Early Modern Diasporas. A European History

Social Text, 2009

Work theorizing the African diaspora has sought to identify its defining characteristics, map out lines of continuity between its geographic segments, and outline methodological approaches to studying the dispersion of African descended populations. This work has resulted in studies of cultural exchange, migration, the social structure of various Afro-diasporic communities, as well as political activism within those communities. 1 Recent scholarship, however, has devoted greater analytical attention to the question of difference -how diasporas emerge through "relations of difference," thus opening up the necessary space for thinking about difference as a central feature of diaspora rather than a problem one must solve. 2 Difference draws attention to how diaspora, as a social formation, is simultaneously framed by relationships of domination and is itself a structured hierarchy. Thus, the claim by Kachig Tölölyan that the African diaspora is exceptional precisely because of the history of racialization in this particular formation suggests the need for more work on racial difference in diaspora. What stands out most about the African diaspora is not merely that the process of racialization was central to and concomitant with dispersion, but that dispersion involved multiple racial formations that rendered large segments of African-descended populations in places like the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Lusophone Africa, and Europe something other than black. The unique racial formations within which these populations exist complicate thinking about diaspora as a community and call into question the assumption of a correspondence between African diaspora and blackness. Indeed, work on the dissimilarities between the blackness of Africans, African Caribbeans, and

»Sicher in Kreuzberg«, 2001

Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 1997

Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews in America, 2015

Ethnic tensions among Jews are a transnational, diachronic phenomenon, amply documented by Jews as well as by outside observers. Tradition prescribes Jews to rescue other Jews from affliction, underscored by the halakhic concept of pidyon shvu'im (redemption of captives) and the talmudic dictum kol Israel arevim ze baZe, which teaches that every Jew is responsible for the other.[1] Yet, when the factor of physical remoteness between two communities was eliminated, these timehonored values frequently dissipated. As one eminent historian quipped, "ahavat Israel is inversely proportionate to distance." [2] Scholars of the American Jewish experience have discussed such conflicts at length and have usually understood them as one defining feature of a particular historiographical period. During the so-called Sephardi era of American Jewish immigration (1654?1840), we are told, Sephardim lorded it over their Germanic coreligionists, sometimes refusing to marry them, while beginning in the 1880s Germanic Jews gave their Eastern European brethren the cold shoulder, labeling them "wild Russians" and "uncouth Asiatics," until all groups seamlessly mingled following restrictive quotas of the 1920s that largely barred further Jewish immigration.[3] But historians have not yet examined in comparative context ethnic tensions among the world's Jewish communities, nor are they accustomed to applying sociological, psychological, or anthropological tools to deepen our understanding of these conflicts. This article, inspired by social scientific approaches, reveals two distinct clashes among Jewish ethnic groups that appear consistent across space and time: "ranked stratification," where issues of superiority and inferiority inform the discourse, and "co-ethnic recognition failure," where ethnic belonging is denied. Both historians and sociologists recognize that ethnic belonging is constantly negotiated and that a group's self-ascribed definitions are contextual and transform through time. Particularly in the case of Jews, whose variegated ethnic and religious identities overlap and are exceedingly complex, an explanation of terminology is imperative. Our frame of reference begins in the late seventeenth century with two groups conventionally known as "Sephardim" and "Ashkenazim." In recent centuries, Ashkenazim have been understood to comprise two subgroups, both of whom ultimately trace their roots back to "Ashkenaz," the medieval Hebrew word for "Germany": Jews of Central European or Germanic origin, who spoke German or a western form of Yiddish, and Eastern European Jews, who typically spoke Yiddish or Slavic languages. Sephardim-from the medieval Hebrew word for "Spain"-are also divided into two subcategories, both of them of remote Iberian origin: Western Sephardim, who after their exile from the Peninsula settled in various lands in the West, including the Americas, and spoke Portuguese and Spanish; and Eastern Sephardim, Jews who settled in the Ottoman Empire (Turkey and the Balkans) and mainly spoke Ladino, a Jewish language that fused early modern Castilian with Turkish, Greek, Arabic, Aramaic, and French, and developed in the East after the exile from Iberia. A third group, much larger than both of these two

Diasporic Agencies: Mapping the City Otherwise, 2016

Susan Arndt. “Europe, Race and Diaspora.” Sabrina Brancato, ed.: Afroeurope@n Configurations: Readings and Projects. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing: 30-57., 2011

This article discusses notions of 'race' in a diachronic perspective. In doing so, it covers genealogically various spacetimes in European (or, to be more precise, Greek, German and English) history. Thus framed, race in general and whiteness in particular are read as a colonial myth, social position and critical category of analysis. To conclude, I elaborate on the concept of the 'racial turn', as suggested by Shankar Raman and adopted by me. Susan Arndt. “Europe, Race and Diaspora.” Sabrina Brancato, ed.: Afroeurope@n Configurations: Readings and Projects. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing: 30-57.

2004

Immigration is becoming an increasingly important reality of the major cities within the territory of national minorities: Barcelona (Catalonia), Bilbao (Basque Country), Glasgow (Scotland), Brussels (Flanders), Geneva (French- speaking Switzerland), Bolzano/Bozen (South Tyrol), and Montreal (Quebec). Some of these cities have attracted immigrants for decades, while others are only recently seeing significant numbers of immigrants. Generally, claims of migrants and historical minorities have been perceived as challenges to the traditional model of homogeneous 'nation- states' and thus often seen as allies. In fact, they both groups seek to increase the opportunities for the individuals to express their identities and diversities, and so share a commitment to principles of pluralism and the recognition of difference. In reality, the relation between the two groups is more complicated and, historically, it has been marked by tension. Large-scale immigration has indeed typicall...

This thesis examines the settlement of Gujaratis in Harrow, London, and the evolution of Gujarati organisations during the 1970s and the 1980s, Most Harrow Asians settled in the Borough after 1972, following their expulsion from Uganda. The Asian community, therefore, is predominantly East African and the majority of Asians originate from the Indian state of Gujarat. Gujaratis were not welcomed in Harrow, yet the Borough could not prevent Asian immigrants from settling in this part of London. The proximity of Harrow to large Asian settlements in north London made it attractive to the more established immigrants. The first years of settlement were mainly dedicated to building a firm economic base, and Gujaratis established, during the 1970s, various associations that complemented their economic activity during the 1970s. Some associations were founded on traditional lines. These were mainly caste and religious associations, which were also the most resourceful in financial and human terms. The affiliation of Gujaratis to different caste associations created serious rivalries with the consequence that the Gujarati community in Britain has remained divided. In Harrow, rivalries have emerged within the Asian community as a result of a growing competition for scarce resources. During the 1980s, Harrow Council declared itself an equal opportunities employer and, by this act, has raised the expectations of Asians that the Borough would be more responsive to their needs. Several pressure groups have 11 emerged, and Gujaratis played a major role in exerting pressure on the Council. Though some Gujarati activists were equally active in traditional associations, the intensification of the relationships with the Council assisted in the emergence of a new type of leadership, comprised Gujaratis who identified themselves as black and who adopted the ideological framework of institutional racism • Although the thesis is about the settlement in Harrow of this community, the original interest of the researcher was focused on the food habits of this population as a method of measuring acculturation. Fieldwork on this subject was conducted both in Harrow and India. The thesis ends, therefore, with a description of the Gujarati diet both in Britain and India, with an analysis of the significance of the changes that have taken place in this area.