
and sexual desirability of the wearer. This is because ‘the more sensational
clothes become, the less they signify the beauty and desirability of. . . the female
characters who wear them. This contravenes directly the traditional interpretation
of adornment as something which accentuates and complements the feminine’.93
According to this logic, clothes in the film, let alone Momoko’s highly ornate
dresses, are not ‘dictated by the fundamental desires of the opposite sex’ as
dress historian James Laver contended in his famous principles of Hierarch and
Seduction (1950).94
It is, however, also possible to read Lolita dresses in a different, almost opposite
way. Clothes can sexualize the body of the wearer, for instance, not only by
revealing but also by hiding the body, and hence adding a sense of mystery.95
Although contemporary Japanese culture locates sexuality in the body, nudity has
not been important in the history of Japanese aesthetics. Traditionally, the nape
(unaji) was an anatomical part of woman’s body that exuded sensuality to the
highest degree.96 The kimono silhouette focused attention on the neck by
wrapping the body and making a flat, straight look while de-emphasizing other
body parts such as the breasts, waist and limbs.97 In this sense, putting intricate
layers between the gaze and the object hardly draws attention ‘away’ from the
object, because if that object is understood as ‘hidden’, it might merely serve as
a promise, or titillation. Considering these cultural complexities, I believe it is safe
to contend that the ornate, girlish fashion in Shimotsuma is not a device to
intentionally or primarily render the wearer an exclusive object of the objectifying
gaze, although some viewers might find the fashion, or more precisely the image
of Fukada in Lolita dress, to be erotically charged.
The romantic chemistry between the two female protagonists in this film, with
Ichigo’s apparent assumption of the ‘masculine’ role, displays a distinct influence
of Japanese shoˉ jo novels, which can be traced back to the early 1900s. It is
worthwhile to observe this tradition in the present setting. This is because the
film’s modern take of this tradition sometimes inverts, and even subverts,
assumed gender roles, and makes the film’s depiction of youthful femininity even
more complex.
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A romantic camaraderie of girls
The romantic friendship between girls is an ongoing theme in Japanese girls’
culture. Such relationships have been most obviously associated with shōjo
literature in the early 1900s, with the author Nobuko Yoshiya (1896–1973) the
main exponent of the genre, but they continue to be part of Japanese shōjo
manga culture even today. These romantic relationships often involve two girls
– one of them being tall, active, independent and handsome, while the other is
petite, girlish, sweet and innocent.98 To some extent, these girls represent
idealized images of ideological ‘masculinity’ and ‘femininity’. Until the 1990s,
such relationships were depicted as short-lived, for these girls were soon
integrated into heterosexual romance or, if the story ended tragically, the former
girl died for the latter girl.99
Unlike the original novel, the friendship between the two protagonists in the
film version of Shimotsuma is not as romantic and sensual as the one found in
the novels of Yoshiya. It is, however, clear that the two protagonists exhibit
notable aspects of the convention of ‘masculine-feminine’ girls. Visually, Momoko
assumes the role of the ‘feminine’ girl in the tradition of romantic relationships
between girls. She is portrayed as highly girlish with demure demeanour. Most of
the time she is dressed entirely in Lolita fashion, which is a signifier of hyperbolic
girlish femininity. This fashion matches her use of polite language in a softly
spoken voice. The casting of Fukada, whose public image is often described as
gentle and quiet, further enforces this image. In contrast, Ichigo, played by
popular fashion model Anna Tsuchiya, is characterized by her (relatively) tall build
with manly attitudes and frequent use of rough, masculine language, spoken in
a deep, husky voice. All of these qualities signify her status as the ‘masculine’ girl
in the tradition of girl-girl romantic friendship. What makes this film unique,
however, is its play on this tradition, as the two protagonists’ ‘gender’ roles are
frequently switched.
Performing masculin féminin
It is significant that the film’s two protagonists sometimes assert themselves
through (reaffirming) traditionally feminine qualities and values, which are
presented as positive and powerful (such as caring, girlish fashion and
embroidery), while they also engage in activities traditionally associated with men
(fist-fighting, spitting, reckless driving and gambling). In other words, Momoko
and Ichigo assume conventionally ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’, active and passive
roles alternately.100 This is particularly notable in the bonding scenes between the
two girls, which are recurrent in Shimotsuma. In these sequences, the concept
of bonding is nearly always interlaced with (traditionally) ‘female’ qualities. The
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JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
concept of ‘bonding’ warrants special notice here: is it only a ‘masculine’
attribute?
Although female friendship and bonding, let alone bonding between men and
women, are common in reality, female bonding is, unlike male bonding, still rarely
depicted in mainstream Hollywood films, with the notable exception of Thelma
and Louise.101 This is because rather than showing female friendships,
‘traditionally, films portray women mainly in terms of their relationship to men’.102
Furthermore, most mainstream films that show female friendship are ‘sentimental’
films where women’s friendship is depicted largely as a means of integrating
them into society.103 It must be noted that depictions of female friendship and
bonding, particularly in relation to young women, are more common in
contemporary Japanese cinema than they are in Hollywood.104 Furthermore, as
the commentary of the director suggests, the bond between Momoko and Ichigo
in Shimotsuma is significantly less ‘sentimental’ than more stereotypical,
sentimental girl friendships.105 For this reason, Momoko and Ichigo’s bonding
likely has a ‘masculine’ tone even in Japanese culture.
The most significant of these ‘masculine/feminine’ juxtapositions is found in
the climax sequence. We see Momoko clad in a simple, puff-sleeved, lacetrimmed white pinafore dress with decorative ribbon lacing on the bodice,
wearing a white headdress, frilled high socks and a pair of white platform shoes
similar to Vivienne Westwood’s Rockin’ Horse boots. As seen in Figure 5.4, she
is driving her grandmother’s scooter fast. Her mission is to rescue Ichigo, who is
facing the danger of severe punishment by her fellow bikie members for not fully
conforming to the gang’s rules.
After seeing her, Ichigo valiantly confronts and fights the bikie members, who
are uniformly clad in tokkōfaku, and is then seriously bashed by them. Momoko
just stands there in utter amazement when Ichigo’s blood splashes onto her and
her white, frilly Lolita dress. She screams in a rather girlish fashion with her hands
on her ears and cheeks. ‘Shut up!’ One of the bikie gangs throws Momoko into
a large puddle. ‘Momoko!’ Ichigo shouts. Momoko, her entire body plastered
with muddy water, rises with a sharp glare in a medium-close shot. Followed by
a brief medium-long shot, the film offers a very close-up shot of Momoko’s face,
initially with her eyes lowered, then looking up and staring straight, displaying a
furious mien. Against the exuberant elegance of Strauss’s The Blue Danube and
her softly spoken narration, which repeats, ‘Ideally, I would have been born in
France in the rococo period’, Momoko reveals her aggression. She confronts the
gang alone, first in a violent act by flourishing a metal baseball bat, then by using
lies and manipulations, and eventually she saves Ichigo. Significantly, one scene
after the fight sequence, we see Momoko return to her normal, girlish self. This
highlights her smooth transformation from ‘girlish’ to ‘masculine’, and back to
‘girlish’. The film ends with a close-up of the two girls smiling girlishly, with their
faces covered with bruises, blood and mud – another juxtaposition of ‘masculine’
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RIBBONS AND LACE
129
Figure 5.4 Clad in a white Lolita dress, Momoko drives a scooter with a serious mien.
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From Shimotsuma Monogatari (2004), directed by Tetsuya Nakashima, produced by Yuji Ishida,
Takashi Hirano and Satoru Ogura. Toho Co., Ltd, Japan.
and ‘feminine’ qualities, while their physical closeness might signify their
emotional closeness.
What draws my attention here is that Momoko’s transformation from ‘girlish’
to ‘masculine’ and back to ‘girlish’ in the fistfight scene involves no sartorial
metamorphosis. The significance of sartorial transformation is accentuated in the
convention of American superhero genre, from Superman and Spiderman to the
film The Matrix (1999).106 This seemingly affirms the tradition of comic-book
superheroes, for whom costume operates as ‘a conductor for channelling
powers’,107 and ‘in which changing “into costume” functions as a “sign of inner
change” from wimp to superhero’.108 According to cultural historian Friedrich
Weltzien, changing dress as a presentation of masculinity has traditionally been
depicted within the context of fighting in this genre.109 Manliness is therefore
‘defined by the virtues of the warrior, at the same time tested and confirmed by
violence’.110 Following this logic, I deduce that Momoko’s transformation in this
sequence without any significant sartorial change apart from the stains of her
dress with mud, water and blood elucidates her inner changelessness. This
means that both ‘girlish’ and ‘masculine’ attributes are present in the character
of Momoko.
If we recall what Butler has said about gender performativity, neither
‘masculinity’ nor ‘femininity’ is fixedly inscribed on one’s body:
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130
JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
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If the inner truth of gender is a fabrication and if a true gender is a fantasy
instituted and inscribed on the surface of bodies, then it seems that genders
can be neither true nor false, but are only produced as the truth effects of a
discourse of primary and stable identity.111
Shimotsuma Monogatari and its portrayal of Momoko endorses Butler’s theory
in a less radical but perhaps more effective fashion. The absence of sartorial
metamorphosis in Shimotsuma offers an alternative to the idea that ‘gender’ is
defined and redefined through clothes, while Momoko’s smooth crossing
between the borders of the two gender categories substantiates the idea of the
‘gender’ boundary as both precarious and undefined.
Equally significant is Shimotsuma’s portrayal of a teenage girl dressed in a
highly girlish fashion engaging in the conventionally ‘masculine’ activity of
aggression.112 This significance is further emphasised by such recent American
films as Tim Burton’s Alice in Wonderland (2010) and James Mangold’s Knight
and Day (2010). The principal female characters in these films, played by Mia
Wasikowska and Cameron Diaz respectively, wear dresses with bell-shaped,
more than calf-length skirts at times in the films. When they are seriously engaged
with fighting, however, they undergo sartorial transformation either into a
‘masculine’ armour (in Alice) or a black, stylish trouser suit (in Knight). The implicit
message that we might encode here is that despite the rather ‘unrealistic’
settings of these films, certain activities such as engaging in a fight while wearing
highly ‘feminine’ or ‘girlish’ attires are next to unthinkable. This is particularly
notable in Alice in the sequence where Alice, like the legendary Joan of Arc,
wears a medieval or Renaissance-style armour in order to fight the dragon-like
Jabberwocky. The medieval/Renaissance-style armour is integrated into the
costume of American superheroes, which ‘is reminiscent of imperial Roman
armour but with apparent Renaissance influences’.113 Thus, as Weltzien has
argued, it can be a signifier of heroic masculinity. This raises the question: if a film
is set in the world of nonsense where the heroine can shrink and grow tall or
animals and other creatures can speak a human language, why can the heroine
not defeat a monstrous creature while wearing the gauzy, blue or red dresses
with flounces that she had on earlier in the film?
The equation of power, activity and authority with the concept of ‘masculine’,
and inactivity with the concept of ‘feminine’ is arguably in operation here. In
reality, heavy Renaissance armour could be more physically impeding than a
filmy dress, but the discomfort associated with men’s clothes has conveniently
been overlooked.114 Hence, these examples from American cinema uphold the
validity of Allison’s contention that in American popular culture, female heroes
tend to dress and act in a ‘masculine’ fashion. On the contrary, as several authors
have pointed out, even if with certain limitations, girlish/feminine appearances
and traditionally ‘masculine’ attributes such as fighting are more compatible in
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RIBBONS AND LACE
131
Japanese popular culture. With a young woman in a white gauzy dress
who valiantly fights in order to save her friend, Shimotsuma is a vivid endorsement
of this point.
It is simplistic to assume that these are only fictions, thus not mirroring reality
in any ways. Crane and Bulman assert that the constructed ideals, biases or
distortions demonstrated in cinema can themselves be part of the society/culture
which first produced them.115 ‘Although the fantasy world of the cinema is
obviously separate from the actual conditions of everyday life’, writes sociologist
Joanne Finkelstein:
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the intermingling of fashions with aesthetic injunctions about femininity and
masculinity suggests that such images function mimetically. . . The close
correspondence between women’s fashions and cinematic depictions of
femininity illustrates how the imagined and the imitated flow into one
another.116
As these ideas affirm, the comparison between the American films and
Shimotsuma Monogatari illustrate transcultural differences in conceiving the
relationship between ‘feminine’ clothing forms and strong activity. Further
affirmation of this point can be found in the fact that Shimotsuma Monogatari is
not a single example of this kind in Japanese popular culture.
Kozueko Morimoto’s manga series Deka One-ko (Detective One-ko or
Wan-ko, 2008 to the present) is a new addition to this plethora of ‘girlish’ heroines
dwelling in conventionally ‘masculine’ genres in Japanese popular culture. It
centres around a newly recruited young female detective, Ichiko Hanamori,
who is blessed with olfaction as acute as a police dog, a genetic inheritance
from her father that enables her to solve crime cases.117 She is dressed in a
frilly dress all the time, which is stylistically not dissimilar to Lolita fashion.
An earlier TV drama series Fugō Keiji (Multi-millionaire Detective, 2005–6), in
which a young granddaughter of a multi-millionaire joins the police force, might
have inspired the comic book series. The heroine Miwako, also played by
Fukada, is dressed in a less frilly but equally opulent, ‘feminine’ fashion.118
Although the author Morimoto has never described the heroine’s style as Lolita,
and perhaps it is not the genuine Lolita style in the strict sense, Ichiko’s style is
often named as Lolita.119 When the story was adapted for the small screen in
2011, such renowned Lolita brands as Putumayo (est. 1987, punk-Lolita) and
Angelic Pretty (est. 1979, sweet-Lolita) offered their clothes, further circulating
the conception that this is the story of a female detective clad in Lolita-like
fashion.120 Like Shimotsuma, Deka One-ko further reinforces the idea that in
Japanese popular culture, a young woman does not necessarily have to leave
her opulent, highly ‘girlish’ clothes at home in order to engage in traditionally
‘masculine’ activities.
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JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
The manifestation of conventionally ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ attributes
through the character of Momoko in Shimotsuma poses another question: does
the characterization of Momoko, for whom the Lolita fashion is a fundamental
component, delineate a sense of ‘androgyny’? Lolita fashion, perhaps with the
exception of the ‘count (oˉ ji)’ style, accentuates ‘hyper-girlish femininity’. Lolita
fashion can moreover be understood as ‘exclusively a culture for girls – boys are
not allowed’.121 All of this implies that Momoko could not be understood in terms
of ‘androgyny’. In the social-psychological definition of ‘androgyny’, however, the
answer can be affirmative.
Refashioning the ‘androgynous’ look
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Social-psychological analysis implies a possibility that the concept of ‘androgyny’
might be manifested through women with fairly ‘feminine’ appearances or men
with comparatively ‘masculine’ appearances. By making distinctions from
biological hermaphrodites, such an analysis conceptualizes androgyny as a
psychological state. It refers ‘to a specific way of joining the “masculine” and
“feminine” aspects of a single human being’.122 And this unison takes place
largely in an idealistic way. For instance, Jungian analyst June Singer argued
that:
Men and women function in certain ways; each has masculine and feminine
functioning capacities. In the process of living, these qualities, which for want
of a better name we call ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine,’ are also convertible. The
difference is that the conversions may proceed in a single direction as with our
plane, or the conversions may move backwards and forwards, oscillating so
swiftly that it is impossible to discern when ‘masculine’ functioning is in the
superior position, and when ‘feminine’.123
This is significant since ‘[t]he inner sexual duality has nearly always been taken
for granted’.124 Bem, who is noted for her influential work on androgyny, defines
‘androgynous’ individuals as possessing both stereotypically ‘masculine’ and
‘feminine’ qualities, unlike strongly sex-typed individuals.125 Her research
indicates that ‘androgynous’ individuals are able to ‘engage freely in both
masculine and feminine behaviours’ and thus ‘come to define a new and more
human standard of psychological health’.126 Such analysis of ‘androgyny’ does
not by any means subvert the concept of gender. Rather, ‘androgynous’
individuals psychologically possess and display attributes of both gender
categories without much conflict.
Although these psychological analyses of ‘androgyny’ date from the 1970s,
they are still of considerable relevance for the conception of gender today. Carrie
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RIBBONS AND LACE
133
Paechter, for instance, points out that we are unlikely to diverge from two main
genders, despite the indefinable nature of gender. Each of us knows whether we
are biologically male or female, or otherwise, something different or in between.127
However, as argued by Bem and Singer, many individuals possess both
conventionally ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ qualities. Thus it is important to treat
masculinities and femininities ‘only as aspects of identity, and . . . not insist that
[identity] depends on them entirely, with one’s sense of oneself as male or female
as somehow secondary’.128
In simplest terms, ‘androgyny’ describes a psychological state that is not
strongly or dominantly assigned to one category of gender. Bem also notes that
‘[d]efined as gender inappropriate for females, for instance, is the desire for
autonomy and power; defined as gender inappropriate for males are feelings of
vulnerability, dependency, and affection for same-sex others’.129 I have
demonstrated that all the qualities Bem noted are unified in the characters
of Momoko and Ichigo. The emphasis of this ‘androgynous’ representation
is highlighted by an established idea of androgynous appearance. When it is
applied to describe clothing styles or the ‘look’, ‘androgynous’ appearance is,
first and foremost, based on male clothes.130 While the term androgyny means
the combination of ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ traits (andr- from the word meaning
man and gyné meaning woman in Greek), in modern times, the ‘androgynous’
look often means both men and women dressing in men’s clothes. ‘Female
androgyny’ as an aesthetically pleasing look, Hollander argues, may not aim to
render women as looking fully ‘masculine’, but its appeal lies in women’s
assumption of a kind of beauty associated with the sexual uncertainty of the
adolescent boy.131 This means that the look of an adolescent boy is perceived as
connoting sexual ambiguity, while that of an adolescent girl is not. In other words,
the clothes that visibly connote ‘girlishness’ are highly gendered, and are not
considered ‘androgynous’. Shimotsuma Monogatari, on the other hand,
endorses the ideas that despite the fixity in our biological gender, all of us have
both conventionally ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ attributes. Hence, young women
can display a sense of ‘androgyny’ while being fully clad in a highly ornate girlish
fashion, without voluntarily embracing unwanted passivity or eroticization.
The film’s portrayal of an adolescent girl in full activity, dressed in highly
ornamental dresses, suggests that exquisitely frilled mini-dresses, platform
shoes or a lace, white headdress are by no means less facilitative of movement,
less worthy, less essential than more ‘masculine’ kinds of garments as preferred
by functionalist ideas. This inverts utilitarian considerations where ‘beauty
became equated with or reduced to utility, the two being indistinguishable’.132
Like the Victorian women in Steele’s study, most women who wear Lolita style,
both in film and in real life, do so by their own choice, for their own pleasures.133
Shimotsuma Monogatari and its portrayal of Lolita fashion thus subverts the idea
that women’s fashion has a primary role to serve and please men’s erotic
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JAPANESE FASHION CULTURES
pleasures. This in turn repudiates the preconceived equation of decorative girlish
dresses with derogatory female passivity. It is fair to say that the film sheds
positive light upon our understanding of the disparaged feminine clothing style.
Conclusion
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Far from recreating the established idea that links female sartorial ornamentation
with subservience and repression, Shimotsuma Monogatari offers a portrayal of
an adolescent girl who is glittering with lace and flounces while also being active
and autonomous. In this film, dress not only functions as a visual embellishment
of the narrative, but also represents the identity of the wearer. It is, then, significant
that unlike the tradition of the American comic book superhero or girl films, the
heroines display both ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ gender attributes without
undergoing any sartorial transformation. Girlish and ornamental dresses, in this
sense, do not have to be devoid of significance, essentiality or substance. The
emphasis of this film is particularly highlighted by the notion that films and dress
can both reflect and shape the culture that creates them. In conclusion, my
analysis of Shimotsuma Monogatari suggests that the film sheds positive light
upon our understanding of the disparaged ornamental and ‘girlish’ sartorial style.
This film offers us a new way to consider such emphatically girlish fashion styles
with the extravagant opulence of ornamentation, and the aesthetic pleasures
they manifest.
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